n  Brown 
Soldier  of  Fortune 

A  Critique 


LL  PEEBLES  WILSON 


John  Brown 
Soldier  of  Fortune 

A  Critique 


JOHN  BROWN 
SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE 

A  Critique 


BY 


HILL   PEEBLES  WILSON 


Mr.  Vallandigham :   Mr.  Brown,  who  sent  you  here? 
John  Brown:    No  man  sent  me  here;  it  was  my  own  prompting 
and  that  of  my  Maker,  or  that  of  the  Devil,  whichever  you  please 
to  ascribe  it  to.    I  acknowledge  no  master  in  human  form. 

Post,  313 


THE   CORNHILL   COMPANY 
BOSTON 


w 

-»  / 

-?  ' 


Copyright,  1913 
HILL  PEEBLES  WILSON 


Copyright,  1918 
THE  CORNHILL  COMPANY 


TO    THE    MEMORY   OF 

MRS.    SARA  T.   D.   ROBINSON 

OF  KANSAS 


-t 

:  JL 


PREFACE 

THE  writer  of  this  book  is  not  an  iconoclast,  neither  has  he 
prejudged  John  Brown.  In  1859  the  character  was  impressed 
upon  his  attention  in  a  personal  way.  An  older  brother,  Joseph 
E.  Wilson,  was  a  member  of  the  company  of  marines  that 
made  the  assault  on  the  engine-house  at  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the 
morning  of  October  18th;  and  from  him  he  heard  the  story  of 
the  fight,  and  about  Brown. 

In  1889  the  Topeka  (Kansas)  Daily  Capital  took  a  poll  of 
the  members  of  the  Kansas  Legislature  on  the  question :  "Who 
was  the  most  distinguished  Kansan?"  or  something  to  that 
effect.  At  that  time  the  writer  held  the  opinion  that  the  public 
services  rendered  by  John  Brown  in  Kansas  Territory,  were  of 
paramount  importance  in  the  settlement  of  the  Free-State  con 
tention  ;  and  since  the  course  which  the  nation  was  at  that  time 
pursuing  had  been  arrested  by  the  result  of  that  contention,  and 
diverted  into  the  path  which  led  to  the  marvelous  achievements 
of  the  succeeding  years;  he,  therefore,  over  his  signature  cast 
his  vote  in  favor  of  John  Brown ;  saying,  among  other  things,  in 
his  little  panegyric,  that  Brown  is  the  only  Kansan  whose  fame 
was  immortal. 

In  1898  he  reformed  his  opinions  concerning  Brown's  char 
acter  and  conduct,  and  the  importance  of  his  public  services  in 
Kansas.  The  change  came  about  through  an  effort  on  his  part 
to  write  a  sketch  of  his  life  for  a  work  entitled  "Eminent  M.en 
of  Kansas."  In  good  faith,  and  with  much  of  the  confidence 
and  enthusiasm  characteristic  of  Brown's  eulogists,  he  began 
an  investigation  of  the  available  historical  data  relating  to  the 
subject;  when  he  found  to  his  surprise,  and  disgust,  that  the 


10  PREFACE 

history  of  Brown's  career  contained  nothing  to  justify  the  pub 
lic  estimate  of  him. 

Reporting  to  his  associate  that  he  would  not  write  the  sketch, 
lie  said  that  he  "could  find  but  little  in  the  record  of  his  life 
which  gave  him  creditable  distinction,  and  that  he  did  not  wish 
to  write  the  discreditable  things  about  him  which  it  contained." 

Later  he  gathered  up  the  threads  of  Brown's  life  and  has 
woven  them,  conscientiously,  into  the  web  of  history.  The 
story  reveals  little  which  is  creditable  to  Brown  or  worthy  of 
emulation  and  much  that  is  abhorrent.  But  he  indulges  the  hope 
that  he  has  made  it  clear  that  his  conceptions  of  the  character 
have  not  been  inspired  by  "prejudice,"  "blind"  or  otherwise, 
for  he  has  examined  the  records  in  the  case;  an  examination 
which  has  led  him  through  all  the  existing  testimony  concern 
ing  Brown;  except,  that  he  has  not  explored  the  writings 
which  have  been  put  forth  by  those  who  have  sought,  viciously, 
to  attack  Brown's  character.  The  opinions  therefore  which  he 
has  set  forth  are  convictions  resulting  from  serious  investiga 
tion  and  thought. 

In  conclusion,  the  author  takes  great  pleasure  in  acknowledg 
ing  the  deep  sense  of  his  obligation  to  the  late  Mrs.  Sara  T.  D. 
Robinson,  wife  of  Charles  Robinson  of  Kansas,  whose  gen 
erosity,  and  deep  interest  in  the  history  of  our  country,  made 
the  publication  of  this  book  possible. 

Also,  he  desires  to  express  his  gratitude  to  Dr.  William 
Watson  Davis,  of  the  University  of  Kansas,  for  the  cordial 
encouragement  which  he  received  from  him  while  preparing 
the  work,  and  for  his  kindly  assistance  in  molding  the  text 
into  its  present  form.  Also,  to  Dr.  William  Savage  Johnson. 
and  to  Professor  William  Asbury  Whitaker,  Jr.,  both  of  the 
University  of  Kansas,  he  wishes  to  return  his  thanks  for  many 
valuable  suggestions. 
Lawrence,  Kansas,  April  15,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

I     THE  SUBJECT  MATTER        .            .            .  15 

II     THE  MAN      .             .             .  •           .             .  26 

III  KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  NATIONAL 

HISTORY    .  .  .  .  .55 

IV  His  PUBLIC  SERVICES          ...  72 

V  ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  ON  THE  POTTA- 

WATOMIE  .....  95 

VI     BLACK  JACK              .             .             .             .  135 

VII     OSAWATOMIE  .  .  .  .154 

VIII     HYPOCRISY                  .             .             .             .  181 

IX     A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE        ...  223 

X     THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT       .             .  243 

XI     THE  SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY  259 

XII     MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY            .  283 

XIII  THE  FIASCO               ...  296 

XIV  A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  .             .             .  323 
XV     His  GREAT  ADVENTURE        .            .             .  341 

XVI     A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS      .            .            .  364 

XVII     "YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"        ...  395 

APPENDICES 

I     CORRESPONDENCE    WITH    THE    LATE    D.    \V. 

WILDER  CONCERNING  JOHN  BROWN            .  411 
II     RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JOHN  BROWN  AT  HARPER'S 
FERRY   BY   ALEXANDER   BOTELER,    A   VIR 
GINIAN  WHO  WITNESSED  THE  FIGHT            .  414 

III  CONSTITUTION  AND  ORDINANCE  FOR  THE  PEO 

PLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES             .             .  417 

IV  JOHN  BROWN'S  AUTOBIOGRAPHY         .             .  431 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


JOHN  BROWN         ....  Frontispiece 

Steel  engraving  made  from  a  photograph  compared  with  a 
photogravure.  The  photograph  was  taken  about  1859.  Orig 
inal  in  the  Kansas  State  Historical  Society.  The  photo 
gravure  is  from  Mr.  Oswald  Garrison  Villard's  book:  John 
Brown  —  A  Biography  Fifty  Years  After. 

JOHN   BROWN          ....        facing  page  98 

Steel  engraving,  made  as  above.  The  photograph  was 
copied  from  a  daguerreotype  taken  in  1856.  Original  in  the 
Kansas  State  Historical  Society. 


CHAPTER  I     f  r'v 

THE  SUBJECT  MATTER 

Truth,  crushed  to  earth  shall  rise  again; 

-  BRYANT 

THE  object  of  the  writer,  in  publishing  this  book,  is  to  correct 
a  perversion  of  truth,  whereby  John  Brown  has  acquired  fame, 
as  an  altruist  and  a  martyr,  which  should  not  be  attributed  to 
him. 

The  book  is  a  review  of  the  historical  data  that  have  been 
collected  and  published  by  his  principal  biographers :  Mr. 
James  Redpath,  Mr.  Frank  B.  Sanborn  and  Mr.  Oswald  Gar 
rison  Villard.  It  is  also  a  criticism  of  these  writers,  who  have 
sought  to  suppress,  and  have  suppressed,  important  truths  re 
lating  to  the  subject  of  which  they  wrote,  and  who  have  misin 
formed  and  misled  the  public  concerning  the  true  character  of 
this  figure  in  our  national  history;  and  have  established  in  its 
stead  a  fictitious  character,  which  is  wholly  illogical  and  incon 
sistent  with  the  facts  and  circumstances  of  Brown's  life. 

Mr.  Redpath,  his  first  and  most  lurid  biographer,  was  a 
newspaper  correspondent  of  the  type  now  generally  called 
"yellow."  He  was  a  "Disunionist,"  and  seems  to  have  been  a 
malcontent,  who  went  to  Kansas  Territory  to  oppose  the  policy 
which  the  Free-State  men  had  adopted  for  a  safe  and  sane  solu 
tion  of  the  Free-State  problem ;  and  who  sought  to  thwart  their 
efforts  to  create  a  free  state  by  peaceable  means.  He  said  : 2 
I  believed  that  a  civil  war  between  the  North  and  South 

would  ultimate  in  insurrection  and  that  the  Kansas  troubles 

would   probably  create  a  military  conflict  of  the  sections. 

2  Redpath,  Roring  Editor.  300. 


16  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

Hence,  I  left  the  South,  and  went  to  Kansas ;  and  endeavored 
personally,  and  by  my  pen,  to  precipitate  a  revolution. 
/  After  Brown's  spectacular  fiasco  in  Virginia,  and  tragical 
death,  his  cultured  partisans,  in  most  conspicuous  eloquence 
proclaimed  him  to  have  been  a  philanthropist  —  an  altruistic 
here:  and  placed  a  .martyr's  crown  upon  his  brow.  Mr.  Red- 
path's  purpose,  in  putting  forth  his  work,  was  to  make  Brown 
over  to  fit  the  part ;  to  make  his  life  appear  to  conform  with  the 
extravagant  attributes  of  his  improvised  estate.  In  pursu 
ance  thereof  he  sought  to  conceal  the  facts  concerning  the 
actions  and  purposes  of  his  life,  rather  than  to  develop  them; 
and  to  blind  the  trails  leading  to  the  facts  with  masses  of  senti 
mental  rubbish ;  and  to  divert  public  attention  away  from  them. 
Upon  the  publication  of  his  book,  The  Public  Life  of  Captain 
John  Brown,  Mr.  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  in  a  review  of  the  work, 
expressed  his  disapproval  of  it  in  vigorous  langauge.  He  said  :3 

It  would  be  well  had  this  book  never  been  written.  Mr. 
Redpath  has  understood  neither  the  opportunities  opened  to 
him,  nor  the  responsibilities  laid  upon  him,  in  being  per 
mitted  to  write  the  "authorized"  life  of  John  Brown.  His 
book,  in  whatever  light  it  is  viewed  —  whether  as  the  biogra 
phy  of  a  remarkable  man,  as  an  historic  narrative  of  a  series 
of  important  events,  or  simply  as  a  mere  piece  of  literary 
job-work  —  is  equally  unsatisfactory.  .  . 

There  never  was  more  need  for  a  good  life  of  any  man 
than  there  was  for  one  of  John  Brown.  .  .  Those  who 
thought  best  of  him,  and  those  who  thought  the  worst,  were 
alike  desirous  to  know  more  of  him  than  the  newspapers  had 
furnished,  and  to  become  acquainted  with  the  course  of  his 
life,  and  the  training  which  had  prepared  him  for  Kansas 
and  brought  him  to  Harper's  Ferry.  Whatever  view  be 
taken  of  his  character,  he  was  a  man  so  remarkable  as  to  be 
well  worthy  of  study.  .  . 

In  seasons  of  excitement,  and  amid  the  struggles  of  politi- 
3  Atlantic  Monthly,  March,  1860. 


THE  SUBJECT  MATTER  17 

cal  contention,  the  men  who  use  the  most  extravagant  and 
the  most  violent  words  have,   for  a  time,  the  advantage ; 
but,  in  the  long  run,  they  damage  whatever  cause  they  may 
adopt ;  and  the  truth,  which  their  declamations  have  obscured 
or  their  falsehoods  have  violated,  finally  asserts  itself.     .     . 
Extravagance  in  condemnation  has  been  answered  by  ex 
travagance  in  praise  of  his  life  and  deeds. 
Twenty-five  years  later,  when  Mr.  Sanborn  published  his 
book,  Life  and  Letters  of  John  Brown,  Liberator  of  Kansas, 
and  Martyr  of  Virginia,  M.r.  John  F.  Morse,  Jr.,  voiced  the  dis 
appointment  felt  by  discriminating  persons,  in  an  article  pub 
lished  in  February,  1886. 4     He  said  : 

So  grand  a  subject  cannot  fail  to  inspire  a  writer  able  to 
do  justice  to  the  theme  ;  and  when  such  an  one  draws  Brown, 
he  will  produce  one  of  the  most  attractive  books  in  the  lan 
guage.     But  meantime   the   ill-starred   "martyr"   suffers   a 
prolongation  of  martyrdom,  standing  like  another  St.  Se 
bastian  to  be  riddled  with  the  odious  arrows  of  fulsome 
panegyrists.     With  other  unfortunate  men  of  like  stamp,  he 
has  attracted  a  horde  of  writers,  who,  with  rills  of  versicles 
and  oceans  of  prose,  have  overwhelmed  his  simple  noble 
memory  beneath  torrents  of  wild  extravagant  admiration, 
foolish  thoughts  expressed  in  appropriately  silly  language, 
absurd  adulation  inducing  only  protest  and  a  dangerous  con 
tradictory  emotion.     Amid  this  throng  of  ill  advised  wor 
shippers,   Mr.   Sanborn,  by  virtue  of  his   lately   published 
biographical  volume,  has  assumed  the  most  prominent  place. 
Referring  to  the  opinions  expressed  by  these  writers,  Mr. 
Villard,  in  the  preface  to  his  book,  John  Broivn,  A  Biography 
Fifty  Years  After,  says :     "Since  1886  there  have  appeared  five 
other  lives  of  Brown,5  the  most  important  being  that  of  Richard 
J.  Hinton,  who,  in  his  preface  gloried  in  holding  a  brief  for 
Brown  and  his  men."     Concerning  his  book  he  says: 

4  Atlantic  Monthly. 

5  Panegyrics   or   eulogies    on    Brown    would   more   accurately   describe 
these  writings. 


18  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

The  present  volume  is  inspired  by  no  such  purpose,  but  is 
due  to  a  belief  that  fifty  years  after  the  Harper's  Ferry  trag 
edy,  the  time  is  ripe  for  a  study  of  John  Brown,  free  from 
bias,  from  the  errors  of  taste  and  fact  of  the  mere  panegyrist, 
and  from  the  blind  prejudice  of  those  who  can  see  in  John 
Brown  nothing  but  a  criminal.  The  pages  that  follow  were 
written  to  detract  from  or  champion  no  man  or  set  of  men, 
but  to  put  forth  the  essential  truths  of  history  as  far  as  ascer- 
tainable,  and  to  judge  Brown,  his  followers  and  associates, 
in  the  light  thereof.  How  successful  this  attempt  has  been  is 
for  the  reader  to  judge.  That  this  volume  in  no  wise  ap 
proaches  the  attractiveness  which  Mr.  Morse  looked  for,  the 
author  fully  understands.  On  the  other  hand  no  stone  has 
been  left  unturned  to  make  accurate  the  smallest  detail ;  the 
original  documents,  contemporary  letters  and  living  wit 
nesses,  have  been  examined  in  every  quarter  of  the  United 
States.  Materials  never  before  utilized  have  been  drawn 
upon,  and  others  discovered  whose  existence  has  heretofore 
been  unknown.  .  . 

Under  this  broad  pledge  of  personal  fidelity  to  the  subject, 
this  historian  introduced  his  volume,  and  has  asked  the  public 
to  give  him  its  full  confidence  and  to  accept  his  work  as  a  faith 
ful  and  complete  record  of  the  ascertainable  truths  of  history 
relating  to  the  subject.  For  the  ardor  which  he  has  exhibited, 
and  for  the  great  labor  which  he  has  expended  in  his  compila 
tion,  and  for  much  material  of  minor  importance,  which  he  has 
uncovered,  the  student  of  history  will  not  fail  to  acknowledge 
to  Mr.  Villard  the  sense  of  his  obligation.  In  these  respects, 
and  in  the  scholarly  features  characteristic  of  the  writings,  it  is 
an  interesting  and  dramatic  contribution  to  this  literature.  But, 
he  will  not  be  stampeded  by  protestations  of  zeal,  and  by  pro 
fessions  of  integrity,  to  accept  it  as  a  presentation  of  the  as 
certainable  truth.  \  The  work  is  more  conspicuous  for  the  ab 
sence  from  its  pages  of  important  historical  truths,  and  for  the 
contradiction  of  others  which  have  been  authenticated,  than  it 


THE  SUBJECT  MATTER  19 

is  for  the  great  volume  of  trivial  facts  which  it  presents.  A 
line  of  derelictions  conspicuously  prevailing  throughout  the 
pages  of  the  book,  amply  justify  the  charge  that  it  was  not 
written,  primarily,  for  an  historical  purpose  —  "to  put  forth 
the  truths  of  history  as  far  as  ascertainable,  and  to  judge  Brown 
and  his  followers  in  the  light  thereof."  The  true  purpose  seems 
to  be  ulterior  to  that  which  is  effusively  proclaimed  in  the  prefa 
tory  declarations.  He  has  written  into  the  history  of  our 
country  a  concept  of  the  character  of  John  Brown  which  is  in 
congruous  with  the  actions  and  circumstances  of  Brown's  life./ 
He  has  created  a  semi-supernatural  person  -  "a  complex  char 
acter" —  embodying  the  virtues  of  the  "Hebrew  prophets"  and  i^  , 
"Cromwellian  Roundheads"  with  the  depraved  instincts  and 
practices  of  thieves  and  murderers.  Cffe  presents  a  man  who, 
for  righteous  purposes,  "violated  the  statute  and  moral  laws" ; 
whose  conduct  was  vile,  but  whose  aims  were  pure ;  whose  ac 
tions  were  brutal  and  criminal,  but  whose  motives  were  unselfish. 

If  this  author  had  redeemed  the  pledge  which  he  solemnly 
gave  to  the  public,  to  put  forth  the  truths  of  history  as  far  as 
ascertainable,  and,  judging  Brown  and  his  followers  in  the  light 
of  them,  had  justified  his  "terrible  violation  of  the  statute  and 
moral  laws,"  the  nature  of  this  criticism  would  be  different;  it 
would  be  directed  against  his  discrimination  or,  perhaps,  against 
his  intelligence.  But  that  is  not  the  case.  The  author  referred 
to  has  sifted  the  truths  of  this  history,  and  from  the  fragments 
has  framed  an  hypothetical  case;  and  has  judged  Brown  and 
his  followers  in  the  light  of  that  creation.  "How  may  the  kill-1 
ings  on  the  Pottawatomie,  this  terrible  violation  of  the  statute' 
and  the  moral  law  be  justified?  This  is  the  question  that  has 
confronted  every  student  of  John  Brown's  life  since  it  was  defi 
nitely  established  that  Brown  was,  if  not  actually  a  principal  in 
the  crime,  an  accessory  and  an  instigator,"  6  is  not  the  language 
of  an  impartial  historian;  but  it  is  consistently  the  language  of 

e  Villard,  170. 


20  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

an  advocate  who  writes  for  a  specious,  for  an  ulterior  purpose. 
Why  should  an  historian  seek  to  justify  a  crime  ?  Why  should 
this  author,  if  he  intended  to  write  impartially,  seek  for  evi 
dence  to  justify  this  horror?  It  was  the  desire  to  justify  the 
crime  that  impelled  the  author  to  seek  for  pretexts  for  justifica 
tion  of  it  among  the  surviving  criminals,  and  to  garble  the  his- 
Jorical  facts  concerning  it. 

The  crime  was  the  theft  of  a  large  number  of  horses ;  to  ac 
complish  it,  and  to  safeguard  the  loot,  it  was  necessary  to  kill 
the  owners  thereof.  It  was  a  premeditation.  The  plans  for  it 
were  laid  several  weeks  before  it  was  executed,  and  during  a 
time  of  profound  peace.  The  principals  were  John  Brown ;  his 
unmarried  sons;  Henry  Thompson,  his  son-in-law;  Theodore 
Weiner,  and  four  confederates :  Jacob  Benjamin,  B.  L.  Cochrane, 
John  E.  Cook  and  Charles  Lenhart,  whose  names  are  herein  as 
sociated  with  this  crime  for  the  first  time  in  history.  These 
confederates  received  from  Brown's  party  the  horses  which  be 
longed  to  the  men  whom  they  murdered,  and  ran  them  out  of 
the  country;  leaving  with  Brown  a  number  of  horses,  "fast  run 
ning  horses,"  which  they  had  stolen  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
Territory.  That  is  the  crime  which  this  author  seeks  to  justify ; 
he  has  concealed  these  truths,  and  has  suppressed  the  evidence 
concerning  them.  Pretending  to  put  forth  the  "exact  facts  as  to 
the  happenings  on  the  Pottawatomie,"  he  has  suppressed  the 
evidence  concerning  the  most  important  of  the  happenings,  and 
has  added  no  material  fact  concerning  them  which  James 
Townsley  had  not,  years  before,  put  forth  in  his  confession. 

The  public  should  know  that  as  early  as  April  16,  1856,  John 
Brown  and  his  unmarried  sons  planned  to  abandon  Kansas  and 
the  Free-State  Cause  and  had  disbanded  the  Free-State  com 
pany  to  which  they  belonged,  the  "Liberty  Guards,"  of  which 
John  Brown  was  captain;  also,  that  the  "Pottawatomie  Rifles" 
had  been  organized  in  its  stead,  with  John  Brown,  Jr.,  as  cap 
tain  ;  and  that  neither  John  Brown  nor  his  unmarried  sons  be- 


THE  SUBJECT  MATTER  21 

longed  to  it.  They  were  "a  little  company"  by  themselves.7  The 
public  should  also  know  that  prior  to  that  date,  as  early  as  April 
7th,  Brown  and  the  members  of  his  little  company  had  decided 
to  abandon  their  claims  and  leave  the  country ;  and  further,  that 
they  desired  a  recrudescence  of  pro-slavery  atrocities.  Con 
cerning  Brown's  character  and  his  life  in  Kansas,  as  well  as  his 
relation  to  territorial  affairs,  and  a  correct  understanding  of  the 
Pottawatomie  affair,  no  more  important  letter  was  written  by 
him  than  his  letter  of  April  7th  disclosing  these  facts,  a  letter 
which  Mr.  Villard,  in  furtherance  of  his  purpose,  has  seen  fit 
to  sift  from  history  and  suppress.  The  public  has  a  right  to 
know  what  Henry  Thompson  meant  when  he  wrote  in  May  that 
"upon  Brown's  plans  would  depend  his  own  'until  School  is 
out.' '  This  biographer,  who  said  that  he  had  left  no  stone  un 
turned  to  make  accurate  the  smallest  detail,8  interviewed  Henry 
Thompson,  and  could  have  obtained  from  him  a  statement  con 
cerning  the  plans  to  which  he  intended  to  subordinate  his  con 
duct,  which  involved  matters  of  so  much  importance  as  leaving 
the  country.  Salmon  Brown  and  Henry  Thompson  could  have 
told  this  historian  why  the  "Liberty  Guards"  were  disbanded 
and  the  "Pottawatomie  Rifles"  organized;  and  when,  and  for 
what  purpose  the  "little  company  of  six,"  which  intended  to 
leave  the  neighborhood,  was  formed;  and  he  could  have  in 
cluded  the  information  in  his  statement  of  the  "exact  facts." 
Mr.  Villard  says  it  was  organized  May  23d ;  but  that  is  not  an 
"exact"  statement;  it  is  a  contradiction  of  a  statement  which 
John  Brown  made  over  his  signature  concerning  it.9  These  men 
could  have  told  Mr.  Villard  specifically  why  they  abandoned 
their  claims,  whither  they  intended  to  go,  and  what  they  in 
tended  to  do.  And  further,  they  could  have  told  him  where 
they  were,  and  what  they  were  doing,  during  the  fifty  days 
their  "whereabouts"  are  by  this  biographer  reported  as  being 

7  Sanborn,  236. 

8  Villard,  vii. 

9  Sanborn,  230. 


22  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

"unknown,"  and  their  actions  unaccounted  for.10  These  mat 
ters  are  not  trifling  details  in  this  history.  In  view  of  the  au 
thor's  fine  panegyrics  concerning  Brown's  devotion  to  the 
Free-State  cause,  his  intention  to  abandon  it,  and  quit  the  Ter 
ritory  as  early  as  March,  1856,  is  of  more  striking  consequence 
than  his  coming  into  it;  and  the  disbanding  of  the  "Liberty 
Guards"  in  March,  1856,  was  an  act  of  greater  significance  than 
was  the  organization  of  the  company  in  December,  1855. 

Mr.  Villard's  treatment  of  the  Pottawatomie  incident,  "with 
out  a  clear  appreciation  of  which  a  true  understanding  of 
Brown,  the  man,  cannot  be  reached,"  lx  must  stand  as  an  in 
dictment,  either  of  his  discrimination  or  of  the  integrity  of  his 
purpose,  concerning  it.  Not  being  a  dull  man,  he  could  not 
have  been  .imposed  upon  by  the  participants  in  this  riot  of  rob 
bery  and  blood  whom  he  interviewed,  and  whose  evasions  he 
has  certified  to  the  world  as  the  exact  facts.  It  was  not  the 
happenings  on  the  night  of  May  24,  1856,  that  determine  "the 
degree  of  criminality,  if  any,"  [mark  the  language,  //  any]  "that 
should  attach  to  Brown,  for  his  part  in  the  proceedings,"  12  for 
they  were  but  the  execution  of  the  plans  which  had  theretofore 
been  laid  for  the  adventure.  Whatever  the  circumstances  of 
the  author's  dereliction  may  have  been,  the  fact  remains,  that 
the  truths  concerning  this  historical  episode  have  been  sifted, 
and  such  documents  and  concurrent  evidence  as  tend  to  estab 
lish  the  fact  that  the  motive  for  these  murders  was  robbery, 
have  been  consistently  suppressed  from  his  exposition  of  it. 

Brown  made  no  attempt  to  justify  his  conduct  in  the  affair. 
He  would  have  acknowledged  his  responsibility  and  would  have 
pleaded  justification  for  his  acts,  if  there  had  been  even  a 
shadow  of  a  pretext  for  any  justification ;  for  he  was  shifty  and 
crafty  as  well  as  vain ;  and  was  sensitive  concerning  his  reputa- 

10Villard,  673. 
^Villard,  148. 
12  Ibid. 


THE  SUBJECT  MATTER  23 

tion.13  Not  having  the  murdered  men's  horses  in  his  posses 
sion,  he  denied  his  complicity  with  the  murders,  denied  that  he 
was  concerned  in  the  crime./  If  he  had  "killed  his  men"  (and 
stolen  their  horses)  "in  the  conscientious  belief  that  he  was  a 
faithful  servant  of  Kansas  and  of  the  Lord,"  as  this  author  as 
serts,  he  would  not  have  denied  his  relationishp  with  the  Lord 
in  the  matter,  and  offended  Deity  by  persistently  denying  his 
participation  in  it  with  Him ;  neither  would  he  have  abandoned 
Kansas  and  the  Free-State  cause  within  the  ensuing  sixty  days. 
Cowardly  midnight  robbery  is  impossible  of  justification  upon] 
any  ordinary  circumstantial  hypothesis ;  and  is  preeminently  sol 
when  the  crime  is  aggravated  by  brutal  assassinations,  such  as^ 
were  incidental  to  this  wholesale  theft  of  horses. 

The  derelictions  concerning  the  history  of  the  Pottawatomie 
are  characteristic  of  Mr.  Villard's  treatment  of  the  more  vital 
episode  of  Brown's  career:  his  attempt  to  incite  a  revolution  in 
the  Southern  States  and  to  establish  over  them  the  authority  of 
a  "provisional  government."  This  Brown  planned  to  precipitate 
and  accomplish  by  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves,  and  a  resulting 
indiscriminate  assassination  of  the  slave-holding  population; 
such  as  the  people  of  that  generation,  North  and  South,  be 
lieved  to  be  impending,  if  not  imminent.  This  central  truth 
Mr.  Villard  denies,  and  seeks  to  substitute  for  Brown's  inten 
tions,  the  invention  that  his  movement  was  merely  a  transitory  i 
raid,  the  forerunner  of  a  series  of  similar  raids  to  be  under 
taken  by  "small  bands  hidden  in  the  mountain  fastnesses." 
This  conception  is  gratituitous  and  illogical ;  a  contradiction  of 
history  and  inconsistent  with  the  bold,  intrepid,  daring,  cour 
ageous  characteristics  which  he  has,  except  in  this  sole  instance, 
consistently  ascribed  to  Brown's  character.  ^~ 

Brown's  purposes,  at  Harper's  Ferry,  are  logically  foreshad 
owed  by  every  act  of  his  life,  beginning  with  March,  1857 ;  and 
are  written  in  letters  of  living  light  in  the  "Constitution  and 

13  Sanborn,  240. 


24  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Ordinances  for  the  People  of  the  United  States,"  and  in  "Gen 
eral  Order,  No.  1,"  dated: 

"HEADQUARTERS  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  PROVISIONAL  ARMY. 
"Harper's  Ferry,  October  10,  1859." 

As  in  the  Pottawatomie  incident,  and  consistent  with  a  pur 
pose  to  pervert  this  history,  and  fasten  an  imposition  upon  the 
public,  these  two  "public  documents,"  uttered,  ex  cathedra,  by 
John  Brown,  find  no  place  in  iMr.  Villard's  book ;  they  are  not 
put  forth  as  essential  truths  of  history.  The  general  order 
providing  for  the  formation  of  the  Provisional  Army  is  not 
even  remotely  referred  to;  while  the  Constitution  and  Ordi 
nances  are  treated  contemptuously,  and  passed  over  slightingly 
with  a  few  commonplace  and  irrelevant  criticisms;  and  dis 
missed  from  consideration  with  manifest  impatience  and  irrita-- 
tion  as  being  so  inconsistent  —  not  with  Brown's  purposes,  but 
with  the  author's  theory  of  them  —  as  to  "forbid  discussion."  ^ 

As  a  study  of  John  Brown,  Mr.  Villard's  book  is  mislead 
ing,  and,  in  places,  worthless.  It  is  a  jargon  of  facts  and 
fancies ;  a  juggling  with  the  truths  of  history ;  a  recital  of  the 
long  list  of  Brown's  minor  peculations,  and  the  bloody  deeds 
which  accent  his  career,  interlarded  with  half-hearted  denuncia 
tions  of  his  moral  obliquity  and  conspicuously  fulsome  pane 
gyrics  upon  his  character,  and  extravagantly  illogical  attri 
butes  concerning  the  nobility  of  his  aims.  The  book  seems  to 
have  been  put  forth  not  with  reference  to  the  truth,  but  to  en 
noble  an  ignoble  character ;  to  shroud  the  character  in  a  mantle 
of  mystery;  to  create  in  the  twentieth  century,  a  "complex" 
character:  a  mystic  with  a  propensity  to  do  wrong;  wherein 
there  is  a  compromise  of  virtue  with  vice.  To  the  accomplish 
ment  of  this  end,  this  author  has  not  only  bent  his  energies  in 
subordinating  the  truth,  but,  as  a  furtherance  of  his  purpose, 
he  has  deemed  it  necessary  to  pass  beyond  the  boundaries  of 

14  Villard,  335. 


THE  SUBJECT  MATTER  25 

historical  research,  and  seek  to  strengthen  his  cause  by  inviting 
discredit  upon  the  opinions  of  any  who  may  venture  to  dissent 
from  his  inventions. 

It  may  not  be  held  to  be  a  suspicious  circumstance,  but  it  cer 
tainly  is  not  good  form  for  an  historian  to  presuppose  that  his  ' 
statements  of  fact  will  be  disbelieved,  and  that  the  logic  of  his 
conclusions  concerning  them  will  be  challenged  by  any  one. 
Nor  should  he  seek  to  discredit  hypothetical  opinions  by  the 
cheap,  or  vulgar,  assertion  that  such  opinions  have  their  origin 
in  prejudice  —  "blind  prejudice"  ;  for  jurors,  and  even  judges, 
sometimes  disagree ;  and  it  is  possible  for  persons,  who  are  con 
scientious,  to  receive  divergent  impressions  in  relation  to  the 
same  subject.  He  would  have  preserved  a  better  decorum  if 
he  had  relied  upon  candor,  and  the  supreme  truthfulness  of  his 
narrative,  and  the  clearness  of  his  reasoning,  whereby  to  sup 
plant  disbelief  with  faith,  and  to  dispel  prejudice  by  enlighten 
ing  it.  i  / 
I  The  tree  is  better  known  by  its  fruits,  than  by  any  tag  which/^ 
the  owner  may  attach  to  the  trunk./  An  historian  who  con 
scientiously  writes  the  truths  of  history,  is  not  solicitous  con 
cerning  the  criticisms  of  any  who  may  read  his  lines. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MAN 

Not  every  one  that  saith  unto  me  Lord,  Lord,  shall  enter 
unto  the  kingdom  of  heaven;  but  he  that  doeth  the  will  of 
my  Father  which  is  in  heaven.  — MATTHEW,  7:21 

THE  picturesque  figure  which  has  been  presented  to  the  public 
as  John  Brown  is  an  historical  myth  —  a  fiction.  The  charac 
ter,  as  it  has  been  exploited,  is  a  contradiction  of  the  laws  that 
govern  in  human  nature.  The  material  for  it  was  furnished 
by  partisans,  who  were  unscrupulous  writers  of  the  times  of 
strenuous  political  excitement  and  national  unrest,  in  which 
Brown,  by  his  deeds  of  violence,  attracted  public  attention. 
Following  the  practice  of  partisans,  these  writers  wrote  with 
reckless  disregard  for  the  truth  of  their  statements.  Later,  in 

/the  ultimate  crisis  that  occurred  in  his  fortunes,  he  was  eulo- 
/  gized  in  surpassing  eloquence  by  sincere  people  of  high  ideals, 
\  who  were  unaware  of  the  real  character  of  the  object  of  their 

\adoration.  They  were  not  informed  concerning  the  criminal 
life  which  he  had  led,  or  of  the  shockingly  brutal  crimes  which 
he  had  committed ;  neither  did  they  understand  that  in  his  final 
undertaking  he  sought  to  involve  a  section  of  our  fair  land  in 
a  carnival  of  rapine  and  bloodshed  exceeding  in  extent  the  hor 
rors  of  San  Domingo.13  They  were  misled  and  were  moved,  in 
their  orations,  solely  by  sentiment  and  misphaced  sympathy. 

*  Instead  of  a  grim  and  unscrupulous  soldier  of  fortune,  leading 
a  band  of  desperate  men  in  an  effort  to  unloose  in  the  Slave 

I  States  the  demon  of  insurrection,  they  could  see  in  him  only  a 
15  Hinton,  John  Brown  and  His  Men,  66. 


THE  MAN  27 

religious  devotee,  whom  their  imaginations  had  created ;  whose1 
life  they  believed  had  been  a  devotion  to  deeds  of  charity  and 
benevolence;  who  for  years  had  been  the  especial  champion  of 
the  slave ;  and  whose  work  in  Kansas  had  been,  as  in  the  exist 
ing  crisis,  an  heroic  and  consistent  consecration  to  duty.  This 
man  now  awaited  execution  for  his  immutability  to  a  great 
cause.  He  appeared  to  them  to  be  a  reincarnation  of  the  virtu 
ous  primitive  Christian  —  an  altruistic  hero  —  who,  willing  to 
die  for  his  convictions,  had  "dared  the  unequal" ;  and,  after 
battling  heroically,  though  vainly,  for  humanity,  had  offered 
himself  a  sacrifice,  making  "the  gallows  glorious  like  the  cross." 
These  original  laudations  attracted,  as  Mr.  Morse  has  stated,  a 
"horde  of  writers,  who,  with  rills  of  versicles  and  oceans  of 
prose  have  overwhelmed  his  memory  beneath  torrents  of  wild 
extravagant  admiration." 

Many  persons  therefore  believe  Brown  to  have  been  an  ex 
ceptional  person,  a  man  of  deep  religious  fervor,  of  unim-r° 
peachable  veracity  and  of  the  strictest  integrity.  But  a  careful 
study  of  his  life,  as  revealed  by  himself,  and  as  it  has  been  writ-1 
ten  by  his  personal  friends  and  his  friendly  biographers,  may! 
well  result  in  a  different  interpretation  of  the  man's  character 
and  actions. 

John  Brown  was  born  at  Torrington,  Connecticut,  May  9,  \ 
1800 ;  but  he  was  not,  as  he  claimed  to  be,  "the  sixth  descendant 
of  Peter  Browne  of  the  Mayflower."  The  Peter  Brown  to 
whom  John  Brown's  ancestry  has  been  traced,  was  born  in 
Windsor,  Connecticut,  in  1632,  as  Mr.  Villard  shows  in  very 
scholarly  fashion.16  The  Peter  Browne  of  the  Mayflower  left 
no  male  issue ;  nor  does  John  Brown's  name  appear  upon  the 
rolls  of  the  "Massachusetts  Society  of  Mayflower  Descend 
ants."  17  His  grandfather  was  a  captain  in  the  Eighteenth 
Connecticut  Infantry,  in  the  Revolutionary  Army.  The  father 

16  Villard,  10. 

17  Villard,  591,  note  6. 


28  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  John  Brown  —  Owen  Brown  —  was  a  faithful,  industrious 
citizen  who  for  a  livelihood  followed  the  occupation  of  shoe 
maker,  tanner,  and  farmer.  John  learned  the  tannery  trade  and 
began  work  when  he  was  fifteen,  and  for  the  greater  part  of 
the  ensuing  five  years  was  employed  as  a  foreman  in  his  father's 
factory  at  Hudson,  Ohio. 

On  June  21,  1820,  he  was  married  to  Miss  Dianthe  Lusk, 
the  daughter  of  his  housekeeper.  She  became  the  mother  of 
seven  children ;  one  of  whom  —  Frederick  —  was  killed  at  Osa- 
watomie.  Her  death  occurred  August  10,  1832;  three  days 
after  the  birth  of  a  son ;  mother  and  son  being  buried  together. 
A  second  marriage  was  contracted  on  July  11,  1833,  his  bride 
being  Miss  Mary  Anne  Day,  daughter  of  Charles  Day  of 
Whitehall,  New  York.  Thirteen  children  were  born  of  this 
union ;  seven  of  whom  died  in  early  childhood ;  two  —  Watson 
and  Oliver  —  were  killed  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

As  a  tanner,  at  Hudson,  Brown  was  successful,  but  he  gave 
up  his  business  there  and  moved  to  Richmond,  Pennsylvania, 
in  May,  1825,  where  he  established  a  tannery.  He  was  ap 
pointed  postmaster  at  Richmond  in  1828,  and  held  the  office 
until  he  moved  to  Franklin  Mills,  Ohio,  in  1835.  He  left 
Richmond  "because  of  financial  distress."  18  At  Franklin  Mills, 
he  secured  a  contract  for  building  the  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania 
Canal  from  there  to  Akron.  The  next  year,  he  undertook  some 
speculations  in  real  estate,  and  in  company  with  a  Mr.  Thomp 
son,  borrowed  $7,000  with  which  to  buy  a  tract  of  one  hundred 
acres,  for  an  "addition  to  Franklin."  During  the  same  year, 
he,  with  others,  organized  the  Franklin  Land  Company,  and 
purchased  the  water  power,  mills,  lands,  etc.,  in  both  the  "up 
per"  and  "lower"  Franklin  villages,  combining  the  two  water 
powers  at  a  central  town-site,  which  he  and  his  associates  laid 
out.19  In  these,  and  other  schemes,  Brown  became  so  deeply 

18  Villard,  26. 
^  Ibid. 


THE  MAN  29 

involved  that  he  failed  during  the  bad  times  of  1837 ;  lost  nearly 
all  his  property  by  assignment  to  his  creditors,  and  was  then 
not  able  to  pay  all  his  debts,  some  of  which  were  never  liqui-y 
dated.  His  father  also  lost  heavily  through  him.20 

His  failure  in  business  should  not  of  itself  count  against  him, 
but  some  of  the  methods  which  he  employed  to  extricate  him 
self  from  his  financial  embarrassment,  were  of  a  most  fraudu 
lent  and  criminal  character.  July  11,  1836,  he  applied  to 
Heman  Oviatt  and  others,  to  become  security  for  him  on  a  note 
for  $6,000  to  the  Western  Reserve  Bank.  The  note  was  not 
paid,  and  the  bank  got  judgment  against  the  makers  in  May, 
1837.  August  2d,  the  judgment  debtors  gave  a  joint  judg 
ment  bond  for  the  amount  of  the  judgment  against  them,  pay 
able  in  sixty  days.  The  bond  not  being  paid,  the  bank  sued 
again,  and  Oviatt  had  to  pay  the  bank  in  full.  The  nature  of 
the  wrong  done  to  Mr.  Oviatt  by  Brown  is  described  by  Mr. 
Villard  on  pages  37  and  38.  He  relates  that  at  the  time  of  this 
transaction,  Brown  had  a  "penal  bond  of  conveyance,"  but  not 
the  title,  for  a  piece  of  property  known  as  "Westlands,"  which 
he  assigned  to  Oviatt,  as  collateral  for  Oviatt's  having  endorsed 
the  judgment  bond  to  the  bank.  When  the  deed  to  the  West- 
lands  property  was  duly  given  to  Brown,  he  recorded  it,  with 
out  notifying  Oviatt  of  this  action.  Later,  he  mortgaged  the 
property  to  two  men,  again  without  the  knowledge  of  Heman 
Oviatt.  Meanwhile,  Daniel  G.  Gaylord  had  recovered  a  judg 
ment  against  Brown  in  another  transaction,  and  to  satisfy  it 
caused  the  sale  of  Westlands  by  the  sheriff.  By  collusion  with 
Brown,  the  property  was  bought  in  at  the  sale,  by  his  friend,  a 
former  business  associate,  Amos  P.  Chamberlain.  Oviatt 
"brought  suit  to  have  the  sale  of  Westlands  to  Chamberlain  set 
aside  as  fraudulent,  but  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio  held  that 
Chamberlain  had  a  rightful  title,  and  dismissed  the  suit.  John 
Brown  himself  was  not  directly  sued  by  Oviatt,  being,  to  use 

20  Villard,  28. 


30  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

a  lawyer's  term,  'legally  safe'  throughout  the  entire  transac 
tion.  .  .  Even  after  this  lapse  of  years  his  action  in  se 
cretly  recording  the  transfer  of  the  land,  and  then  mortgaging 
it,  bears  an  unpleasant  aspect."  21  Meanwhile,  the  parties  to  the 
fraud  upon  Oviatt  quarreled.  Brown  refused  to  give  up  occu 
pation  of  the  land  to  Chamberlain ;  assuming  that  Chamberlain 
had  not  treated  him  fairly  in  the  matter;  and  held  possession 
of  the  property,  in  "a  shanty  on  the  place,  by  force  of  arms, 
until  compelled  to  desist  by  the  sheriff.  .  ."  Finally,  the 
sheriff  arrested  Brown  and  two  sons,  John  and  Owen,  who  were 
thereupon  placed  in  the  Akron  jail.  Chamberlain,  having  de 
stroyed  the  shanty  which  Brown  had  occupied,  and  obtained 
possession  of  the  land,  allowed  the  case  to  drop,  and  Brown  and 
his  sons  were  released.22  Mr.  Sanborn,  on  page  55,  disposes 
of  the  matter  in  this  way : 

The  affair  is  explained  by  his  son  John  as  follows :  "The 
farm  father  lost  by  endorsing  a  note  for  a  friend.  It  was 
attached  and  sold  by  the  Sheriff  at  the  County  seat.  The 
only  bidder  against  my  father  was  an  old  neighbor,  hitherto 
regarded  as  a  friend,  who  became  the  purchaser.  Father's 
lawyer  advised  him  to  hold  the  fort  for  a  time  at  least,  and 
endeavor  to  secure  terms  from  the  purchaser.  There  was, 
as  I  remember,  an  old  shot  gun  in  the  house,  but  it  was  not 
loaded  nor  pointed  at  any  one.  No  Sheriff  came  on  the 
premises ;  no  officer  or  posse  was  resisted ;  no  threat  of  vio 
lence  offered." 

Brown  was  not  so  staid  and  prosaic  in  his  daily  walk  and 
conversation  as  to  be  indifferent  to  the  sports  and  amusements 
of  life.  He  seems  to  have  been  simply  an  active  man  of  the 
world,  getting  as  much  worldly  enjoyment  for  himself  out  of 
his  environment  as  possible.  He  was  a  horseman  with  a  fancy 
for  horse  racing;  and  while  at  Franklin,  indulged  in  the  very 
interesting  and  sportsmanlike  business,  or  diversion,  of  breed- 

21  Villard.  38. 

22  For  a  full  account  of  this,  see  Villard,  37-41. 


THE  MAN  31 

ing  "fast  running  horses  for  racing  purposes."  He  bred  from 
a  well  known  horse  of  that  time  called  "Count  Piper" ;  and  the 
name  of  another  favorite  sire  was  "John  McDonald."  He  is 
said  to  have  dismissed  criticism  of  his  conduct  from  a  moral 
point  of  view,  by  the  argument  that  "if  he  did  not  breed  them 
some  one  else  would."  23 

From  1837  to  1841  Brown  lived  alternately  at  Franklin,  and 
at  Hudson,  Ohio.  In  1838  he  became  a  "drover,"  and  drove 
cattle  from  Ohio  to  Connecticut.  In  this  business  he  had 
trouble  with  his  associates,  Tertius  Wadsworth  and  Joseph 
Wells,  who  furnished  the  capital ;  and  was  sued  by  them  for  an 
accounting.24  In  December,  1838,  "he  negotiated  for  the 
agency  of  a  New  York  Steel  Scythes  house."  And  in  January, 
1839,  he  made  his  first  venture  in  sheep,  at  West  Hartford, 
Connecticut.  He  brought  the  sheep  to  Albany  by  boat,  and 
drove  them  from  there  to  Ohio.  In  June  of  that  year  he  made 
his  final  drive  to  the  east  with  cattle,  and,  while  at  New  Hart 
ford,  committed  a  crime  of  unusual  enormity.  It  appears  that 
he  proposed  to  the  New  England  Woolen  Company,  of  Rock- 
ville,  Connecticut,  to  act  as  its  agent  in  buying  wool,  and  in 
duced  it  to  intrust  to  him  $2,800  with  which  to  begin  purchas 
ing  the  wool.  The  negotiations  for  this  money  were  a  decep 
tion  throughout,  in  pursuance  of  theft.  Brown  did  not  intend 
to  buy  any  wool  with  the  money  which  he  sought  to  have  in 
trusted  to  his  keeping  for  that  purpose ;  but  did  intend  to  con 
vert  it  to  his  own  use  —  to  make  "a  much  brighter  day"  in  his 
affairs.  He  also  deceived  his  wife,  whom  he  caused  to  believe 
that  he  was  trying  to  secure  a  loan.  Nor  did  he  hesitate  to 
have  the  crime,  which  he  was  committing,  called  to  the  attention 
of  the  God  whom  he  pretended  to  serve,  but  asked  her  to  ask 
"God's  blessing"  upon  him  in  his  pursuit  of  this  purpose. 
Greater  hypocrisy  and  depravity  hath  no  man  than  this.  The 

23  Sanborn,  69. 
24Villard,  37. 


32  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  wife  in  relation  to  the  transaction 

is  as  follows : 25 

New  Hartford,  12th  June,  1839. 
MY  DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN  : 

I  write  to  let  you  know  that  I  am  in  comfortable  health, 
and  that  I  expect  to  be  on  my  way  home  in  the  course  of  a 
week  should  nothing  befall  me.  If  I  am  longer  detained  I 
will  write  you  again.  The  cattle  business  has  succeeded 
about  as  I  expected,  but  I  am  now  somewhat  in  fear  that  I 
shall  fail  in  getting  the  money  I  expected  on  the  loan.  Should 
that  be  the  will  of  Providence  I  know  of  no  other  way  but 
we  must  consider  ourselves  very  poor  for  our  debts  must  be 
paid,  if  paid  at  a  sacrifice.  Should  that  happen  (though  it 
may  not)  I  hope  God  who  is  rich  in  mercy,  will  grant  us  all 
grace  to  conform  to  our  circumstances  with  cheerfulness  and 
resignation.  I  want  to  see  each  of  my  dear  family  very  much 
but  must  wait  God's  time.  Try  all  of  you  to  do  the  best  you 
can,  and  do  not  one  of  you  be  discouraged  —  tomorrow  may 
be  a  much  brighter  day.  Cease  not  to  ask  God's  blessing  on 
yourselves  and  me.  Keep  this  letter  wholly  to  yourselves, 
excepting  that  I  expect  to  start  home  soon,  and  that  I  did  not 
write  confidently  about  my  success  should  any  one  enquire. 
Edmond  is  well  and  Owen  Mills.  You  may  show  this  to 
father  but  to  no  one  else. 

I  am  not  without  great  hopes  of  getting  relief,  I  would 
not  have  you  understand,  but  things  have  looked  more  un 
favorable  for  a  few  days.  I  think  I  shall  write  you  again 
before  I  start. 

Earnestly  commending  every  one  of  you  to  God,  and  to  his 
mercy,  which  endureth  forever,  I  remain  your  affectionate 
husband  and  father,  JOHN  BROWN. 

This  beautiful  letter,  written  to  his  wife  in  relation  to  the 
prosecution  of  a  criminal  design,  stands  as  a  study  of  John 
Brown  which  the  student  may  well  contemplate  with  profit.  It 

25  Villard,  30. 


THE  MAN  33 

is  written  in  the  attractive  style,  and  in  the  spiritual  language 
characteristic  of  Brown's  correspondence.  It  is  strikingly  sim 
ilar  to  the  letters  that  he  gave  out  from  the  Charlestown  jail, 
which,  in  their  apparently  devotional  simplicity,  and  humble 
sincerity  and  trust  in  the  mercy  of  God,  won  for  him  there  his 
"victory  over  death."  This  letter  was  a  dissimulation,  the 
proof  of  which  lies  in  the  consummation  of  the  negotiations  for 
the  money;  and  in  the  appropriation  of  it  to  his  own  use,  at  a 
time  when  he  was  hopelessly  involved.  It  is  a  real  key  to  the 
history  of  his  life ;  it  discloses  his  true  character,  and  shatters  to 
fragments  every  hypothesis  that  Brown  was  either  sincere,  de 
vout,  or  honest. 

"Three  days  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter,"  Mr.  Villard 
relates,  "Brown  received  from  the  New  England  Woolen  Com-^ 
pany  at  Rockville,  Conn.,  twenty-eight  hundred  dollars,  through 
its  agent  George  Kellogg,  for  the  purchase  of  wool,  which 
money,  regretfully  enough,  he  pledged  for  his  own  benefit  and 
was  then  unable  to  redeem.  Fortunately  for  him  the  Company 
exercised  leniency  toward  him."  26  Later  it  permitted  him  to 
go  through  bankruptcy,  upon  the  condition  that  he  would  en 
deavor  to  repay  the  money.  Brown's  letter  in  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  "great  kindness"  to  him  therein,  is  as  follows : 27 

Richfield,  Octo.  17,  1842. 

Whereas  I,  John  Brown,  on  or  about  the  15th  day  of  June 
1839,  received  from  the  New  England  Company  (through 
their  Agent  George  Kellogg,  Esq.)  the  sum  of  twenty-eight 
hundred  dollars  for  the  purchase  of  wool  for  said  Company, 
and  imprudently  pledged  the  same  for  my  own  benefit,  and 
could  not  redeem  it;  and  whereas  I  have  been  legally  dis 
charged  from  my  obligations  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
—  I  hereby  agree  in  consideration  of  the  great  kindness  and 
tenderness  of  said  Company  toward  me  in  my  calamity,  and 

26  Villard,  30. 

27  Sanborn,  55. 


34  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

more  particularly  of  the  moral  obligation  I  am  under  to  ren 
der  them  their  due,  to  pay  the  same  and  interest  thereon, 
from  time  to  time,  as  Divine  Providence  shall  enable  me  to  do. 
Witness  my  hand  and  seal.  JOHN  BROWN. 

To  Mr.  Kellogg,  agent  for  the  woolen  company,  he  wrote : 

Richfield,  Summit  County,  Ohio,  Octo.  17,  1842. 
George  Kellogg,  Esq. 

Dear  Sir  —  I  have  just  received  information  of  my  final 
discharge  as  a  bankrupt  in  the  District  Court,  and  I  ought  to 
be  grateful  that  no  one  of  my  creditors  has  made  any  opposi 
tion  to  such  discharge  being  given.  I  shall  now  if  my  life  is 
continued,  have  an  opportunity  of  proving  the  sincerity  of  my 
past  professions,  when  legally  free  to  act  as  I  choose.  I  am 
sorry  to  say  that  in  consequence  of  the  unforeseen  expense  of 
getting  the  discharge,  the  loss  of  an  ox,  and  the  destitute 
condition  in  which  a  new  surrender  of  my  effects  has  placed 
me,  with  my  numerous  family,  I  fear  this  year  must  pass 
without  my  effecting  in  the  way  of  payment  what  I  have  en 
couraged  you  to  expect  (notwithstanding  I  have  been  gen 
erally  prosperous  in  my  business  for  the  season). 
Respectfully  your  unworthy  friend, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

To  Mr.  Villard  the  public  owes  its  obligation  for  the  quite 
complete  history  of  this  transaction.  Mr.  Sanborn,  in  his  rec 
ord  of  it,  saw  fit  to-  suppress  the  letter  of  June  12,  1839.  He, 
evidently,  garbled  the  correspondence  relating  to  this  criminal 
incident  in  Brown's  life,  with  the  intention  of  practicing  a  de 
ception  upon  the  public.  Commenting  upon  the  two  letters  of 
October  17,  1842,  he  said : 28 

r  These  papers  show  the  real  integrity  of  Brown,  in  a  trans- 
I  action  in  which  he  might  have  escaped  the  obligation  which 
\  he  thus  assumed. 

That  Brown  promised  restitution  of  the  money  herein,  as  a 
means  to  forestall  criminal  proceedings  against  him ;  and  gave 
28  Sanborn,  56. 


THE  MAN  35 

the  above  acknowledgment  of  the  debt,  and  renewed  promise  to 
pay,  as  a  condition  precedent  to  being  permitted  to  go  into  the 
court  of  bankruptcy,  is  evident  from  the  two  preceding  letters. 
It  is  also  apparent  from  his  letter  to  Mr.  Kellogg,  that  he 
not  intend  to  fulfill  the  promises  he  had  made.  At  his  death, 
"this  debt,  like  many  others,  was  still  unpaid,"  notwithstanding 
the  fact  that  two  years  after  his  proceedings  in  bankruptcy  h< 
became  prosperous,  "with  the  most  trying  financial  periods  o1 
his  life  behind  him."  29 

With  money  in  his  pocket  wherewith  to  commence  life  anew, 
Brown  conceived  the  idea  of  leaving  that  part  of  the  country 
and  settling  in  Virginia,  upon  land  30  belonging  to  Oberlin  Col 
lege.  He  probably  obtained  information  concerning  the  land 
from  his  father,  who  was  a  trustee  of  the  college.  On  April  1, 
1840,  he  appeared  before  a  committee  of  the  trustees,  and 
opened  negotiations  with  it  for  an  agreement  to  survey  the  Vir 
ginia  land,  and  to  purchase  some  of  it.  Two  days  later  he  sub 
mitted  a  proposal  "to  visit,  survey  and  make  the  necessary  in 
vestigation  respecting  the  boundaries,  etc.  of  these  lands,  for 
one  dollar  per  day,  and  a  modest  allowance  for  necessary  ex 
penses."  He  also  stated  that  this  was  to  be  a  preliminary  step 
towards  locating  thereon,  with  his  family,  "should  the  opening 
prove  a  favorable  one,"  and  in  the  event  of  his  so  locating,  he 
was  to  receive  one  thousand  acres  of  the  land.  The  trustees 
promptly  accepted  his  offer,  and  the  treasurer  was  ordered  to 
furnish  him  with  "a  Commission  and  Needful  outfit,"  31  which 
was  done  the  same  day.  He  immediately  proceeded  to  Vir 
ginia  and  entered  upon  his  duties.  April  27th  he  wrote  to  his 
wife  from  Ripley,  Virginia: 

I  have  seen  the  spot  where,  if  it  be  the  will  of  Providence, 
I  hope  one  day  to  live  with  my  family. 

29Villard,  31. 

30  Now  in  Doddridge  and  Tyler  Counties,  West  Virginia. 

si  Villard,  31. 


36  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

July  14,  1840,  he  filed  his  report,  and  on  August  llth  he  was 
notified  that  the  prudential  committee  of  the  trustees  had  been 
authorized  by  the  board  to  "perfect  negotiations,  and  convey 
to  Brother  John  Brown,  of  Hudson,  Ohio,  one  thousand  acres 
of  our  Virginia  land,  on  conditions  suggested  in  the  correspond 
ence  between  him  and  the  committee."  Replying  to  the  letter 
January  2,  1841,  he  wrote  : 

.  .  .  I  feel  prepared  to  say  definitely  that  I  expect, 
Providence  willing,  to  accept  the  proposal  of  your  Board. 
.  .  .  I  shall  expect  to  receive  a  thousand  acres  of  land 
in  a  body,  that  will  include  a  living  spring  of  water  discharg 
ing  itself  at  a  height  sufficient  to  accommodate  a  tannery 
as  I  shall  expect  to  pursue  that  business  on  a  small  scale  if 
I  go.  .  . 

The  trustees  meanwhile,  for  reasons  which  have  not  been 
made  public,  changed  their  minds  on  the  subject,  and  Brown's 
letter  to  their  Mr.  Burnell  of  February  5,  1841,  reaffirming  his 
intention  to  accept  the  land,  as  proposed,  was  never  answered.32 
Failing  in  his  effort  to  establish  himself  in  Virginia,  he  en 
gaged  in  the  sheep  raising  industry,  in  the  spring  of  1841,  in 
company  with  Captain  Oviatt,  at  Richfield,  Ohio.  He  was 
successful  and  "gradually  became  known  as  a  winner  of  prizes 
for  sheep,  and  cattle  at  the  annual  fairs,  in  Summit  County." 
By  1844  he  had  gained  the  reputation  of  a  successful  wool 
grower,  and  in.  that  year  formed  "a  partner-ship  with  Simon 
Perkins,  Jr.  of  Akron,  Ohio,  with  a  view  to  carry  on  the  sheep 
business  extensively."  33  He  moved  to  Akron  April  10th  of 
that  year.  Concerning  his  home  at  Akron,  Mr.  Villard  says : 

They  occupied  a  cottage  on  what  is  still  known  as  Per 
kins  Hill,  near  Simon  Perkins  own  home,  with  an  extensive 
and  charming  view  over  hill  and  dale  —  an  ideal  sheep  coun 
try,  and  a  location  which  must  have  attracted  any  one  save  a 
predisposed  wanderer. 

32  Villard,  32-33. 
s3  Villard,  34. 


THE  MAN  37 

Two  years  later  it  was  decided  to  establish  a  headquarters  at 
Springfield,  Massachusetts.  There  Brown  went  "to  reside  as 
one  of  the  firm  of  Perkins  and  Brown,  agents  of  the  sheep- 
farmers  and  wool  merchants  in  northern  Ohio,  Pennsylvania, 
New  York  and  Virginia,  whose  interests  then  required  an 
agency  to  stand  between  them  and  the  wool  manufacturers  of 
New  England,  to  whom  they  sold  their  fleeces."  34 

Of  this  arrangement  Mr.  Villard  says  on  page  35  :  "John 
Brown  was  within  bounds  in  thus  exulting;  even  though  the 
Perkins  partner-ship  resulted  eventually  in  severe  losses  and 
dissolution.  At  least  it  was  a  connection  with  a  high  minded 
and  prosperous  man,  and  it  lasted  ten  years.  When  it  was 
over,  the  partners  were  still  friends,  but  Mr.  Perkins  did  not  re 
tain  a  high  opinion  of  John  Brown's  ability  or  sagacity  as  a 
business  man."  Mr.  Sanborn  states  on  page  57,  that  when  Mr. 
Perkins  was  questioned  by  him,  in  1878,  about  Brown's  wool 
growing  and  wool  dealing,  he  replied :  "The  less  you  can  say 
about  them  the  better." 

As  to  the  business,  there  seems  to  have  been  trouble  from  the 
commencement  of  it.  Mr.  Villard  says  on  page  60 :  "More 
over  some  customers  had  just  grievances,  for  the  letter  book 
contains  far  too  many  apologies  for  failure  to  acknowledge  let 
ters  and  shipments,  and  to  make  out  accurate  accounts,  for  so 
young  a  firm." 

In  August,  1849,  Brown  made  his  historic  trip  to  London  to 
superintend,  personally,  the  sale  of  wool,  which  he  had  shipped 
to  that  market,  because  he  could  not  obtain  prices  that  were  sat 
isfactory  to  him  from  the  manufacturers  of  woolens  in  his  home 
market.  The  amount  of  wool  so  consigned  was  about  two 
hundred  thousand  pounds.  The  Northampton  Woolen  Mills 
Company  of  Northampton,  Massachusetts,  had  bid  sixty  cents 
a  pound  for  this  wool  at  Springfield.  In  London,  September 
17th,  a  lot  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  bales  of  it  was  sold  for 

34  Sanborn,  64. 


38  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

twenty-six  to  twenty-nine  cents  per  pound.  The  buyer  was 
the  "Northampton  Woolen  Mills  Co.,  of  Mass.,  U.  S.  A."  35 
Brown  returned  home  in  October  "bringing  back  with  him  the 
portion  of  the  wool  which  he  had  been  unable  to  sell.  The  loss 
on  this  venture  was  probably  as  high  as  $40,000."  36  The  firm 
of  Perkins  and  Brown  then  began  proceedings  in  liquidation, 
which  had  been  under  consideration  for  some  time  before 
Brown  made  the  trip  to  Europe.  The  losses  sustained  by  the 
company  were  upon  a  large  scale.  Suits  against  them  were 
brought  for  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.37 

In  1850  Brown  contemplated  engaging  in  the  manufacture 
of  wine  upon  a  large  scale ;  and  on  December  4th,  wrote  to  his 
sons  to  send  him  some  samples  of  the  wines  they  had  made. 
He  said :  "I  want  Jason  to  obtain  from  Mr.  Perkins,  or  any 
where  he  can  get  them,  two  good  Junk  bottles,  have  them  thor 
oughly  cleaned,  and  filled  with  cherry  wine,  being  very  careful 
not  to  roil  it  up  before  filling  the  bottles,  —  providing  good 
corks,  and  filling  them  perfectly  full.  These  I  want  him  to 
pack  safely  in  a  very  small  strong  box,  which  he  can  make, 
direct  them  to  Perkins  &  Brown,  Springfield,  Mass.,  and  send 
them  by  express.  We  can  affect  something  to  purpose  by  pro 
ducing  unadulterated  domestic  wines.  They  will  command 
great  prices."  38 

In  1846,  Gerrit  Smith,  a  wealthy  philanthropist  of  Peterboro, 
New  York,  set  aside  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  acres  of 
his  large  estate  in  northern  New  York,  to  be  divided  up  into 
farms,  and  given,  without  charge,  to  worthy  colored  people 
who  would  settle  upon  them  and  improve  them  for  their  per 
manent  homes.  Brown  heard  of  this  proposition  in  course  of 
time,  and  made  a  proposal  to  Mr.  Smith  to  settle  among  the 
negroes  on  these  lands,  and  aid  them  by  precept  and  example 

35  For  an  interesting  account  of  this  transaction,  see  Sanborn.  67-68. 
36Villard,  63. 
"Villard,  64-66. 
38  Sanborn,  78. 


THE  MAN  39 

in  their  efforts  at  home  building.  In  consideration  of  this,  it 
is  probable  that  Brown  secured  title  to  some  land  on  equal  terms 
with  the  negroes,  and  possibly  secured  options  on  other  tracts, 
at  satisfactory  prices  and  terms  of  payment.  His  experience 
with  the  Oberlin  College  people  in  relation  to  the  Virginia 
lands,  heretofore  referred  to,  was  probably  of  service  to  him  in 
this  transaction  with  Smith.  The  tracts  which  he  selected 
were  at  Timbuctoo,  or  North  Elba,  and  in  the  spring  of  1849 
he  located  his  family  upon  the  land ;  but  in  March,  1851,  moved 
back  to  Akron.  Brown  himself  did  not  go  to  North  Elba  to 
live.  His  time  was  taken  up  in  liquidating  the  tangled  affairs 
of  Perkins  and  Brown,  and  with  the  extensive  litigation  in 
volved  in  the  settlement  of  them. 

Litigation  seems  to  have  been  a  constant  and  conspicuous 
feature  of  Brown's  commercial  life.  Mr.  Villard  says  39  that 
"on  the  records  of  the  Portage  County  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
are  no  less  than  twenty-one  lawsuits  in  which  John  Brown  fig 
ured  as  defendant  during  the  years  1820  to  1845.  Of  these, 
thirteen  were  actions  brought  to  recover  money  loaned  on  prom 
issory  notes  either  to  Brown  singly  or  in  company  with  others. 
The  remaining  suits  were  mostly  claims  for  wages,  or  payments 
due,  or  for  nonfulfillment  of  contracts.  .  .  In  ten  other 
cases  he  was  successfully  sued  and  judgments  were  obtained 
against  him  individually  or  jointly  with  others.  In  three  cases 
those  who  sued  him  were  non-suited  as  being  without  real  cause 
for  action,  and  two  other  cases  were  settled  out  of  court.  Four 
cases  Brown  won,  among  them  being  a  suit  for  damages  for 
false  arrest  and  assault  and  battery,  brought  by  an  alleged  horse 
thief,  because  Brown,  and  other  citizens,  had  aided  a  constable 
in  arresting  him.  A  number  of  these  suits  grew  out  of  Brown's 
failure  in  his  real  estate  speculations.  A  serious  litigation  was 
an  action  brought  by  the  Bank  of  Wooster  to  recover  on  a  Bill 
of  Exchange,  drawn  by  Brown  and  others,  on  the  Leather 

39  Villard,  36-37. 


40  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Manufacturers  Bank  of  New  York,  and  repudiated  by  that  in 
stitution  on  the  ground  that  Brown  and  his  associates  had  no 
money  in  the  bank.  During  the  suit  the  amount  claimed  was 
rapidly  reduced,  and  when  the  judgment  was  rendered  against 
him  it  was  for  $917.65.  .  .  In  1845  Daniel  C.  Gaylord, 
who  several  times  had  sued  Brown,  succeeded  in  compelling 
him  and  his  associates  to  convey  to  him  certain  Franklin  lands, 
which  they  had  contracted  to  sell,  but  the  title  for  which  they 
refused  to  convey.  The  court  upheld  Gaylord's  claim.  The 
only  case  in  which  Brown  figured  as  plaintiff  was  settled  out  of 
court."  This  is  consistently  a  bad  record. 

The  year  1854  brought  the  settlement  of  Kansas  to  the  front 
and  the  wrecked  and  practically  penniless  Browns  decided  to 
emigrate  to  the  new  Territory.  Not  with  the  "ax  and  gun" 
went  they,  as  will  be  seen,  but  with  the  ax,  and  with  the  hope  of 
bettering  their  condition.  The  necessity  for  the  gun  was  de 
veloped  later  —  in  1855  —  and  by  the  Free-State  men  who  had 
preceded  the  Browns  into  the  Territory. 

p  It  seems  the  family  planned  to  establish  a  little  colony  or 
/  group  of  farms  —  "Brownsville"  -  and  that  while  the  sons 
were  to  be  engaged  in  opening  up  the  farms,  the  father  would 
try  to  earn  some  money  in  surveying,  which  would  be  a  very 
grateful  and  necessary  assistance  to  them  while  struggling  with 
the  many  discouraging  incidents  which  usually  befell  the  im 
pecunious  preemptor.  That  such  were  their  conclusions  ap 
pears  from  a  letter  which  Brown  wrote  February  13,  1855,  to 
Mr.  John  W.  Cook,  of  Wolcottville,  Connecticut.  He  said : 40 
"Since  I  saw  you  I  have  undertaken  to  direct  the  operations  of 
a  Surveying  &  exploring  party,  to  be  employed  in  Kansas  for  a 
considerable  time  perhaps  for  some  Two  or  Three  years;  &  I 
lack  for  time  to  make  all  my  arrangements,  and  get  on  the 
ground  in  season."  In  pursuance  of  his  intention  to  move  to 
Kansas,  he  relocated  with  his  family  on  the  North  Elba  farm. 
«  Villard,  84. 


THE  MAN  41 

This  review  of  Brown's  career  discloses  a  life  spent,  thus  far, 
in  a  series  of  strenuous  struggles  with  various  problems,  cover 
ing  a  wide  range  in  the  field  of  commercial  activity.  All  his 
efforts  had  ended  in  disappointment  and  failure.  The  removal 
to  North  Elba  marks  his  retirement,  in  defeat,  from  the  world 
of  trade,  and  finds  him,  as  the  result  of  his  failures,  living  with 
his  dependent  family  upon  a  small  tract  of  mountain  land,  of 
little  value,  that  had  been  given  to  him  as  a  condition  of  his  set 
tlement  thereon.  They  had  "moved  into  an  unplastered  four- 
room  house,  the  rudest  kind  of  a  pioneer  home,  built  for  him  by  / 
his  son-in-law,  Henry  Thompson,  who  had  married  his  daugh 
ter  Ruth."  41 

What  Brown's  religious  belief  was  is  problematical.  He 
was  a  student  of  the  Bible,  and,  as  he  said,  "possessed  a  most^ 
unusual  memory  of  its  entire  contents."  The  Book,  as  a  whole, 
was  his  creed,  and  upon  its  teachings  he  placed  his  personal  in 
terpretations.  He  spoke  and  wrote,  when  he  so  desired,  in  its 
phraseology;  and  by  this  distinction,  in  contradiction  of  the 
character  of  his  actions,  he  gained  a  reputation  for  being  a 
Christian.  He  may  have  been  a  Presbyterian,  as  has  been  said ; 
or  he  may  have  been  a  Methodist,  as  has  also  been  stated ;  and 
there  is  equal  authority  for  the  statement  that  he  belonged  to 
the  Congregational  church;  but,  it  would  seem  that  if  he  had 
been  a  consistent  member  of  any  of  these  churches,  his  historic 
name  would  have  been  proudly  borne  upon  the  rolls  of  member 
ship,  in  the  congregations  to  which  he  belonged;  and  the  fact 
of  his  membership  therein  clearly  established.  It  would  fur 
ther  seem  that  he  would  have  stated  the  fact  of  such  member 
ship  in  connection  with  what  he  did  say,  in  1857,  in  relation  to 
his  religious  experience.  It  appears  however,  that  while  as 
suming  to  believe  firmly  in  the  divine  authenticity  of  the  Bible, 
he  had  become  only  to  "some  extent  a  convert  to  Christianity." 
There  is  no  evidence  that  he  ever  attended  public  worship  in 

41  Villard,  76. 


42  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

Kansas,  or  at  any  place  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  or  that 
he  engaged  in  prayer.  Also,  it  would  seem,  that  if  he  had  been 
"a  student  at  Morris  Academy"  in  either  1816  or  1819,  as  a 
preparation  for  college  —  Amherst  —  with  an  ultimate  purpose 
so  creditable  as  "entering  the  ministry,"  he  would  have  referred 
to  the  fact,  incidentally  at  least,  in  his  Autobiography,  which 
treats  specifically  of  his  education.42 

The  Rev.  H.  D.  King  of  Kinsman,  Ohio,  met  Brown  fre 
quently  at  Tabor,  Iowa,  during  August  and  September,  1857. 
He  probably  regarded  him  as  an  infidel,  but  did  not  wish  to  say 
so.  "He  was  rather  skeptical,  I  think,"  he  said ;  "not  an  in 
fidel,  but  not  bound  by  creeds.  He  was  somewhat  cranky  on 
the  subject  of  the  Bible  as  he  was  on  that  of  killing  people."  43 
In  the  last  letter  which  Brown  wrote  to  his  family,  November 
30,  1859,  two  days  before  his  execution,  he  said : 44 

I  must  yet  insert  the  reason  for  my  firm  belief  in  the  Bible, 
notwithstanding  I  am,  perhaps,  naturally  skeptical  —  certain 
ly  not  credulous.  .  .  It  is  the  purity  of  heart,  filling  our 
minds  as  well  as  work  and  actions,  which  is  everywhere  in 
sisted  on,  that  distinguishes  it  from  all  other  teachings,  that 
commends  it  to  my  conscience. 

The  late  Mr.  George  B.  Gill  of  Kansas,  who  was  a  member 

42  Brown  relates  :  "From  fifteen  to  twenty  years  old,  he  spent  most  of 
his  time  at  the  Tanner  &  Currier's  trade  keeping  Bachelor's  hall ;  &  he  of 
ficiating  as  Cook ;  &  for  most  of  the  time  as  foreman  of  the  establishment 
under  his  Father.  During  this  time  he  found  much  trouble  with  some  of 
the  bad  habits  I  have  mentioned:  .  .  .  but  his  close  attention  to 
business;  &  success  in  its  management;  together  with  the  way  he  got 
along  with  a  company  of  men  &  boys  made  him  quite  a  favorite ;  .  .  . 
From  Fifteen  years  and  upward  he  felt  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  to  learn; 
but  could  only  read  &  study  a  little ;  both  for  want  of  time ;  &  on  account 
of  inflamation  of  the  eyes.  He  however  managed  by  the  help  of  books 
to  make  himself  tolerably  well  acquainted  with  common  Arithmetic ; 
&  Surveying:  which  he  practiced  more  or  less  after  he  was  Twenty  years 
old." — Appendix,  IV. 

«  Villard,  299. 

44  Sanborn,  614. 


THE  MAN  43 

of  Brown's  cabinet  —  secretary  of  the  treasury  —  said  of  him : 
"He  was  very  human.  The  angel  wings  were  so  dim  and  shad 
owy  as  to  be  almost  unseen." 

Brown's  younger  sons  were  infidels.     They  had  "discovered 
the  Bible  to  be  all  fiction."45     To  the  Sabbath  day  and  its"" 
sanctity,  he  was  indifferent.     In  violation  of  the  stricter  con 
ventions,  which  prevailed  at  that  time,  concerning  the  observ 
ance  of  it  as  "Holy  unto  the  Lord,"  he  committed  the  principal^ 
crimes  incident  to  his  career,  wholly  or  in  part,  on  the  Sabbath/ 
A  part  of  the  murders  and  thefts  on  the  Pottawatomie  were 
committed  on  Sunday  morning,  May  25,  1856.     Returning  to 
Kansas  from  Nebraska  City  (August  9th  and  10th)  half  the 
journey  was  made  on  Sunday,  August  10th.   "On  August  24," 
1856  (Sunday),  "the  Brown  and  Cline  companies  set  out  for 
the    South,    marching   eight    miles    and    camping    on    Sugar 
Creek."  46     Sunday  night,  October  16,  1859,  was  the  time  fixed 
for  the  insurrection  of  the  slaves  to  occur,  and  on  that  night, 
in  pursuance  of  his  plans,  he  occupied  Harper's  Ferry. 

Brown  was  averse  to  military  operations,  and  military  af 
fairs.     He  refused  to  drill  with  the  local  militia,  paying  the 
fines  instead,  which  were  imposed  by  law  for  such  delinquen 
cies.     In  political  matters  he  affiliated  with  the  Abolitionists,/ 
or  with  those  of  the  party  who  were  "non-resistants."  4T 

The  statements  which  have  been  put  forth  in  support  of  the 
assumption  that  Brown's  life  was  a  devotion  to  the  Anti- 
Slavery  cause  —  a  series  of  abnormal  activities  in  opposition  to  - — 
slavery  —  are  not  confirmed,  nor  can  they  be  justified  by  any- 
contemporaneous  evidence.  For  notwithstanding  the  persist 
ent,  if  not  offensive,  insistence  of  his  biographers  to  the  con 
trary  ;  and  the  pages  without  number  which  have  been  written  in 
support  of  such  insistence,  the  record  of  his  life  is  practically 

45  Sanborn,  46. 

46  Villard,  236. 

47  Mason  Report,  72.     Testimony  of  Wm.  F.  Arny. 


BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

barren  in  relation  to  the  subject.  There  is  not  a  scrap  of  con 
current  evidence  which,  even  remotely,  suggests  that  prior  to 
1855  he  might  have  taken  more  than  a  most  ordinary  interest 
in  securing  freedom  for  the  slaves.  Even  in  his  letter  of  that 
year  to  Mr.  John  W.  Cook  (note  40),  informing  him  of  his  in 
tention  to  go  to  Kansas,  and  of  his  motive  for  going  thereto,  he 
made  no  reference  to  the  subject  whatever.  A  statement  of 
everything  which  Brown  did,  or  that  he  attempted  to  do  up  to 
that  year,  in  opposition  to  slavery,  may  be  republished  in  this 
book  without  encumbering  its  pages.  It  will  therefore  be 
given. 

In  1857,  after  Brown  had  ceased  to  be  a  non-resistant,  and 
was  in  the  East  professionally  advocating  war  in  Kansas;  he 
wrote  that  during  the  late  war  with  England  an  incident  "oc 
curred  that  made  him  a  most  determined  Abolitionist:  &  led 
him  to  declare  or  Sivear:  Eternal  war  with  Slavery."  But  Mr. 
Villard,  having  the  infant  Pardigles  prodigy  in  mind,  makes  the 
point  that  "the  oaths  of  a  lad  of  such  tender  years  do  not  often 
become  the  guiding  force  of  maturity."  A  Mr.  Blakesley,  with 
whom  Brown,  before  his  marriage,  kept  bachelor's  hall,  relates 
that  one  evening  a  runaway  slave  came  to  their  door,  and  asked 
for  food,  which  was  given  him  freely.  John  Brown,  Jr.,  relates 
the  same,  or  a  similar,  incident  as  occurring  eight  years  later. 
The  dramatic  settings  in  each  case  are  practically  similar: 
Night!  Sound  of  horses'  feet  approaching!  Flight  of  fugi 
tive,  or  fugitives,  into  the  adjacent  timber!  False  alarm! 
Subsequent  search  for,  and  locating  of  the  fugitive  "by  the 
sound  of  the  beating  of  his  heart !"  Finale :  "Brown  swears 
eternal  enmity  to  slavery!"48  Both  of  the  tales  are  of  the 
legendary  type  common  to  Brown  literature.  Mr.  Blakesley's 
story  is  probably  in  part,  true,  but  whether  either  of  them,  or 
both  of  them,  be  true  is  without  significance.  It  would  indeed 
have  been  difficult  to  find  a  person  living  in  the  North  at  that 

48  Villard,  18,  and  Sanborn,  35. 


THE  MAN  45 

time,  who  would  have  refused  a  poor  fugitive  slave  the  measure 
of  assistance  asked  for  in  this  case. 

On  another  occasion  Brown  is  represented  as  taking  the 
members  of  his  family  into  his  confidence,  and  enlisting  them 
for  life  in  the  "eternal  war"  which  he  is  said  to  have  been  per 
sonally  waging;  taking  the  precaution  to  swear  them  to  se 
crecy.  Jason  Brown  states  that  they  were  "merely  sworn  to  do 
all  in  their  power  to  abolish  slavery,"  and  does  not  use  the  word 
"force."  49  But  as  related  by  John  Brown,  Jr.,  the  occasion 
was  much  more  dramatic  and  far  reaching.  He  says : 50 

It  is,  of  course,  impossible  for  me  to  say  when  such  idea 
and  plan  first  entered  his  (John  Brown's)  mind  and  became 
a  purpose ;  but  I  can  say  with  certainty  that  he  first  informed 
his  family  that  he  entertained  such  purpose  while  we  were 
yet  living  in  Franklin,  O.  (now  called  Kent),  and  before  he 
went  to  Virginia,  in  1840,  to  survey  the  lands  which  had  been 
donated  by  Arthur  Tappan  to  Oberlin  College ;  and  this  was 
certainly  as  early  as  1839.  The  place  and  the  circumstances 
where  he  first  informed  us  of  that  purpose  are  as  perfectly  in 
my  memory  as  any  other  event  in  my  life.  Father,  mother, 
Jason,  Owen  and  I  were,  late  in  the  evening,  seated  around 
the  fire  in  the  open  fire-place  of  the  kitchen,  in  the  old  Hay 
maker  house  where  we  then  lived ;  and  there  he  first  informed 
us  of  his  determination  to  make  war  on  slavery  —  not  such 
war  as  Mr.  Garrison  informs  us  "was  equally  the  purpose 
of  the  non-resistant  abolitionists,"  but  war  by  force  and  arms. 
He  said  that  he  had  long  entertained  such  a  purpose  —  that , 
he  believed  it  his  duty  to  devote  his  life,  if  need  be,  to  this 
object,  which  he  made  us  fully  to  understand.  After  spend 
ing  considerable  time  in  setting  forth  in  most  impressive  lan 
guage  the  hopeless  condition  of  the  slave,  he  asked  who  of  us 
were  willing  to  make  common  cause  with  him  in  doing  all 
in  our  power  to  "break  the  jaws  of  the  wicked  and  pluck  the 
spoil  out  of  his  teeth,"  naming  each  of  us  in  succession.  Are 

«  Villard,  45. 
50  Ibid. 


46  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

you,  Mary,  John,  Jason,  and  Owen?  Receiving  an  affirma 
tive  answer  from  each,  he  kneeled  in  prayer,  and  all  did  the 
same.  This  posture  in  prayer  impressed  me  greatly  as  it  was 
the  first  time  I  had  ever  known  him  to  assume  it.  After 
prayer  he  asked  us  to  raise  our  right  hands,  and  he  then  ad 
ministered  to  us  an  oath,  the  exact  terms  of  which  I  cannot 
recall,  but  in  substance  it  bound  us  to  secrecy  and  devotion  to 
the  purpose  of  fighting  slavery  by  force  and  arms  to  the  ex 
tent  of  our  ability. 

Referring  to  this  incident  Mr.  Villard  says : 51  "It  must  be 
noted  here  that  in  this  letter  John  Brown,  Jr.,  gives  the  date  of 
the  oath  as  1839;  in  his  lengthy  affidavit  in  the  case  of  Gerrit 
Smith  against  the  Chicago  Tribune,  he  gave  the  date  as  1836, 
three  years  earlier,  and  in  an  account  given  in  Mr.  Sanborn's 
book  he  placed  it  at  1837;  three  distinct  times  for  the  same 
event.  It  can,  therefore,  best  be  stated  as  occurring  before 
1840." 

In  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  it  could,  perhaps,  "best  be 
stated"  as  not  having  occurred  at  all.  As  has  been  heretofore 
stated,  Brown  was  at  that  time  a  non-resistant,  and  there  is  no 
concurrent  evidence  that  he  treasured  a  thought  of  using  force 
against  slavery  until  after  Robinson  suggested  it  by  arming  the 
Free-State  men  in  Kansas  in  the  spring  of  1855.  The  incident 
may  therefore  be  considered  as  apocryphal.  It  is  a  part  of  the 
mass  of  legendary  literature  that  has  overwhelmed  Brown's 
"simple,  noble  memory." 

The  improvisation  of  these  two  incidents,  shows  the  strait  in 
which  John  Brown,  Jr.,  was  placed,  when  called  upon,  by  Mr. 
Sanborn,  to  narrate  some  of  the  incidents  occurring  in  the 
course  of  his  father's  anti-slavery  activities.  There  being  none, 
nothing  whatever  to  tell,  he  filched  the  Blakesley  incident  and 
related  it  as  one  occurring  under  his  personal  observation,  and 
put  it  forth  along  with  the  fiction  concerning  the  dramatic  func- 

51  Villard,  45. 


THE  MAN  47 

tion  just  related,  to  relieve  himself  from  an  embarrassing  situ 
ation. 

In  a  letter  written  nearly  twenty  years  after  the  Blakesley 
incident  is  said  to  have  occurred,  Brown  disclosed  the  character 
of  the  "eternal  war"  which  he  really  proposed  to  wage,  if  any, 
against  slavery.     It  was  to  "get  at  least  one  negro  boy  or  youth 
and  bring  him  up  as  we  do  our  own,  —  give  him  a  good  English 
education,  learn  him  what  we  can  about  the  history  of  the 
world,  about  business,  -about  general  subjects,  and,  above  all, 
try  to  teach  him  the  fear  of  God."     In  the  same  letter  he  seeks 
to  interest  his  brother  —  Frederick  —  in  a  school  for  blacks  / 
which  he  wanted  to  open  at  Randolph.     He  thought  "if  the  I 
young  blacks  of  our  country  could  once  become  enlightened,  it ! 
would  most  assuredly  operate  on  slavery  like  firing  powder 
confined  in  a  rock."     Incidentally,   he  intended  to  own  the 
school,  and  thought  it  would  pay.52 

While  the  suggestion  to  attack  slavery  in  the  manner  out-\ 
lined  in  this  letter  is  the  first  recorded  movement,  or  act  of  ag 
gression,  in  the  much  talked  of  eternal  war;  and  while  it  may 
be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  opening  gun ;  though  not  a  loud  one, 
the  proposal  contained  therein  may  be  considered  merely  as  be 
ing  a  commercial  venture,  for  pecuniary  profit,  that  he  desired 
to  engage  in,  rather  than  as  a  scheme  in  negro  philanthropy. 
He  thought  the  venture  would  be  profitable,  and  offered  to  di 
vide  the  profits  arising  from  it  with  his  brother  upon  terms  that 
"shall  be  fair."  Also  it  may  be  stated  that  at  the  time  he  made 
this  proposal  he  was  in  the  toils  of  insolvency.  Six  months 
later  he  left  Randolph  in  straitened  circumstances.  It  is  there 
fore  probable  that  he  was  moved  to  suggest  the  opening  of  a 
school  for  blacks  by  personal  considerations,  and  that  but  for 
such  reasons  the  letter  containing  the  proposal  would  not  have 
been  written. 

In   1848,   while   a  resident  of   Springfield,   Massachusetts, 

52  Villard,  43-44. 


48  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

v Brown  wrote  some  articles  reflecting  upon  the  negro  character; 
criticising  negroes  because  of  their  vanity  and  shiftlessness. 
They  were  written  under  the  caption :     "Sambo's  Mistakes,'' 
and  were  published  in  the  Ram's  Horn,  a  newspaper  conducted 
by  negroes,  in  New  York.  '  'They  do  not  relate  to  slavery.  ^X  ^j 
/In  1850  he  made  the  first,  and,  it  may  be  said,  the  only  no- 
nceable  effort  in  behalf  of  the  anti-slavery  cause,  that  is  re 
corded  of  him  prior  to  1854.     The  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  enacted 
by  the  Thirty-first  Congress,  provided  for  the  use  of  all  the 
forces  of  the  Department  of  Justice,  to  effect  the  arrest  of  fugi 
tives  from  slavery,  and  the  restoration  of  them  to  their  masters. 
Brown  conceived  the  idea  of  uniting  the  free  negroes  and  fugi 
tive  slaves  in  an  organization  to  resist  the  enforcement  of  the 
provisions  of  this  law.     The  society  was  to  be  called  "The 
United  States  League  of  Gileadites."     The  plan  failed;  the  en 
rollment  so  far  as  known  was  confined  to  the  Springfield,  Mass- 
/  achusetts,  branch,  which  numbered  fifty-three  members.54    But 
/   the  activities  therein  undertaken  were  strictly  defensive  in  their 
/    character;  they  were  not  directed  against  slavery,  but  for  the 
/     personal  protection  of  fugitive  slaves  and  free  negroes  living 
/      in  the  Northern  States.     His  letter  of  advice  to  the  Gileadites 
is,  in  part,  as  follows : 55 

WORDS  OP  ADVICE: 
"Union  is  Strength" 

Nothing  so  charms  the  American  people  as  personal  brav 
ery.  Witness  the  case  of  Cinques,  of  everlasting  memory, 
on  board  the  "Amistad."  The  trial  for  life  of  one  bold  and 
to  some  extent  successful  man,  for  defending  his  rights  in 
good  earnest,  would  arouse  more  sympathy  throughout  the 
nation  than  the  accumulated  wrongs  and  sufferings  of  more 
than  three  millions  of  our  submissive  colored  population. 


,  659-661. 
54Sanborn,  127. 
'  55Sanborn,  124-125. 


THE  MAN  49 

We  need  not  mention  the  Greeks  struggling  against  the  op 
pressive  Turks,  the  Poles  against  Russia,  nor  the  Hungarians   | 
against  Austria  and  Russia  combined,  to  prove  this.     No  jury  I 
can  be  found  in  the  Northern  States  that  would  convict  a  man 
for  defending  his  rights  to  the  last  extremity.     This  is  vvell  j 
understood  by  Southern  Congressmen,  who  insisted  that  the  j. 
right  of  trial  by  jury  should  not  be  granted  to  the  fugitive. 
Colored  people  have  ten  times  the  number  of  fast  friends 
among  the  whites  than  they  suppose,  and  would  have  ten 
times  the  number  they  now  have  were  they  but  half  as  much 
in  earnest  to  secure  their  dearest  rights  as  they  are  to  ape  the 
follies  and  extravagances  of  their  luxury.     Just  think  of  the 
money  expended  by  individuals  in  your  behalf  in  the  past 
twenty  years !     Think  of  the  number  who  have  been  mobbed 
and  imprisoned  on  your  account !     Have  any  of  you  seen  the 
Branded  Hand?     Do  you  remember  the  names  of  Love  joy 
and  Torrey? 

Should  one  of  your  number  be  arrested,  you  must  collect 
together  as  quickly  as  possible,  so  as  to  outnumber  your  ad 
versaries  who  are  taking  an  active  part  against  you.  Let 
no  able-bodied  man  appear  on  the  ground  unequipped,  or  with 
his  weapons  exposed  to  view ;  let  that  be  understood  before 
hand.  Your  plans  must  be  known  only  to  yourself,  and  with 
the  understanding  that  all  traitors  must  die,  wherever  caught 
and  proven  to  be  guilty.  "Whosoever  is  fearful  or  afraid,  let 
him  return  and  depart  early  from  Mount  Gilead"  (Judges, 
vii.  3 ;  Deut.  xx.  8) .  Give  all  cowards  an  opportunity  to 
show  it  on  condition  of  holding  their  peace.  Do  not  delay 
one  moment  after  you  are  ready;  you  will  lose  all  your  resolu 
tion  if  you  do.  Let  the  first  blow  be  the  signal  for  all  to  en 
gage;  and  when  engaged  do  not  do  your  work  by  halves,  but 
make  clean  ivork  with  your  enemies,  and  be  sure  you  meddle 
not  with  any  others.  By  going  about  your  business  quietly, 
you  will  get  the  job  disposed  of  before  the  number  that  an 
uproar  would  bring  together  can  collect;  and  you  will  have 
the  advantage  of  those  who  come  out  against  you,  for  they 
will  be  wholly  unprepared  with  either  equipments  or  matured 


50  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

plans;  all  with  them  will  be  confusion  and  terror.  Your 
enemies  will  be  slow  to  attack  you  after  you  have  done  up  the 
work  nicely ;  and  if  they  should,  they  will  have  to  encounter 
your  white  friends  as  well  as  you ;  for  you  may  sa'fely  calcu 
late  on  a  division  of  the  whites,  and  may  by  that  means  get 
to  an  honorable  parley. 

Be  firm,  determined,  and  cool ;  but  let  it  be  understood  that 
you  are  not  to  be  driven  to  desperation  without  making  it  an 
awful  dear  job  to  others  as  well  as  to  you.  .  . 

A  lasso  might  possibly  be  applied  to  a  slave-catcher  for 
once  with  good  effect.     Hold  on  to  your  weapons,  and  never 
be  persuaded  to  leave  them,  part  with  them,  or  have  them  far 
away  from  you.     Stand  by  one  another  and  by  your  friends, 
while  a  drop  of  blood  remains;  and  be  hanged,  if  you  must, 
but  tell  no  talcs  out  of  school.     Make  no  confession. 
In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  January  17,  1851,  relating  to  the  same 
subject,  he  said: 56 

DEAR  WIFE  .  .  .  Since  the  sending  off  to  slavery  of 
Long  from  New  York,  I  have  improved  my  leisure  hours  quite 
busily  with  colored  people  here,  in  advising  them  how  to  act, 
and  in  giving  them  all  the  encouragement  in  my  power.  They 
very  much  need  encouragement  and  advice ;  and  some  of  them 
are  so  alarmed  that  they  tell  me  they  cannot  sleep  on  account 
of  either  themselves  or  their  wives  and  children.  I  can  only 
say  I  think  I  have  been  enabled  to  do  something  to  revive 
their  broken  spirits.  I  want  all  my  family  to  imagine  them 
selves  in  the  same  dreadful  condition.  My  only  spare  time 
being  taken  up  (often  until  late  hours  at  night)  in  the  way  I 
speak  of,  have  prevented  me  from  the  gloomy  homesick  feel 
ings  which  had  before  so  much  oppressed  me  :  not  that  I  for 
get  my  family  at  all. 

The  assumption  that  Brown,  "The  peaceful  tanner  and  shep 
herd,"  had  at  this  time  been  transformed  "into  a  man  burning 
to  use  arms  upon  an  institution  which  refused  to  yield  to  peace- 
se  Sanborn,  132. 


THE  MAN  51 

ful  agitation,"  57  is  not  justified  by  anything  that  he  had  there 
tofore  said  or  done  relating  to  slavery;  neither  is  it  justified  by 
what  he  wrote  to  the  "Gileadites,"  nor  by  the  letter  which  he 
wrote  to  his  wife  concerning  the  condition  of  the  free  negroes. 
These  papers  contain  no  hint,  to  say  nothing  of  evidence,  that 
the  action  taken  therein  by  him  was  the  result  of  any  precon 
ceived  intention  to  attack  slavery ;  or  that  it  was  related  to  any 
general  plan  or  purpose  to  oppose  slavery;  or  that  it  fore 
shadowed  any  disposition  on  his  part,  burning  or  otherwise,  to 
engage  in  the  matter  any  further  than  by  counsel  and  advice. 
The  letter  to  his  wife  reflects  the  general  sense  of  compassion 
that  was  felt  for  the  negroes,  by  all  humane  people  throughout 
the  North,  because  of  the  distressful  condition  in  which  they 
were  placed  by  the  terms  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

The  foregoing  is  a  recital  of  all  that  is  contained  in  the 
record  of  Brown's  life  concerning  his  anti-slavery  activities  up 
to  the  year  1852.  In  the  working  of  that  great  engine  for 
emancipation,  the  Underground  Railway,  he  took  no  part.  Of 
the  more  than  seventy-five  thousand  slaves  who  were  carried 
from  bondage  to  freedom  by  the  self-sacrificing  agencies  of  the 
system,  Brown,  it  is  said,  gave  shelter  and  a  meal  to  but  one  of 
them.  The  late  Colonel  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  mili 
tant  clergyman  and  abolitionist,  in  a  eulogy  upon  Brown,  said  :58 

.  .  .  It  had  been  my  privilege  to  live  in  the  best  society 
all  my  life  —  namely  that  of  abolitionists  and  fugitive  slaves. 
I  had  seen  the  most  eminent  persons  of  the  age :  several  on 
whose  heads  tens  of  thousands  of  dollars  had  been  set ;  a  black 
woman,  who,  after  escaping  from  slavery  herself,  had  gone 
back  secretly  eight  times  into  the  jaws  of  death  to  bring  out 
persons  whom  she  had  never  seen ;  and  a  white  man,  who  af 
ter  assisting  away  fugitives  by  the  thousand,  had  twice  been 
stripped  of  every  dollar  of  his  property  in  fines,  and  when 
taunted  by  the  Court,  had  mildly  said,  "Friend  if  thee  knows 

"  Villard,  48. 
58Redpath,  64. 


52  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

any  poor  fugitive  in  need  of  a  breakfast,  send  him  to  Thomas 

Garrett's  door."     I  had  known  these,  and  such  as  these ;  but 

I  had  not  known  the  Browns.     .     . 

This  well  informed  man ;  this  practical  and  intellectual  leader 
of  the  anti-slavery  movement  had  been  Brown's  neighbor  for 
years.  Why  was  it  that  he  had  never  heard  of  him?  There 
is  but  one  answer:  Brown  had  not  been  a  worker  in  Mr. 
Higginson's  vineyard.  He  had  not  done  anything  to  attract 
the  attention  of  any  one  seriously  interested  in  the  anti-slavery 
(  cause.  He  was  neither  an  ardent  nor  a  conspicuous  laborer 
in  behalf  of  the  slave. 

However,  what  has  been  stated  herein  is  the  credit  side  of 
Brown's  account  with  slavery ;  there  is  also  a  debit  side  in  this 
history  which  exhibits  strong  presumptive  evidence  that  his 

/"horror"  of  slavery  was  neither  so  "passionate"  nor  so  violent 
but  that  it  could  be  controlled  and  modified  to  accommodate 
itself  to  the  advantages  of  the  system.  /When  John  Brown, 
the  man  of  affairs,  decided  to  become  a  resident  of  the  State  of 
Virginia,  and  engage  in  business  there  upon  a  one  thousand 
acre  estate,  he  knew  that  he  would  have  to  employ  some  slave 
labor.  He  knew  also  that  the  "good  will"  and  the  patronage 
of  the  people  living  in  the  section  of  the  country  in  which  he  in 
tended  to  locate,  were  necessary  for  the  success  of  his  undertak 
ing  ;  these  he  knew  he  could  not  secure  unless  he  conformed  to 
the  commercial  and  social  customs  prevailing  in  Virginia,  and  to 
the  sentiment  of  Virginians  in  relation  to  slavery.  These  condi 
tions  this  aggressive  speculator  and  sportsman,  did  consider  and 
did  accept.  The  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  wife  from  Ripley, 
Virginia,  suggests,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  he  had  declared  a 
truce  in  his  opposition  to  slavery,  whatever  the  degree  of  such 
opposition  may  have  been ;  and  that  he  had  changed  his  attitude 
toward  the  system  to  meet  the  requirements  of  his  prospective 
environment.  The  letter,  abridged  by  Mr.  Sanborn,  is  as  fol 
lows  : 59 

59  Sanborn,  134. 


THE  MAN  53 

Ripley,  Va.,  April  27,  1840. 

.  .  .  I  like  the  country  as  well  as  I  expected  and  its  in 
habitants  rather  better ;  and  I  have  seen  the  spot  where,  if  it 
be  the  will  of  Providence,  I  hope  one  day  to  live  with  my  fam 
ily.  .  .  Were  the  inhabitants  as  resolute  and  industrious 
as  the  Northern  people,  and  did  they  understand  how  to  man 
age  as  well,  they  would  become  rich ;  but  they  are  not  gen 
erally  so.  They  seem  to  have  no  idea  of  improvement  in  their 
cattle,  sheep,  or  hogs,  nor  to  know  the  use  of  enclosed  pas 
ture-field  for  their  stock,  but  spend  a  large  portion  of  their 
time  in  hunting  for  their  cattle,  sheep,  and  horses;  and  the 
same  habit  continues  from  father  to  son.  .  .  By  compar 
ing  them  with  people  of  other  parts  of  the  country,  I  can  see 
new  and  abundant  proof  that  knowledge  is  power.  I  think 
we  may  be  very  useful  to  them  on  many  accounts,  were  we 
disposed.  May  God  in  mercy  keep  us  all,  and  enable  us  to 
get  wisdom;  and  with  all  our  getting  and  losing,  to  get 
understanding. 

It  would  be  very  much  more  satisfactory  if  Mr.  Sanborn 
had  published  the  full  text  of  that  part  of  this  letter  which 
treats  of  the  habits  of  the  people,  and  of  the  labor  conditions 
existing  there.  The  question  of  labor  was  of  paramount  im 
portance  in  Brown's  Virginia  venture.  He  was  an  optimist, 
and  in  his  optimistic  forecast  saw  that  the  care  and  cultivation 
of  a  thousand  acres,  and  the  operation  and  development  of  a 
tanning  business  would,  in  time,  require  a  large  establishment, 
necessitating,  probably,  the  labor  of  a  number  of  slaves.  This 
question  then  arises :  Did  John  Brown  intend  or  expect  to 
own,  ultimately,  the  necessary  slaves  to  operate  this  property, 
or  did  he  intend  to  hire  them  from  others.  His  letters  con 
sistently  abound  in  minute  detail.  It  is  therefore  improbable, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  that  he  discussed  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  white  people  of  that  section  with  his  wife,  and 
wrote  of  minor  conditions  existing  there,  without  making  some 
reference  to  the  black  people  of  the  country;  and  to  the  more 
important  questions  of  slavery  and  labor  —  matters  in  which 


54  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

he  would  have  a  deep  personal  and  pecuniary  interest.  Mr. 
Villard  did  not  fail  to  comment,  with  surprise,  upon  the  omis 
sion  of  the  subject  from  Brown's  letter.  He  said : 60 

But  his  letter  to  his  family  from  Ripley,  Virginia,  April  27, 
1840,  already  cited,  is  peaceable  enough  and  his  hope  of  set 
tling  his  family  there  is  hardly  consistent  with  his  anti-slavery 
policy  of  later  years.  Indeed,  while  recording  his  pleasure 
that  the  residents  of  the  vicinity  were  more  attractive  people 
than  he  thought,  he  had  nothing  to  say  about  the  institution  of 
slavery  which  he  then,  for  the  first  time,  really  beheld  at  close 
range. 

No  one  inspired  with  an  enthusiasm  upon  the  subject  of 
slavery,  such  as  has  been  attributed  to  Brown,  could  have  failed, 
under  these  circumstances,  to  dwell  upon  the  theme.  A  dilem 
ma  is,  therefore,  herein  presented  to  his  biographers  and 
eulogists  which  they  cannot  disregard :  either  he  discussed  the 
questions  of  labor,  and  what  their  relations  to  slavery  would 
be  in  their  prospective  estate,  in  this  letter  to  his  wife ;  or  else, 
he  considered  slavery  of  so  little  importance  in  the  premises, 
and  was  so  indifferent  at  heart  upon  the  subject,  that  his  first 
sight  of  real  slaves,  in  actual  slavery,  failed  to  elicit  from  him 
any  expression  whatever  in  regard  to  it.  It  is  the  opinion  of 
the  writer  that  John  Brown,  the  man  of  iron  will,  the  reckless 
speculator,  optimist  and  sportsman,  was  well  pleased  with  the 
prospect  of  owning  a  plantation  of  a  thousand  broad  acres  in 
Virginia ;  and  with  having  it  well  stocked  with  fine  horses,  fine 
cattle,  fine  sheep,  and  fine  slaves. 

This  opinion  of  the  man  is  consistent  with  his  reckless  specu 
lative  career,  and  with  his  indifference  as  to  the  means  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  ends.  And  after  all,  it  is  by  a  man's 
actions,  and  not  by  any  explanation  of  his  motives,  furnished 
by  himself  or  by  others,  that  we  must,  in  the  final  analysis,  esti 
mate  his  character. 


60  Villard,  48. 


CHAPTER  III 

KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  NATIONAL  HISTORY 

There  are  no  greater  heroes  in  the  history  of  our  country 
than  Eli  Thayer  of  Massachusetts,  and  Charles  Robinson  of 
Kansas.  — WILLIAM  H.  TAFT 

IN  its  relation  to  Government,  our  country  has  completed  two 
periods  of  its  existence.  The  Colonial  period  ended  at  York- 
town.  The  period  of  State  Sovereignty  had  its  ending  at  Ap- 
pomattox.  Kansas  was  the  herald  of  Appomattox ;  the  climax 
in  the  series  of  political  incidents  which  led  to  secession  and  the 
war  between  the  States. 

By  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  the  last  Continental  Congress  ex 
cluded  slavery  from  all  that  part  of  the  public  domain  lying 
north  of  the  Ohio  River.  In  1803  our  territorial  limits  were 
expanded  by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  a  serious  clash 
between  the  Free  and  the  Slave  sections  of  the  country  came 
upon  the  division,  in  relation  to  slavery,  of  this  newly  acquired 
domain.  It  was  precipitated  upon  Congress  by  the  application 
of  Missouri,  in  1818,  to  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  Its  con 
stitution  provided  for  slavery.  The  northern  part  of  the  new 
state  extended  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Missouri ;  the  north 
boundary  being  40°  30'  north  latitude;  and  this  line,  taken  in 
connection  with  the  Platte  River  from  the  Missouri  to  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  suggested  what  the  South  intended  should 
be  the  dividing  line  between  the  sections  in  the  new  territory. 
After  two  years  of  acrimonious  debate  a  compromise  measure 
was  adopted  admitting  Missouri,  as  prayed  for,  but  excluding 
slavery  forever  from  all  the  remaining  territory,  acquired  from 
France,  lying  north  of  36°  30'  north  latitude. 


56  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

The  debate  upon  the  measure  developed  the  existence,  in  the 
North,  of  a  growing  hostile  sentiment  toward  slavery,  which 
confirmed  in  the  minds  of  Southern  statesmen  the  necessity  of 
keeping  the  number  of  Slave  States  equal,  at  least,  with  the 
number  of  Free  States ;  for  only  by  thus  maintaining  a  balance 
of  power  in  the  Senate,  could  legislation  adverse  to  slavery  be 
prevented.  Also,  the  limitations  of  the  compromise  agreement 
emphasized  a.  further  necessity;  the  acquisition  of  additional 
territory  south  of  36°  30'  from  which  Slave  States  could  be 
created  in  the  future,  to  balance  the  admission  into  the  Union 
of  prospective  Free  States.  This  resulted  in  a  propaganda  for 
territorial  expansion  southward.  In  pursuance  of  such  policy, 
the  revolt  against  Mexico,  by  Texas,  was  probably  encouraged.61 
In  discussing  the  recognition  of  the  Republic  of  Texas,  in  Jan 
uary,  1836,  Mr.  Calhoun  said,  "It  prepared  the  way  for  the 
speedy  admission  of  Texas  into  the  Union,  which  would  be 
a  necessity  to  the  proper  balance  of  power  in  the  Union  between 
\the  slave-holding  and  non-slave-holding  Commonwealths,  upon 
which  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and  the  perpetuation  of 
its  institutions  rested.62 

The  State  of  Vermont  "apprehended  that  the  political 
strength  which  the  annexation  of  Texas  would  give  to  the 
slave-holding  interests,  would  soon  lead  to  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union,  or  to  the  political  degradation  of  the  Free  States" ;  and, 
in  pursuance  of  that  apprehension  the  "Legislature  of  Vermont 
adopted  a  set  of  resolutions  protesting  against  the  annexation  of 
Texas  or  the  admission  of  any  Slave  State  into  the  Union," 
which  was  presented  in  Congress.63  Having  respect  for  North 
ern  sentiment,  Congress  kept  Florida  waiting  six  years :  until 
Iowa  was  ready  to  come  into  the  Union.64  The  South  consented 
readily  to  the  settlement  of  the  "Oregon  Boundary  Question" 

61  Schouler.  vol.  iv,  251. 

62  Burgess,  302. 
eaMcMaster,   vol.   vi,  481. 
64  Burgess,  290. 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        57 

at  49°  north  latitude  instead  of  54°  40'.  In  fact,  at  the  time 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1844  declared  our  title 
to  the  whole  of  Oregon  as  far  as  54°  40'  to  be  "clear  and  un 
questionable/'  Mr.  Calhoun,  secretary  of  state,  had  proposed 
to  Her  Majesty's  representative  to  settle  the  controversy  by 
adopting  the  49th  parallel  as  the  boundary.65  Texas  was  ad 
mitted  into  the  Union ;  the  articles  of  annexation  providing  that 
it  might  be  subdivided  into  five  states,  at  any  time  it  chose  to 
make  such  division.  Also,  after  a  war  of  conquest  with  Mexico, 
Upper  California  and  New  Mexico  were  added  to  the  public 
domain. 

The  mutual  congratulations  indulged  in  by  the  Southern 
managers  over  the  accomplishment  of  the  pro-slavery  program 
for  territorial  expansion,  were  interrupted  by  intelligence  of  the 
most  startling  character.  Before  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo  had  been  signed,  gold  was  discovered  in  the  Sierras, 
and  the  occupation  of  California  by  emigrants,  principally  from 
the  Northern  States,  was  an  immediate  result.  Thus,  the  con 
quest  of  Mexico  —  the  prize  trophy  in  the  triumphal  procession 
of  pro-slavery  events  —  carried  with  it,  by  the  irony  of  fate, 
the  Nemesis  of  her  despoiled  people.  Within  two  years  a  Free 
State  had  been  carved  out  of  the  Territory  which  the  South 
had  won  for  slavery. 

The  contests  which  were  had  over  the  admission  of  Missouri 
into  the  Union,  and  the  annexation  of  Texas,  were  trivial  in 
comparison  with  the  storm  that  burst  upon  the  Thirty-first 
Congress  over  the  admission  of  California.  The  already 
strained  relations  between  the  North  and  the  South  reached  the 
limits  of  tension ;  and  but  for  the  tabling  of  the  "Wilmot  Pro 
viso,"  and  the  adoption  of  the  "Compromise"  measures,  the 
cords  that  bound  the  Union  would  have  snapped  then  and  there. 
"The  first  weeks  of  the  session  were  more  than  enough  to  show 
in  its  full  breadth  and  depth,  even  to  the  duller  eyes,  the  abyss 

65  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  vol.  ii,  50. 


58  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

that  yawned  between  the  North  and  the  South."  66  "All  the 
Union  men,  North  and  South,  Whigs  and  Democrats,  for  the 
period  of  six  months  were  assembled  in  caucuses  every  day, 
with  Clay  in  the  chair,  Cass  upon  his  right  hand,  Webster  upon 
his  left  hand,  and  the  Whigs  and  Democrats  on  either  side.67 
It  was  during  this  debate  that  Mr.  Seward  announced  the  doc 
trine  of  the  "higher  lazv" : 

The  Constitution  regulates  our  stewardship ;  the  Constitu 
tion  devotes  the  domain  (the  territories  not  formed  into 
states)  to  union,  to  justice,  to  defence,  to  welfare,  and  to  lib 
erty.  But  there  is  a  higher  law  than  the  Constitution,  which 
regulates  our  authority  over  the  domain  and  devotes  it  to  the 
same  noble  purposes. 

Webster  thus  began  his  great  speech : 

I  wish  to  speak  today,  not  as  a  Massachusetts  man,  nor  as 
a  Northern  man,  but  as  an  American.  .  .  The  imprisoned 
winds  are  let  loose.  The  East,  the  North,  and  the  stormy 
South  combine  to  throw  the  whole  sea  into  commotion,  to  toss 
its  billows  to  the  skies,  and  disclose  its  profoundest  depths. 
.  .  .  I  speak  today  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 
"Hear  me  for  my  Cause. 68 

Said  Toombs  of  Georgia : 

I  do  not  then  hesitate  to  avow  before  this  House  and  the 
Country,  and  in  the  presence  of  the  living  God,  that  if  by  your 
legislation  you  seek  to  drive  us  from  the  territories  of  Califor 
nia  and  New  Mexico,  purchased  by  the  common  blood  and 
treasure  of  the  whole  people,  and  to  abolish  slavery  in  this 
district,  thereby  attempting  to  fix  a  National  degradation  upon 
half  of  the  states  of  this  confederacy  /  am  for  disunion,  and 
if  my  physical  courage  be  equal  to  the  maintenance  of  my  con- 

66  Von  Hoist,  vol.  iii,  479. 

07  Douglas's  Speech  at  Cincinnati,  September  9,  1859. 

68  W.  W.  Corcoran  sent  Mr.  Webster  a  check  for  $10,000  as  an  ex 
pression  of  thanks  and  recognition  for  his  speech  on  this  occasion. —  Von 
Hoist,  vol.  iii,  503. 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        59 

victfons  of  duty,  I  will  devote  all  I  am,  and  all  I  have  on  earth 
to  its  consummation.69 

This  speech  was  repeatedly  interrupted  by  storms  of  ap 
plause.  And  Stephens,  too,  was  greeted  with  loud  acclama 
tions  when  he  announced  his  concurrence  in  every  word  of  his 
colleague,  and  declared  the  Union  dissolved  from  the  moment 
an  attack  upon  a  section  became  an  accomplished  fact. 

Colcock  of  South  Carolina  then  announced  that  he  would 
bring  in  a  formal  motion  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  as 
soon  as  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
should  have  been  resolved  upon,  or  the  Wilmot  Proviso  passed.70 
The  compromise  agreement  was  effected  by  the  fine  patriotism, 
the  sagacity,  and  the  personal  sacrifice  of  two  great  figures  of 
that  generation  :  Clay  and  Webster.  In  promoting  this  measure, 
they  exhausted  their  political  resources,  and  forfeited  their 
political  fortunes.  Neither  of  them  could  have  been  reflected 
to  the  senate. 

Nothing  was  settled  by  the  compromise  of  1850;  both  sides 
accepting  it  in  a  tentative  way.  "The  present  Crisis  may  pass," 
wrote  Mr.  Stephens  in  1850,71  "the  present  adjustment  may  be 
made,  but  the  great  question  of  permanence  of  slavery  in  the 
Southern  states  will  be  far  from  being  settled  thereby.  And, 
in  my  opinion,  the  crisis  of  that  question  is  not  far  ahead." 

This  review,  altogether  too  brief,  is  made  herein  to  show  the 
extreme  tension  of  the  sectional  feeling  which  existed  in  the 
country  on  account  of  the  extension  of  slavery ;  and  the  national 
significance  of  the  struggle  that  was  soon  to  develop  over  the 
question  in  Kansas.  It  also  foreshadows  the  action  the  South 
ern  States  would  surely  take,  if  the  Kansas  decision  declared 
against  them. 

By  the  admission  of  California  into  the  Union  as  a  Free 
State,  the  South  lost  the  "balance  of  power" ;  but  the  general 

69  Congressional  Globe,  31st  Cong.,  1  Sen.,  28. 

70  Von  Hoist,  vol.  iii,  472. 

71  Von  Hoist,  vol.  iii,  482. 


60  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

situation  at  the  time  was  far  from  being  hopeless.  Further 
territorial  expansion  was  necessary  —  imperatively  so  —  but 
the  prospect  was  still  full  of  promising  possibilites.  There  was 
Cuba,  that  Buchanan  had  offered  a  hundred  millions  for  in  1848 ; 
out  of  which  two,  or,  if  necessary,  three  States  could  be  made. 
And,  looming  up  in  the  more  remote  horizon,  were  Nicaragua 
and  the  remainder  of  Mexico.  And,  last  but  not  least,  "Squatter 
Sovereignty,"  or,  in  more  modern  parlance :  "Let  the  People 
Rule." 

The  "Pearl  of  the  Antilles"  was  the  prize  trophy  in  the  new 
crusade  for  territorial  acquisition,  and  "Free  Cuba"  the  slogan. 
The  efforts  to  get  control  of  the  island,  for  purposes  of  annexa 
tion,  were  persistent,  and  the  history  of  them  is  intensely  inter 
esting.  First  came  filibustering  operations.  Three  expedi 
tions  were  sent  out  in  1849-1851.  The  command  of  the  last 
of  these  was  offered  —  first  to  Jefferson  Davis,  and  then  to 
Robert  E.  Lee.72  It  sailed  August  3,  1851,  under  Lopez.  In 
the  first  scrimmage  with  the  Spaniards,  Colonel  Crittenden  (son 
of  Senator  Crittenden  of  Kentucky)  and  fifty  of  his  men  were 
captured,  taken  to  Havana,  and  shot,  August  24th.  The  re 
mainder  of  the  Army  of  Invasion  was  defeated;  Lopez  was 
taken  and  garroted;  and  his  followers  who  had  been  taken 
prisoners,  were  sent  to  Spain. 

General  Quitman's  expedition,  organized  in  1853-1854,  would 
have  been  more  formidable  than  any  theretofore  undertaken. 
He  had  commanded  a  brigade  in  General  Scott's  army,  in  Mex 
ico,  and  had  been  Governor  of  Mississippi.  His  demonstra 
tions,  however,  may  have  been  merely  in  support  of  Mr.  Marcy's 
efforts,  at  the  time,  to  open  negotiations  with  Spain  for  pur 
chasing  the  island.  Meanwhile  the  Black  Warrior  incident 
offered  the  most  promising  opportunity  of  all.  The  provoca 
tion  in  that  case  could  have  been  held  to  be  sufficient  to  justify 
a  declaration  of  war ;  and  that  surely  would  have  been  the  result, 

"  Rhodes,  vol.  i,  217. 


KANSAS  — A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        61 

had  it  not  been  for  the  tornado  of  anti-slavery  sentiment  which 
was  let  loose  at  the  time  by  the  promulgation,  in  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  bill,  then  pending  in  Congress,  of  the  new  doctrine 
of  "Squatter  Sovereignty";  and  by  Mr.  Dixon's  amendment 
thereto,  expressly  repealing  the  restriction  of  the  time  honored 
Missouri  Compromise.  "It  may  be  affirmed  with  confidence," 
says  Mr.  Rhodes,73  "that  Northern  public  opinion,  excited  by 
the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  alone  prevented  this  unjust  war." 
The  New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer  said  June  1st : 

Does  any  sane  man  live  who  believes  that  if  Cuba  was  ten 
dered  to  us  tomorrow,  with  the  full  sanction  of  England  and 
France,  that  this  people  would  consent  to  receive  and  annex 
her  ?  .  .  .  There  was  a  time  when  the  North  would  have 
consented  to  annex  Cuba,  but  the  Nebraska  wrong  has  for 
ever  rendered  annexation  impossible. 

A  revolution  in  Spain  gave  an  opportunity  for  negotiations 
to  purchase  the  island ;  but  the  suggestion  that  a  few  millions  of 
money  should  be  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  Executive,  during 
the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be  used  in  the  Spanish-Cuban  busi 
ness,  met  no  response ; 74  while  the  "Ostend  Manifesto"  received 
no  consideration  whatever.  The  trouble  was  that  the  South 
had  been  moving  with  too  much  energy  and  too  arrogantly. 
Her  statesmen  had  undertaken  to  do  everything  at  once.  Had 
they  been  less  aggressive,  or  more  conciliatory  and  diplomatic, 
and  concentrated  their  efforts  on  the  acquisition  of  Cuba,  they 
surely  could  have  succeeded ; 75  and  would  then  have  been  in 
position  to  await  the  psychological  moment  to  move  the  Kansas 
question.  The  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  "solemn  covenant 
entered  into  by  two  opposing  parties  for  the  preservation  of 
amicable  relations."  It  was  not  sustained  by  any  constitutional 
authority.  Kansas  Territory,  therefore,  might  have  been 
peacefully  occupied  by  emigrants  from  Missouri  and  the  South- 

73  Rhodes,  vol.  ii,  33. 

74  Rhodes,  vol.  ii,  37. 

75  Von  Hoist,  vol.  iv,  61. 


62  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

ern  States,  as  Missouri  had  been,  leaving,  with  confidence,  the 
constitutionality  of  the  restrictions  against  slavery,  for  future 
settlement  by  the  courts. 

The  creation  of  the  State  of  Kansas  was  a  political  proposi 
tion  pure  and  simple.  The  amendment  to  the  Nebraska  bill 
creating  Kansas  Territory  provided  for  a  "complete  Territorial 
government ;  including  a  legislature  with  two  houses  and  thirty- 
nine  members;  although,  at  the  time,  there  was  not  one  white 
man  in  the  Territory,  except  those  intermarried  with  Indians 
and  the  few  who  were  there  under  authority  of  Federal 
law.  .  .  The  project  fell  upon  Congress  as  suddenly  and 
apparently  as  uncaused  as  a  meteor  from  the  political  sky."  76 

The  settlement  of  the  Territory  was  promoted  by  the  leaders 
of  the  pro-slavery  and  anti-slavery  sections  of  the  country.  The 
South  was  spurred  to  activity  by  the  extremity  of  its  political 
and  commercial  necessities;  while  the  North  was  impelled  by 
a  great  moral  sentiment,  that  had  developed  with  time  and 
changes  which  had  occurred  in  public  thought  and  in  economic 
conditions.  But  the  fact  should  not  be  lost  sight  of,  that  the 
ethical  emotions  which  nourished  this  sentiment  had  their  origin, 
or  beginnings,  in  the  unprofitable  and  unsatisfactory  character 
of  slave  labor  in  that  section.  The  Southern  statesmen  staked 
the  entire  stock  of  their  political  assets  on  the  result  in  Kansas. 
The  North  already  had  a  majority  of  one  State,  with  the  Ter 
ritories,  Minnesota  and  Oregon,  waiting  at  the  threshold  of 
the  Union  for  admission  into  the  family  of  States.  If  the  South 
lost  Kansas,  its  political  power  and  prestige  would  be  destroyed  ; 
slavery  would  thereafter  be  dependent,  in  the  Union,  upon  the 
mercy  or  charity  of  the  aggressively  hostile  anti-slavery  senti 
ment  which  it  had  too  arrogantly  aroused. 

The  plans  of  the  Southerners  for  the  creation  of  the  new  State, 
were  well  matured,  and  seemed  in  every  way  feasible.  The 
geographical  situation  was  ideal.  The  close  proximity  of  tne 

76  Von  Hoist,  vol.  iv,  322. 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        63 

friendly  State  of  Missouri,  with  a  large  percentage  of  its  pop 
ulation  on  its  western  border,  backed  by  the  mutuality  of  every 
Southern  State,  seemed  to  be  sufficient  guaranty  that  the  neces 
sary  voting  population  could,  and  would,  be  promptly  furnished. 
They  had  good  cause  to  believe  that  they  could  get  their  people 
into  the  Territory  in  sufficient  numbers  to  control  the  necessary 
elections. 

In  the  Senate  Mr.  Seward  said,  May  25,  1854: 

The  sun  has  set  for  the  last  time  upon  the  guaranteed  and 
certain  liberties  of  all  the  unsettled  portions  of  the  American 
continent  that  lie  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 
Tomorrow's  sun  will  rise  in  deep  eclipse  over  these.  How 
long  that  obscuration  shall  last,  is  known  only  to  the  power 
that  directs  all  human  events.  For  myself  I  know  this : 
that  no  human  power  can  prevent  its  coming  on,  and  that  its 
passage  off  will  be  hastened  and  secured  by  others  than 
those  now  belonging  to  this  generation.77 

Authorities  by  the  score  might  be  cited  to  show  the  gloom 
and  despondency  of  the  North  at  this  time.  The  people  had 
reason  to  believe  that  Kansas  and  Nebraska  would  become  Slave 
States,  and  that  the  preponderance  of  Southern  influence  in  gov 
ernmental  affairs  would  be  perpetuated  indefinitely. 

May  30,  1854,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  was  signed  and  the 
doctrine  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  thereby  crystallized  into  law. 
Immediately  the  historic  contest  for  the  occupation  and  political 
control  of  Kansas  Territory  was  on :  a  contest  that  marks  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  our  country.  The  great  events  of  the 
succeeding  decade :  the  acts  of  secession,  the  war  between  the 
States,  with  its  tragedies ;  and  the  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
were  all  involved  in  the  result. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  contest  was  of  local  concern,  carried 

77  The  passing  off  of  this  obscuration  was  "hastened  and  secured"  by 
the  initiative  of  Eli  Thayer  and  Charles  Robinson.  Under  the  able  leader 
ship  of  the  latter,  the  political  control  of  Kansas  Territory  passed  into 
the  hands  of  the  Free-State  men  at  the  elections  in  October,  1857. 


64  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

on  between  factions  in  Kansas  over  the  question  whether  the 
State  should  be  a  Free  State  or  a  Slave  State ;  for  at  that  time 
there  were  no  settlers  in  the  Territory  to  comprise  such  factions. 
The  interest  in  the  impending  struggle  was  nation  wide.  Con 
gress  had  merely  cleared  the  ground  for  action;  "pitched  the 
ring,"  for  what  was  to  be  the  first  political  battle  in  the  "fight 
to  a  finish"  between  the  slave-holding  and  the  non-slave-hold 
ing  sections  of  our  country :  the  beginning  of  the  final  struggle 
between  freedom  and  slavery. 

The  question  of  slavery  in  the  Territory  was  to  be  decided  by 
the  votes  of  the  people  who  would  emigrate  to  and  occupy  it. 
The  South  had  chosen  to  place  its  reliance  upon  votes  in  a  con 
test  where  oratory,  tact,  and  "statesmanship  had  theretofore 
failed.  Its  slogan  was  "Squatter  Sovereignty."  The  answer 
given  back  by  the  North  was  "Organized  Emigration:"  "a 
power  unknown  before  in  the  world's  history." 

The  rapid  settlement  of  California  had  shown  that  any  coun 
try  will  draw  emigration  thereto,  if  it  offers  an  attractive  lure. 
Mr.  Eli  Thayer,  of  Massachusetts,  had  made  a  note  of  that  fact 
and  believed  that  what  the  discovery  of  gold  had  done  to  pro 
mote  emigration  to  that  state,  the  advantages  of  soil  and  climate 
for  successful  home  building,  would  do  for  Kansas,  if  properly 
advertised.  The  formation  of  the  Massachusetts  Emigrant 
Aid  Company,  with  an  authorized  capital  of  $5,000,000,  was  a 
result  of  his  conclusions  upon  the  subject.  It  proved  to  be  "a 
stronger  defiance  to  slavocracy  than  anything  ever  uttered  in 
the  hall  of  Congress."  This  commercial  novelty  put  its  cap 
ital  in  the  advance  instead  of  in  the  rear  of  the  column  of  occu 
pation.  It  assisted  emigrants  to  reach  their  destination,  and 
helped  them  to  develop  their  farms.  For  this  purpose  it  in 
stalled  saw  mills  and  flour  mills,  where  needed ;  furnished  ma 
chinery  and  implements;  built  churches,  school  houses,  and 
hotels.  Also,  it  proposed  to  earn  dividends  for  its  stockholders 
by  these  and  other  investments.  As  Mr.  Thayer  expressed  it : 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        65 

"When  a  man  can  do  a  magnanimous  act;  when  he  can  do  a 
decidedly  good  thing,  and  at  the  same  time  make  money  by  it, 
all  his  faculties  are  in  harmony." 

An  incident  of  the  period  of  the  occupation  of  Kansas  is  thus 
related  by  Mr.  Thayer  on  page  187  of  the  Crusade :  "One  day, 
in  1855,  Senator  Atchison,  with  some  others,  was  at  the  wharf 
in  Kansas  City,  when  a  river  boat  approached  with  one  of  our 
engines  on  deck.  Atchison  turned  to  those  on  the  right  and 
asked:  'What  is  that  on  the  deck  of  the  steamboat?'  His 
companion  answered :  'Senator,  that  is  a  steam  engine  and  a 
steam  boiler.'  Turning  to  the  others  he  repeated  his  question. 
They  repeated  the  answer  before  given.  He  replied :  'You 

are  a  pack  of -  fools.  That  is  a  Yankee  city  going  to 

Kansas ;  and  by !  in  six  months  it  will  cast  a  hundred 

Abolition  votes.' ' 

The  affairs  of  the  company  in  Kansas  were  placed  under  the 
direction  of  Dr.  Charles  Robinson,  also  of  Massachusetts.  He 
came  to  the  Territory  early  in  July,  1854;  located  the  town  of 
Lawrence,  and  established  there  the  headquarters  of  the  bureau 
of  northern  immigration. 

Naturally  the  first  immigrants  to  arrive  came  from  Missouri. 
In  sentiment  they  were  quite  unanimously  pro-slavery ;  but  that 
was  not  discouraging,  for  the  publicity  bureau,  organized  by 
Mr.  Thayer  and  ably  backed  by  Mr.  Greeley  through  the  col 
umns  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  had  proclaimed  the  advantages 
and  possibilities  of  the  new  Territory  far  and  wide;  and  the 
public  interest  thus  awakened  gave  ample  promise  of  satisfac 
tory  results  in  the  near  future.  July  31st,  the  first  consignment 
of  emigrants  from  the  North,  twenty-nine  in  number,  arrived 
at  Lawrence ;  and  September  2d  the  second  installment  of  one 
hundred  and  fourteen  arrived  and  joined  the  initial  company. 
Within  a  few  months  "Organized  Emigration"  was  in  success 
ful  operation ;  and  by  the  close  of  the  year  1856,  it  had  fulfilled 
the  Kansas  prophecy.  As  Mr.  Thayer  states  it : 78 

78  Thayer,  Kansas  Crusade,  232. 


66  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

We  had  triumphed  in  the  great  conflict.  We  had  in 
Kansas  four  Free-State  men  to  every  one  of  our  opponents ; 
our  numbers  were  rapidly  increasing  while  theirs  were  di 
minishing.  Buford  had  returned  to  Alabama.  Atchinson 
and  Stringfellow  had  given  up  the  fight. 

Concerning  the  Kansas  conflict  Dr.  Burgess  says : 

The  record  of  this  struggle  is  certanily  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  chapters  in  the  history  of  the  United  States. 
There  is  much  to  admire  in  it,  much  to  be  ashamed  of,  and 
much  to  be  repudiated  as  foul  and  devilish.  The  prudence, 
moderation,  tact,  and  bravery  of  Dr.  Robinson  and  his 
friends  have  rarely  been  excelled  by  the  statesmen  and  dip 
lomatists  of  the  New  World  or  of  the  Old.  They  were 
placed  in  a  most  trying  situation  both  by  their  foes  and  by 
those  who,  professing  to  be  their  friends,  endangered  the 
cause  more  by  violent  and  brutal  deeds  than  did  their  open 
enemies.  Their  triumph  over  all  these  difficulties  is  a  marvel 
of  shrewd,  honest,  and  conservative  management,  which  may 
well  serve  as  one  of  the  best  object-lessons  of  our  history  for 
succeeding  generations.79 

It  is  not  within  the  purview  of  this  sketch  to  recite  in  detail 
the  various  incidents,  accidents,  and  extremities  which  befell  the 
Northern  emigrants  in  working  out  the  problems  of  state  build 
ing.  They  began  to  acquire  experience  promptly  with  the  ar 
rival  of  the  first  colony ;  and  the  authorities  all  agree,  that,  dur 
ing  the  ensuing  three  years  an  area  of  low  political  barometer 
was  general  throughout  the  Territory,  with  a  continuous  storm 
center,  of  great  energy,  at  Lawrence.  "By  the  sharp  logic  of 
the  revolver  and  bowie  knife,  the  people  of  Missouri  became 
the  people  of  Kansas."  Residents  of  Missouri  furnished  liberal 
pro-slavery  majorities  at  the  elections,  and  their  personal  ser 
vices  were  available  at  all  times,  for  the  preservation  of  peace 
and  order  in  the  Territory;  as  well  as  to  enforce,  by  force,  a 

"  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  471-472. 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        67 

proper  respect  for  the  dignity  of  the  Territorial  officers,  and 
for  the  authority  of  the  Legislature  itself. 

A  revolt  against  these  superimposed  attentions,  organized 
and  led  by  Charles  Robinson,  became  the  thorn  that  rankled 
in  the  pro-slavery  flesh,  and  led  to  the  discomfiture  and  defeat  of 
the  Slave-State  propaganda.  Robinson  had  the  temerity  to 
challenge  the  subtile  logic  of  the  revolver  and  bowie-knife  in 
determining  the  qualifications  of  Territorial  electors.  His 
dissent,  at  first,  took  the  mild  form  of  a  petition  to  Governor 
Reeder,  after  the  election  of  November  29,  1854,  asking  that 
"the  entire  vote  of  the  districts  receiving  the  votes  of  citizens  of 
Missouri,  be  set  aside ;  or  that  the  entire  election  be  set  aside." 
After  a  brutal  usurpation  of  the  polls,  at  the  election  for  mem 
bers  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  March  30,  1855,  a  Legisla 
ture  which,  under  the  organic  act  could  determine  whether  the 
State  should  be  Free  or  Slave,  Robinson  again  protested  and 
sought  redress  of  the  spoilation  of  the  squatters'  rights ;  and, 
failing  to  obtain  justice,  united  the  Free-State  men  in  a  revolt 
against  the  authority  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  and  in  a 
determination  to  repudiate  the  laws  it  intended  lawlessly  to 
enact.  Also,  what  had  still  greater  significance,  he  organized 
his  followers  into  military  companies  to  resist,  by  force  of  arms, 
any  further  infringement  upon  their  rights.  Answering  his 
call  to  duty,  the  Free-State  men  of  Lawrence  and  vicinity  led 
the  nation  in  this  crisis  in  public  affairs,  making  its  history,  and 
directing  its  destiny.  It  was  the  hour  of  Destiny.  Sending 
for  a  second  consignment  of  Sharp's  rifles,  Robinson  wrote 
these  impressive  and  heroic  words  : 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution,  as  you  will  see  by  the 

papers.     How  we  shall  come  out  of  the  furnace,  God  only 

knows.     That  we  have  got  to  enter  it,  some  of  us,  there  is 

no  doubt ;  but  we  are  ready  to  be  offered. 

In  haste  very  respectfully,  Yours,  for  freedom  for  a  world, 

C.  ROBINSON. 


68  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

The  organization  of  a  military  force  by  the  Free-State  men, 
gave  to  the  Free-State  party  a  solidarity  and  prestige  it  had  not 
theretofore  enjoyed.  It  at  once  became  a  popular  party;  and 
encouraged  by  daily  accessions  to  its  ranks  by  immigration, 
combined  with  a  prospective  certainty  of  becoming  the  majority 
party,  it  became  bravely  aggressive,  and  boldly  launched  its 
campaign  for  Free-State  supremacy.  In  furtherance  of  their 
plan  of  campaign,  the  Free-State  men  adopted  a  constitution 
for  a  Free  State,  and  organized  and  put  into  effect  a  full  fledged 
State  Government  in  opposition  to  the  existing  Territorial  Gov 
ernment  ;  and  under  it,  with  Charles  Robinson  as  Governor, 
sought  admission  into  the  Union.  Only  a  wise  and  courageous 
leadership  combined  with  a  high  order  of  executive  ability, 
could  successfully  handle  the  delicate  problems  involved  in  this 
complicated  program.  The  leadership  required  the  necessary 
tact  to  unite  and  reconcile  divergent  convictions  and  opinions, 
within  the  party,  upon  questions  of  principle  as  well  as  of  policy ; 
it  also  required  prudence  to  restrain  the  impetuous,  and  to  avoid 
complications  which,  at  any  time,  might  make  shipwreck  of  the 
cause. 

The  results  accomplished  by  the  Free-State  settlers  during 
I  the  first  two  years  of  their  occupation  of  the  Territory,  amply 
justified  the  generous  congratulations  in  which  they  indulged. 
They  had,  wisely,  withdrawn  from  under  the  fire  of  an  arro 
gant,  domineering  majority,  and,  in  their  segregation,  were 
surely  creating  a  State  to  their  own  liking,  in  their  own  way. 
They  matched  their  wits  against  the  management  of  their  poli 
tical  opponents,  and  were  more  than  satisfied  with  the  dilemma 
in  which  the  situation  placed  them.  It  became  plainly  evident 
that  unless  the  Free-State  organizations,  civil  and  military,  were 
utterly  destroyed  and  further  immigration  from  the  North 
retarded,  the  Free-State  cause  would  certainly  succeed.  The 
situation,  therefore,  demanded  the  adoption  of  more  strenuous 
methods  in  dealing  with  it  than  could  be  approved  by  the  Na 
tional  Administration. 


KANSAS  —  A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        69 

What  they  had  failed  to  accomplish  by  "peaceful"  methods, 
the  pro-slavery  junta  now  sought  to  gain  by  the  execution  of 
more  radical  measures.  They  accordingly  organized  an  "Army 
of  Invasion,"  and  the  Wakarusa  War  of  1855  became  an  his 
torical  incident.  They  indicted  the  Free-State  Governor,  Rob 
inson,  and  the  more  prominent  Free-State  men,  for  "construc 
tive"  treason ;  arrested  them,  and  put  them  in  prison.  In  May, 
1856,  under  cover  of  judicial  authority,  the  town  of  Lawrence 
was  looted  and  burned.  The  Free-State  Legislature  that  had 
been  elected,  assembled  at  Topeka,  only  to  be  dispersed,  July 
4th,  by  the  armed  forces  of  the  United  States.  A  blockade  of 
the  Missouri  River  was  declared  against  Free-State  immigrants, 
and  made  effective.  They  also  attempted,  without  success,  to 
cut  off  communications  between  Kansas  and  the  Northern 
States,  which  the  Free-State  men  had  opened  up,  via  Io\va  and 
Nebraska.  They  murdered  Dow,  and  Barber,  and  Brown,  and 
Stewart,  and  Jones,  and  Hoyt. 

A  third,  and  the  final  invasion,  closed  this  chapter  of  heroic 
undertakings  and  lamentable  failures.  September  14,  1856, 
their  army,  2800  strong,  occupied  Franklin.  During  the 
night,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Joseph  E.  Johnston,  U.  S.  Army, 
with  a  battalion  of  cavalry  and  a  section  of  artillery, 
arrived  at  Lawrence.  Placing  his  battery  in  position  on  Mount 
Oread,  the  muzzles  of  his  guns  pointing  toward  Franklin,  and 
deploying  his  cavalry  in  the  valley  in  front  of  the  town,  he 
awaited  the  crisis  developing  in  the  pro-slavery  situation.  On 
the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  newly  appointed  Territorial  Gov 
ernor,  John  W.  Geary,  accompanied  by  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Philip  St.  George  Cooke,  U.  S.  Army,  arrived  upon  the  scene 
from  Lecompton.  After  a  short  conversation  with  Governor 
Robinson,  they  rode  out  to  interview  the  invaders.  It  was 
the  hour  of  fate.  A  brief  conference  with  General  Atchison 
was  held  in  front  of  Atchison's  lines ;  and  then,  it  was  all  over ; 
the  Federal  Government  had  intervened.  The  campaign  of 
violence  had  failed,  and  with  it  expired  the  last  substantial  hope 


70  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  the  pro-slavery  managers  that  the  balance  of  power  between 
the  warring  sections  of  the  country  could  be  restored.  Upon 
receiving  Governor  Geary's  ultimatum :  that  he  must  retire 
with  his  forces  from  the  Territory,  immediately,  Atchison 
turned  the  head  of  his  column  toward  Missouri.  Arriving  at 
Westport,  he  disbanded  his  army  and  gave  up  the  struggle. 
Buford  returned  to  Alabama  and  Jackson  to  Georgia.  That 
Kansas  would  be  a  Free  State  was  practically  assured  from 
that  hour. 

Involved  in  the  corollary  of  the  Free-State  victory  were  the 
startling  incidents  in  history  that  followed  in  quick  succession, 
culminating  in  the  stupendous  tragedies  of  war.  Mr.  F.  B. 
Sanborn  said : 80 

Had  Kansas  in  the  death  struggle  of  1856  fallen  a  prey 
to  the  slave  holders,  slave-holding  would  today  be  the  law 
of  our  imperial  democracy.  The  sanctions  of  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution  would  now  be  on  the  side  of  human  slavery, 
as  they  were  from  1840  to  I860. 

The  question  of  slavery  domination  must  and  will  be 
fought  out  on  the  plains  of  Kansas.81 

Kansas  must  be  a  Slave  State  or  the  Union  will  be  dis 
solved.  .  .  If  Kansas  is  not  made  a  Slave  State,  it  re 
quires  no  sage  to  foretell  that  there  will  never  be  another 
Slave  State.82 

Slavery  in  South  Carolina  is  dependent  upon  its  establish 
ment  in  Kansas.83 

The  Touch-stone  of  our  political  existence  is  Kansas.84 
Georgia,  Mississippi,  and  Alabama  stand  pledged  to  secede 
from  the  Union,  should  Kansas  applying  for  admission  as  a 
slave  state  be  refused  admission.85 

80  Sanborn,  248. 

81  New  York  Weekly  Tribune,  February  22,  1856. 

82  De  Bow's  Review,  August,   1856. 

83  South  Carolina  Courier,  July  5,  1856. 

84 -Charleston   (S.  C.)  Mercury,  August  5,  1856 
85  Ibid.,  January,  1858. 


KANSAS  — A  CRISIS  IN  OUR  HISTORY        71 

The  question  is  one  of  life  or  death  to  the  South  upon  the 
simple  alternative  of  the  admission  or  rejection  of  Kansas 
with  her  slave  constitution.86 

That  American  is  little  to  be  envied  who  can  speak  lightly 
of  the  decisive  contest  in  Kansas  between  the  two  antagonis 
tic  civilizations  of  this  continent.  Either  he  does  not  love 
his  country,  or  he  is  incapable  of  understanding  her  history.87 


86  New  York  Herald,  January,  1858. 

87  Kansas  Crusade,  110. 


CHAPTER  IV 

HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES 

Peace  rules  the  day,  where  reason  rules  the  mind. 

—  COLLINS 

T  was  in  the  fall  of  1855  that  John  Brown  came  to  Kansas 
to  try  another  venture  with  fortune,  in  a  new  field  of  oppor- 
unity. 

During  the  spring  of  1854  his  son  John  was  seeking  a  new 
location,  and  had  written  to  his  father  in  relation  thereto ;  who 
replied  to  him  in  a  letter  dated  April  3,  1854,  "I  do  not  know 
of  a  good  opening  for  you  this  way."  88  But  during  the  fall  of 
that  year  five  of  Brown's  sons  —  John,  Jason,  Owen,  Frederick, 
and  Salmon  —  decided  to  settle  in  Kansas.  Having  completed 
their  arrangements  they  moved  to  the  Territory  in  the  spring 
of  1855,  arriving,  about  May  1st,  in  the  vicinity  of  Osawatomie. 
They  were  attracted  to  the  Territory,  as  thousands  of  others 
were,  by  the  glowing  accounts  published  by  emigration  societies 
north  and  south.  These  prospectuses  described  the  beauty  of 
the  prairies,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  delightful  and  health- 
giving  climate ;  and  set  forth  the  prospective  rewards  in  wealth, 
health,  and  happiness  which  were  awaiting  all  who  took  ad 
vantage  of  the  great  opportunities  the  country  offered.  That 
they  were  not  disappointed  upon  their  arrival,  appears  from 
their  letters  expressing  eminent  satisfaction  with  everything 
pertaining  to  the  settlement,  and  their  desire  to  have  their  father 
locate  in  Kansas  with  them. 

May  24th  John  Brown,  Jr.,  wrote  to  his  father:  "Salmon, 
Frederick,  and  Owen  say  that  they  never  was  in  a  country  that 

88Sanborn,  157. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  73 

begun  to  please  them  as  well,  and  I  will  say  that  the  present 
prospect  for  health,  wealth,  and  usefulness  much  exceeds  even 
my  most  sanguine  anticipations.  I  know  of  no  country  where 
a  poor  man,  endowed  with  a  share  of  common  sense  and  with 
health,  can  get  a  start  as  easy.  If  we  can  succeed  in  making 
this  a  free  state,  a  great  work  will  be  accomplished  for  man 
kind."  89 

Long  before  the  coming  of  the  Browns,  the  Free  State  leader^ 
in  the  Territory  had  determined  to  repudiate  the  laws  enacted 
by  the  Territorial  Legislature;  also,  to  defend  themselves  by 
force  of  anus  against  the  aggressions  of  their  over-zealous 
pro-slavery  neighbors  in  Missouri.  They  had  during  April, 
1855,  secured  from  Boston  a  hundred  Sharp's  rifles  to  arm  the 
companies  organized  at  Lawrence,  and  were  negotiating  for  f 
further  consignments  of  arms.  After  their  arrival  in  the  Ter 
ritory,  the  Browns  realized  the  importance  of  this  movement, 
and  since  they  had  not  brought  any  serviceable  arms  with  them 
-  having  come  with  axes  instead  of  rifles  —  they  wrote  to  their 
father  to  try  to  get  some  for  them,  and  bring  them  with  him 
when  he  came.  The  letter  which  John  Brown,  Jr.,  wrote  to  his 
father  on  the  subject  is  as  follows : 90 

And  now  I  come  to  the  matter,  that  more  than  all  else  I 
intended  should  be  the  principal  subject  of  this  letter.  I  tell 
you  the  truth  when  I  say,  that  while  the  interests  of  despotism 
has  secured  to  its  cause  hundreds  and  thousands  of  the  mean 
est  and  most  desperate  of  men,  armed  to  the  teeth  with  Re 
volvers,  Bowie  Knives,  Rifles  and  Cannon  —  while  they  are 
not  only  thoroughly  organized,  but  under  pay  from  Slave 
holders  —  the  friends  of  freedom  are  NOT  ONE  FOURTH 
of  them  HALF  ARMED,  and  as  to  MILITARY  ORGAN 
IZATION  among  them  it  NO  WHERE  EXISTS  IN  THIS 
TERRITORY  unless  they  have  recently  done  something  in 

*9  Villard,  83. 
9°Villard,  83-84. 


74  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

Lawrence.  The  result  of  this  is  that  the  people  here  exhibit 
the  most  abject  and  cowardly  spirit,  whenever  their  dearest 
rights  are  invaded  and  trampled  down  by  the  lawless  bands 
of  Miscreants  which  Missouri  has  ready  at  a  moment's 
call  to  pour  in  upon  them.  This  is  the  GENERAL  effect 
upon  the  people  here  so  far  as  I  have  noticed,  there  are  a  few, 
and  but  a  few  exceptions.  Of  course  these  foreign  Scoun 
drels  know  what  kind  of  "ALLIES"  they  have  to  meet.  They 
boast  that  they  can  obtain  possession  of  the  polls  in  any  of  our 
election  precincts  without  having  to  fire  a  gun.  I  enclose 
a  piece  which  I  cut  from  a  St.  Louis  paper  named  the  St. 
Louis  Republican ;  it  shows  the  spirit  which  moves  them. 
Now  Missouri  is  not  alone  in  the  undertaking  to  make  this  a 
Slave  State.  Every  Slaveholding  State  from  Virginia  to 
Texas  is  furnishing  men  and  money  to  fasten  Slavery  upon 
this  glorious  land,  by  means  no  matter  how  foul. 

Now  the  remedy  we  propose  is,  that  the  Anti  slavery  por 
tion  of  the  inhabitants  should  IMMEDIATELY,  THOR 
OUGHLY  ARM  and  ORGANIZE  THEMSELVES  in 
MILITARY  COMPANIES.  In  order  to  effect  this,  some 
persons  must  begin  and  lead  in  the  matter.  Here  are  5 
men  of  us  who  are  not  only  anxious  to  fully  prepare,  but  are 
thoroughly  determined  to  fight.  We  can  see  no  other  way 
to  meet  the  case.  As  in  the  language  of  the  memorial  lately 

.signed  by  the  people  here  and  sent  to  Congress  petitioning 
help,  "it  is  no  longer  a  question  of  negro  slavery,  but  it  is  the 
enslavement  of  ourselves." 

The  General  Government  may  be  petitioned  until  the  peo 
ple  here  are  grey,  and  no  redress  will  be  had  so  long  as  it 
makes  slavery  its  paramount  interest.  .  .  We  have  among 
us  5,  1  Revolver,  1  Bowie  Knife,  1  middling  good  Rifle,  1 
poor  Rifle,  1  small  pocket  pistol  and  2  slung  shot.  What  we 
need  in  order  to  be  thoroughly  armed  for  each  man,  is  1 
Colts  large  sized  Revolver,  1  ALLEN  &  THURBER' 
RIFLE  —  they  are  manufactured  somewhere  in  Mass  or 
Connecticut  (Mr.  Paine  of  Springfield  would  probably  know) 
and  1  heavy  Bowie  Knife  —  I  think  the  Minnie  Rifles  are 


\ 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  75 

made  so  that  a  sword  bayonet  may  be  attached.  With  this 
we  could  compete  with  men  who  even  possessed  Cannon. 
The  real  Minnie  Rifle  has  a  killing  range  almost  equal  to 
Cannon  and  of  course  is  more  easily  handled,  perhaps  enough 
so  to  make  up  the  difference.  Now  we  want  you  to  get  for 
us  these  arms.  We  need  them  more  than  we  do  bread. 
Would  not  Gerrit  Smith  or  someone,  furnish  the  money  and 
loan  it  to  us  for  one,  two  or  three  years,  for  the  purpose  until 
we  can  raise  enough  to  refund  it  from  the  Free  soil  of  Kan 
sas?  .  .  . 

In  so  far  as  the  Brown  family  is  concerned,  this  letter  con 
tains  the  first  recorded  evidence  of  an  intention,  or  of  a  desire 
of  any  of  them  to  actively  oppose  slavery  in  Kansas  or  else 
where.  It  treats  the  subject  as  an  original  proposition;  as 
though  it  had  never  been  theretofore  so  much  as  mentioned  in 
their  family  councils.  The  letter  has  historical  significance :  it 
secured  John  Brown's  introduction  to  the  public.  It  opened 
the  way  that  enabled  him  to  go  to  Kansas;  where  he  began  a 
career  which  led,  ultimately,  to  Harper's  Ferry  and  to  Charles- 
town. 

Following  the  suggestion  of  his  son  he  took  up  with  Gerrit 
Smith  the  matter  of  securing  a  loan  wherewith  to  purchase  the 
arms  desired.  The  latter,  instead  of  making  an  arrangement 
with  them  for  the  necessary  amount,  personally  presented  the 
case  before  a  convention  of  Abolitionists  that  was  held  at  Syra 
cuse,  New  York,  June  28th,  with  the  result  that  a  collection 
was  taken  up  which  yielded  Brown  sixty  dollars  in  cash,  twenty 
dollars  of  which  was  given  by  Smith. 

The  success  Brown  met  with  in  collecting  funds  "for  the 
cause  of  Kansas"  at  the  Syracuse  convention,  opened  before  his 
commercial  vision  that  easy  field  for  profitable  enterprise,  which 
he  afterward  occupied  and  worked,  in  a  professional  manner, 
until  the  end  of  his  career.  After  the  Syracuse  meeting  he 
began  a  system  of  personal  solicitations  for  money,  arms,  and 
clothing.  At  Akron,  Ohio,  he  held  open  meetings  in  one  of 


76  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  public  halls  of  the  village.     Mr.  Villard  says  of  these  meet 
ings  : 91 

Because  of  their  interest  in  the  Kansas  crisis,  and  in  the 
Browns,  their  former  neighbors,  the  people  were  quickly 
roused  by  Brown's  graphic  words,  and  liberally  contributed 
arms  of  all  sorts,  ammunition  and  clothing.  Committees 
of  Aid  were  appointed  and  ex-Sheriff  Lane  was  deputed  to 
accompany  Brown  in  a  canvass  of  the  village  shops  and 
offices  for  contributions. 

At  Cleveland,  also,  he  solicited  aid  with  very  satisfactory  re 
sults.  He  obtained  there  guns,  revolvers,  swords,  powder, 
caps,  and  money.  He  was  so  successful  "that  he  thought  it  best 
to  detain  a  day  or  two  longer  on  that  account."  Mr.  Villard 
says,  "He  had  raised  nearly  two  hundred  dollars  in  that  way 
in  the  two  previous  days,  principally  in  arms  and  ammunition." 
Brown,  with  his  son  Oliver  and  his  son-in-law,  Henry 
Thompson,  left  Chicago  August  23d,  on  their  journey  to  Kan 
sas.  Brown  states  that  before  leaving  he  purchased  "a  nice 
young  horse  for  $120  but  have  so  much  load  that  we  shall  have 
to  walk,  a  good  deal."  The  journey  was  accomplished  without 
either  accident  or  incident  worthy  of  the  note,  the  party  arriv 
ing  at  Osawatomie,  October  6,  1855. 

Brown  himself,  being  very  tired,  did  not  cover  the  last 
mile  or  two  until  the  next  day.  They  arrived  in  all  but 
destitute  condition,  with  but  sixty  cents  between  them,  to 
find  the  little  family  settlement  in  great  distress,  not  only  be 
cause  of  the  sickness  already  noted,  but  because  of  the  ab 
sence  of  any  shelter  save  tents. 92 

At  the  time  Brown  arrived,  the  Free-State  cause  in  the  Terri 
tory  was  well  advanced  and  was  progressing  satisfactorily. 

Out  of  all  the  meetings  and  conventions  of  the  nine  months 
after  the  stolen  March  30th  election,  there  had  come  then, 
great  gains  to  the  Free  State  Movement.  The  liberty  party 

91  Villard,  85. 
y2  Villard,  88. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  77 

had  been  organized,  leaders  had  been  developed,  and  a  regu 
lar  policy  of  resistance  by  legal  and  constitutional  measures 
adopted.  If  counsels  of  compromise  were  still  entirely  too 
apparent,  and  too  potent,  the  train  of  events  which  resulted  in 
Kansas's  admission  as  a  free  State  was  well  under  way.93 

As  a  result  of  the  measures  that  had  been  adopted,  an  election 
was  pending  for  the  selection  of  a  Free-State  Territorial  Dele 
gate  to  Congress ;  and  delegates  to  a  Free-State  Constitutional 
Convention.  This  election  had  been  called  by  the  Free-State 
men  to  be  held  October  9th.  The  regular  Territorial  election 
had  been  held  October  1st,  the  Free-State  men  not  taking  any 
part  therein.  Brown  and  his  sons  attended  the  second,  or  Free- 
State  election,  October  9th. 

An  election  is  a  political  incident.  A  reference  to  an  election 
by  any  one  invites  an  expression  of  his  opinions  upon  the  ques 
tions  involved  in  the  election,  if  he  have  any  special  interest 
therein.  Since  Brown's  presence  at  this  election  was  his  intro 
duction  into  the  political  affairs  of  the  Territory,  we  may  rea 
sonably  conclude  that  his  comments  on  it  cover  the  range  of  his 
general  interest  in  the  election  and  in  the  issues  involved  therein. 
His  letters  to  his  family  in  the  East  announcing  his  arrival  at  his 
destination,  and  describing  the  condition  of  affairs,  domestic 
as  well  as  political,  are  herewith  republished. 

Osawatomie,  K.  T.  Oct.  13,  1855. 

Saturday  Eve. 

DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERY  ONE  —  We  reached  the 
place  where  the  boys  are  located  one  week  ago,  late  at  night ; 
at  least  Henry  and  Oliver  did.  I,  being  tired,  stayed  behind 
in  our  tent,  a  mile  or  two  back.  As  the  mail  goes  from  here 
early  Monday  morning,  we  could  get  nothing  here  in  time 
for  that  mail.  We  found  all  more  or  less  sick  or  feeble  but 
Wealthy  and  Johnny.  All  at  Brownsville  appear  now  to  be 
mending,  but  all  sick  or  feeble  here  at  Mr.  Adair's.  Fever 
and  ague  and  chill-fever  seem  to  be  very  general.  Oliver 

93Villard,  108. 


78  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

has  had  a  turn  of  the  ague  since  he  got  here,  but  has  got  it 
broken.  Henry  has  had  no  return  since  first  breaking  it. 
We  met  with  no  difficulty  in  passing  through  Missouri,  but 
from  the  sickness  of  our  horse  and  our  heavy  load.  The 
horse  has  entirely  recovered.  We  had,  between  us  all,  sixty 
cents  in  cash  when  we  arrived.  We  found  our  folks  in  a 
most  uncomfortable  situation,  with  no>  houses  to  shelter  one 
of  them,  no  hay  or  corn  fodder  of  any  account  secured,  shiv 
ering  over  their  little  fires,  all  exposed  to  the  dreadful  cutting 
winds,  morning  and  evening  and  stormy  days.  W^e  have 
been  trying  to  help  them  all  in  our  power,  and  hope  to  get 
them  more  comfortable  soon.  I  think  much  of  their  ill  health 
is  owing  to  most  unreasonable  exposure.  Mr.  Adair's  folks 
would  be  quite  comfortable  if  they  were  well.  One  letter 
from  wife  and  Anne  to  Salmon,  of  August  10,  and  one  from 
Ruth  to  John,  of  19th  September,  is  all  I  have  'seen  from 
any  of  you  since  getting  here.  Henry  found  one  from  Ruth 
which  he  has  not  shown  me.  Need  I  write  that  I  shall  be 
glad  to  hear  from  you  ?  I  did  not  write  while  in  Missouri, 
because  I  had  no  confidence  in  your  getting  my  letters.  We 
took  up  little  Austin  and  brought  him  on  here,  which  appears 
to  be  a  great  comfort  to  Jason  and  Ellen.  We  were  all  out 
a  good  part  of  the  last  night,  helping  to  keep  prairie  fire  from 
destroying  everything ;  so  that  I  am  almost  blind  today,  or  I 
would  write  you  more. 

Sabbath  Eve,  October  14. 

I  notice  in  your  letter  to  Salmon  your  trouble  about  the 
means  of  having  the  house  made  more  comfortable  for  win 
ter,  and  I  fondly  hope  you  have  been  relieved  on  that  score 
before  now,  by  funds  from  Mr.  Hurlbut,  of  Winchester, 
Conn.,  from  the  sale  of  the  cattle  there.  Write  me  all  about 
your  situation ;  for,  if  disappointed  from  that  source,  I  shall 
make  every  effort  to  relieve  you  in  some  other  way.  Last 
Tuesday  was  an  election  day  with  Free  State  men  in  Kansas, 
and  hearing  that  there  was  a  prospect  of  difficulty  we  all 
turned  out  most  thoroughly  armed  (except  Jason,  who  was 
too  feeble)  ;  but  no  enemy  appeared,  nor  have  I  heard  of  any 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  79 

disturbance  in  any  part  of  the  Territory. "  Indeed,  I  believe 
Missouri  is  fast  becoming  discouraged  about  making  Kansas 
a  slave  State,  and  I  think  the  prospect  of  its  becoming  free  is 
brightening  every  dayN^Try  to  be  cheerful,  and  always  "hope 
in  God,"  who  will  not  leave  nor  forsake  them  that  trust  in 
him.  Try  to  comfort  and  encourage  each  other  all  you  can. 
You  are  all  very  dear  to  me,  and  I  humbly  trust  we  may  be 
kept  and  spared  to  meet  again  on  earth ;  but  if  not,  let  us  all 
endeavor  earnestly  to  secure  admission  to  that  eternal  home, 
wshere  will  be  no  more  bitter  separations,  "where  the  wicked 
shall  cease  from  troubling  and  the  weary  be  at  rest."  We 
shall  probably  spend  a  few  days  more  in  helping  the  boys  to 
provide  some  kind  of  shelter  for  winter,  and  mean  to  write 
you  often.  May  God  in  infinite  mercy  bless,  comfort,  and 
save  you  all,  for  Christ's  sake ! 

Your  Affectionate  husband  and  father, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

In  simple  language  and  at  considerable  length,  Brown  thus 
announced  his  arrival  at  his  destination,  and  described  the  con 
ditions  prevailing  in  Kansas  and  in  the  Brown  colony.  A  half 
dozen  lines  in  this  letter  sufficed  to  relate  the  incident  of  the 
important  election  of  October  9th,  and  to  give  his  opinions  of  the 
vital  questions  involved  in  the  politcal  situation  as  it  then  ap 
peared  to  him.  These  lines  are  void  of  any  hostile  word  or 
phrase ;  also  they  are  void  of  any  sentiment  that  can  be  made  to 
suggest  that  Brown  was  different  from  the  ordinary  immigrant 
that  came  from  the  North  to  found  a  home  and  help  to  make  a 
Free  State.  No  settler  from  the  North  ever  wrote  a  letter  less 
war-like  or  more  peaceful  and  domestic  in  its  character  than 
this  letter  written  by  John  Brown.  The  clause,  "I  think  the 
prospect  of  its  becoming  free  is  brightening  every  day,"  is  a 
truer  index  to  the  state  of  Brown's  mind,  and  is  better  evidence 
of  the  peaceful  character  of  his  quest  in  Kansas,  than  the  com 
bined  reckless  assertions  of  his  biographers  to  the  contrary. 

In  violence  of  contemporary  evidence,  all  of  his  biographers 


80  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

and  some  of  the  historians  have  sought  to  educate  the  public  to 
believe  that  Brown  came  to  Kansas  on  a  hostile  mission.  The 
public  has  been  led  to  accept  the  fictitious  John  Brown,  the 
picturesque  character  of  history,  instead  of  the  real  man  under 
consideration.  To  this  character  constructing  propaganda  Mr. 
Redpath  was  an  ardent  contributer.  One  of  his  many  effective 
flights  has  reference  to  the  letter,  heretofore  published,  which 
his  son  John  wrote  May  24th.  He  said  concerning  it : 

He  undoubtedly  regarded  it  as  a  call  from  the  Almighty  to 
gird  up  his  loins  and  go  forth  to  do  battle  "as  the  warrior  of 
the  Lord"  as  "the  warrior  of  the  Lord  against  the  Mighty" 
in  behalf  of  His  despised  poor  and  His  downtrodden  people. 
The  moment  long  waited  for  had  at  length  arrived ;  the  sign 
he  had  patiently  expected  had  been  given ;  and  the  brave  old 
soldier  of  the  God  of  Battles  prepared  at  once,  to  obey  the 
summons  .  .  .  John  Brown  did  not  go  to  Kansas  to 
settle  there.  He  did  not  dare  to  remain  tending  sheep  at 
North  Elba  when  the  American  Goliath  and  his  hosts  were 
in  the  field,  defying  the  little  armies  of  the  living  Lord.94 

While  Mr.  Redpath  did  very  well,  his  panegyric  is  not  com 
parable  with  some  of  the  latest  and  more  scholarly  studies  of 
Brown.  Here  is  one  of  Mr.  Villard's  efforts : 

Thenceforth  John  Brown  could  give  free  rein  to  his  wan 
derlust;  the  shackles  of  business  life  dropped  from  him.  He 
was  now  bowed  and  rapidly  turning  gray ;  to  everyone's  lips 
the  adjective  "old"  leaped  as  they  saw  him.  But  this  was 
not  the  age  of  senility,  nor  of  weariness  with  life ;  nor  were 
the  lines  of  care  due  solely  to  family  and  business  anxieties 
or  to  the  hard  labor  of  the  fields.  They  were  rather  the 
marks  of  the  fires  consuming  within ;  of  the  indomitable  pur 
pose  that  was  the  main  spring  of  every  action ;  of  a  life  de 
voted,  a  spirit  inspired.  Emancipation  from  the  counter  and 
the  harrow  came  joyfully  to  him  at  the  time  of  life  when 
most  men  begin  to  long  for  rest  and  the  repose  of  a  quiet, 
94  Redpath,  81-82. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  81 

well  ordered  home.  Thenceforth  he  was  free  to  move  where 
he  pleased,  to  devote  every  thought  to  his  battle  with  the 
slave-power  he  staggered,  which  then,  knew  nothing  of  his 
existence. 

The  metamorphosis  was  now  complete.  The  staid,  sombre 
merchant  and  patriarchal  family-head  was  ready  to  become 
Captain  John  Brown  of  Osawatomie,  at  the  mere  mention  of 
whose  name  Border  Ruffians  and  swashbuckling  adherents 
to  the  institution  of  slavery  trembled  and  often  fled.  Kansas 
gave  John  Brown  the  opportunity  to  test  himself  as  a  guer 
rilla  leader  for  which  he  had  longed ;  for  no  other  purpose 
did  he  proceed  to  the  Territory;  to  become  a  settler  there  as 
he  had  hoped  to  in  Virginia  in  1840  was  furthest  from  his 
thoughts.95 

At  the  time  the  chrysalis  of  the  Osawatomie  guerilla  is  said 
to  have  emancipated  himself  bodily  from  the  harrow  and  was 
burning  to  take  up  arms  against  the  "swashbucklers,"  he  wrote 
a  letter  to  his  son  Salmon  concerning  his  intentions  to  join  the 
colony  and  asked  him  some  questions  relating  to  their  condi 
tion,  and  to  their  requirements.  Strange  as  it  may  seem  this 
letter  contained  nothing  that  called  for  a  war-like,  or  even  a 
moderately  ferocious  reply  from  Salmon.  His  answer  to  it  is 
scarcely  dramatic ;  in  fact  it  seems  to  relate  more  to  the  harrow, 
and  to  such  disinteresting  sublunary  topics  as  the  condition  of 
his  simple  but  more  or  less  dilapidated  wardrobe,  than  it  does  to 
"indomitable  purposes"  or  to  armies  of  a  Lord  who  Mr.  Red- 
path  represents  as  being  still  alive.  He  wrote,  June  22d : 96 

In  answer  to  your  questions  about  what  you  will  need  for 
your  company,  I  would  say  that  I  have  an  acre  of  corn  that 
looks  very  well,  and  some  beans  and  squashes  and  turnips. 
You  will  want  to  get  some  pork  and  meal,  and  beans  enough 
to  last  till  the  crop  comes  in,  and  then  I  think  we  will  have 
enough  grain  to  last  through  the  winter.  I  will  have  a  house 
up  by  the  time  you  get  here.  My  boots  are  very  near  worn 

95Villard,  77. 
96  Sanborn,  198. 


82  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

out,  and  I  shall  need  some  summer  pants  and  a  hat.    I  bought 
an  ax  and  that  you  will  not  have  to  get. 

In  a  series  of  thirty-eight  letters,  published  in  Mr.  Sanborn's 
Life  and  Letters  of  John  Brown,  commencing  with  the  date, 
January  18,  1841 ;  and  ending  with  the  letter  herein,  of  October 
14,  1855,  there  is  not  an  expression  relating  to  slavery  that  has 
not  been  heretofore  quoted  or  referred  to  in  this  work.  That 
Mr.  Sanborn  was  a  partisan  writer,  and  that  he  sifted  Brown's 
correspondence  in  a  search  for  letters  which  could  be  quoted  in 
support  of  the  assumptions  of  these  and  other  panegyrists,  con 
cerning  his  alleged  hostility  to  slavery,  will  not  be  denied. 
Their  assumptions  are  therefore,  wholly  fanciful ;  there  is  not 
a  sentence  contained  in  any  of  these  letters,  that  can  be  quoted 
in  justification  of  them.  The  attributes  put  forth  in  these  eulo 
gies  are  not  only  gratuitous,  but  they  are  illogical  and  incon 
sistent  with  Brown's  circumstances,  and  incompatible  with  his 
environment.  Mrs.  Anne  Brown  Adams  in  a  few  plain  words 
told  why  John  Brown  went  to  Kansas.  She  said : 

Father  said  his  object  in  going  to  Kansas  was  to  see  if 
something  would  not  turn  up  to  his  advantage.97 

The  often  repeated  statement  that  Brown  came  to  Kansas 
"to  fight,"  and  not  "to  settle"  after  the  manner  of  other  im 
migrants,  is  further  discredited  in  this  history. 

Before  the  Mason  Committee,  in  January,  1860,  Mr.  Wm.  F. 
Arny,  who  knew  Brown  to  have  been  a  non-resistant,  testified 
that  he  had  conversed  with  him  in  Kansas,  in  1858 ;  and  that  he, 
on  that  occasion,  asked  him  "how  he  reconciled  his  opinions 
then,  with  the  peace  principles  which  he  held  when  he  knew 
him  in  Virginia  twenty  years  before.  To  this  Brown  replied, 
that  the  'aggressions  of  slavery,  the  murders  and  robbery  per 
petrated  upon  himself  and  members  of  his  family,  the  lawless 
ness  by  Atchison  and  others  in  1855  and  from  that  time  down 

97  Sanborn's  Recollections  of  Seventy  Years,  152. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  83 

to  the  Maris-des-Cygnes,  convinced  him  that  peace  was  but  an  :| 
empty  word.'  "  98 

Before  the  same  committee  Mr.  Augustus  Wattles  testified :  " 

Captain  Brown  told  me  that  he  had  no  idea  of  fighting  until 
he  heard  the  Missourians,  during  the  winter  he  was  there, 
make  arrangements  to  come  over  into  the  Territory  to  vote. 
He  said  to  me  that  he  had  not  come  to  Kansas  to  settle  him 
self,  having  left  his  family  at  North  Elba,  but  that  he  had 
come  to  assist  his  sons  in  their  settlement  and  to  defend  them, 
if  necessary,  in  a  peaceable  exercise  of  their  political  rights. 
Writing  to  his  wife  February  1,  1856,  Brown  said: 

The  idea  of  again  visiting  those  of  my  dear  family  at  North 
Elba  is  so  calculated  to  unman  me,  that  I  seldom  allow  my 
thoughts  to  dwell  upon  it. 

This  language  bears  the  interpretation  that  he  had  located 
with  the  other  members  of  his  family  in  Kansas,  and  that  a  re 
turn  to  North  Elba  would  be  in  the  nature  of  a  visit. 

Brown  told  Mr.  Arney  that  it  was  his  intention,  originally, 
to  settle  in  Kansas.  In  his  testimony  before  the  Mason  Com 
mittee,  he  said:  "He  (Brown)  then  referred  to  the  fact  that 
he  had  sent  his  sons  into  the  Territory  of  Kansas  in  1853  or 
1854  with  a  lot  of  blooded  cattle  and  other  stock  with  the  in 
tention  of  settling."  10°  There  is  presumptive  evidence  too, 
that  he  did  "settle"  in  Kansas  and  that  he  did  take  a  claim ;  also 
that  it  was  "jumped."  In  a  letter  to  Brown  dated  June  24, 
1857,  the  late  Wm.  A.  Phillips  wrote  as  follows:101  "Your 
old  claim  I  believe,  has  been  jumped.  If  you  do  not  desire  to 
contest  it,  let  me  suggest  that  you  make  a  new  settlement  at 
some  good  point  of  which  you  will  be  the  head.  Lay  off  a 
town  and  take  claims  around  it." 

Among  the  real  conditions  of  poverty  described  by  Brown  in 

98  Mason  Report,  86.     Testimony  of  Wm.  F.  Arny. 

99  Mason  Report,  225.     Testimony  of  Augustus  Wattles. 

100  Mason  Report,  75. 

101  Sanborn,  397. 

6 


84  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

his  letters  of  October  13th  and  14th,  and  with  but  "sixty  cents" 
in  his  pocket,  it  is  irrational  to  assume  that  he  was  free  to  move 
"where  he  pleased"  or  that  he  was  "free  to  devote  every 
thought,"  or  any  of  his  thoughts,  for  that  matter,  to  this  "bat 
tling"  business.  He  was  not  "emancipated  from  the  counter 
and  the  harrow,"  and  from  his  natural  obligation  to  continue 
to  provide  for  the  dependent  wife  and  children,  who  were  suf 
fering  the  acute  privations  of  poverty  in  a  miserable  home. 
The  letters  quoted  are  evidence  of  the  domestic  character  of  the 
thoughts  which  occupied  his  mind,  and  of  his  deep  solicitude 
/  for  the  wants  of  his  family.  They  are  earnest  letters,  written 
about  the  pressing  affairs  of  his  domestic  life,  by  a  man  of  more 
than  ordinary  experience.  He  dismisses  any  reference  to  the 
subject  of  the  "driving  force  of  a  mighty  and  unselfish  pur 
pose,"  with  the  moderate  and  sensible  opinion,  that  the  "pros 
pect  of  Kansas  becoming  a  Free  state  is  brightening  every 
day." 

November  2,  1855,  Brown  wrote  a  long  and  interesting  letter 
to  his  wife  about  affairs  in  their  Kansas  home,  concluding  with 
this  very  conservative  and  peaceful  statement:  "I  feel  more 
and  more  confident  that  slavery  will  soon  die  out  here,  —  and 
to  God  be  the  praise."  102  The  letter  is  as  follows : 

Brownsville,  K.  T.,  Nov.  2,  1855. 
DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERY  ONE  — 

I  feel  grateful  to  learn  that  you  were  all  then  well,  and  I 
think  I  fully  sympathize  with  you  in  all  the  hardships  and 
discouragements  you  have  to  meet ;  but  you  may  be  assured 
you  are  not  alone  in  having  trials.  I  believe  I  wrote  you  that 
we  found  everyone  here  more  or  less  unwell  but  Wealthy  and 
Johnny,  without  any  sort  of  a  place  where  a  stout  man  even 
could  protect  himself  from  the  cutting,  cold  winds  and 
storms,  which  prevail  here,  much  more  than  in  any  place 
where  we  have  ever  lived ;  and  no  crops  of  hay  or  anything 
raised  had  been  taken  care  of;  with  corn  wasting  by  cattle 

102  Sanborn,  203. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  85 

and  horses,  without  fences ;  and,  I  may  add  without  any 
meat ;  and  Jason's  folks  without  sugar,  or  any  kind  of  bread 
stuffs  but  corn  ground  with  great  labor  in  a  hand-mill  about 
two  miles  off.  Since  I  wrote  you  before,  Wealthy,  Johnny, 
Elen  and  myself  have  escaped  being  sick.  Some  have  had 
the  ague,  but  lightly ;  but  Jason  and  Oliver  have  had  a  hard 
time  of  it  and  are  yet  feeble.  Under  existing  circumstances, 
we  have  made  but  little  progress ;  but  we  have  made  a  little. 
We  have  got  a  shanty  three  logs  high,  chinked  and  mudded 
and  roofed  with  our  tent;  and  a  chimney  so  far  advanced 
that  we  can  keep  a  fire  in  it  for  Jason.  John  has  his  shanty  a 
little  better  fixed  than  it  was,  but  miserable  enough  now ;  and 
we  have  got  their  little  crop  of  beans  secured,  which,  together 
with  johnny  cake,  mush  and  milk,  pumpkins  and  squashes, 
constitute  our  fare.  Potatoes  they  have  none  of  any  account ; 
milk,  beans,  pumpkins  and  squashes,  a  very  moderate  supply 
just  for  the  present  use.  We  have  also  got  a  few  house  logs 
cut  for  Jason.  I  do  not  send  you  this  account  to  render  you 
more  unhappy  but  merely  to  let  you  know  that  those  here 
are  not  altogether  in  paradise,  while  you  have  to  stay  in  that 
miserable  frosty  region.  ...  I  feel  more  and  more  con 
fident  that  slavery  will  soon  die  out  here,  —  and  to  God  be 
the  praise !  .  .  . 
November  23d,  he  wrote : 

Since  Watson  wrote,  I  have  felt  a  great  deal  troubled 
about  your  prospects  for  a  cold  house  to  winter  in,  and  since 
I  wrote  last,  I  have  thought  of  a  cheap,  ready  way  to  help  it 
much.  Take  any  common  straight-edged  boards,  and  run 
them  from  the  ground  up  to  the  eaves,  barn  fashion,  not  driv 
ing  the  nails  in  so  far  but  that  they  may  easily  be  drawn, 
covering  all  but  doors  and  windows,  as  close  as  may  be  in 
that  way,  and  breaking  joints  if  need  be.  This  can  be  done 
by  any  one  and  in  any  weather  not  very  severe,  and  the 
boards  may  afterwards  mostly  be  saved  for  other  uses.  I 
think  much  too,  of  your  widowed  state,  and  I  sometimes  al 
low  myself  to  dream  a  little  of  again  sometime  enjoying  the 
comforts  of  a  home ;  but  I  do  not  dare  to  dream  much.  .  . 


86  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

There  were  no  disturbances  in  the  Territory  until  the  latter 
part  of  November,  when  the  "Wakurusa  War"  became  im 
minent.  On  the  27th  the  following  dispatch  was  sent  from 
Westport  : 

Hon.  E.  C.  McLaren,  Jefferson  City  —  Governor  Shannon 
has  ordered  out  the  militia  against  Lawrence.  They  are  now 
in  open  rebellion  against  the  laws.  Jones  is  in  danger. 

December  6th,  notice  was  sent  out  to  all  Free-State  men  to 
come  to  Lawrence.  John  Brown,  with  others  from  the  vicinity 
of  Osawatomie,  answered  the  call,  and  upon  their  arrival  at 
Lawrence  he  was  appointed  a  captain  in  the  Fifth  Regiment, 
Kansas  Volunteers.  The  men  from  Brown's  neighborhood 
were  assigned  to  his  company  which  was  named  the  "Liberty 
Guards." 

There  has  been  much  controversy  concerning  Brown's  actions 
/   during  this  brief  but  very  interesting  campaign ;  due,  in  some 
/     instances,  perhaps,  to  political  contention,  but  principally  to  the 
/     efforts  of  his  biographers  and  eulogists  to  make  him  appear  as  a 
I      conspicuous  figure  in  the  proceedings,  the  hero  of  the  occasion. 
However,  Brown's  plain  sensible  letter,  written  to  his  wife  at 
\.     the  time,  giving  her  a  full  and  interesting  account  of  what  oc 
curred,  will  be  accepted  by  all  sane  persons,  as  evidence  of  what 
did  occur,  as  well  as  evidence  of  his  personal  opinions  of  all 
matters  pertaining  thereto,  so  far  as  they  came  under  his  ob 
servation.     His  letter  is  as  follows : 103 

Osawatomie,  K.  T.,  Dec.  16,  1855. 

Sabbath  Evening. 

DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERY  ONE  —  I  improve  the 
first  mail  since  my  return  from  the  camp  of  volunteers,  who 
lately  turned  out  for  the  defense  of  the  town  of  Lawrence  in 
this  Territory,  and  notwithstanding,  I  suppose  you  have 
learned  the  result  before  this,  (possibly),  I  will  give  a  brief 
account  of  the  invasion  in  my  own  way. 

About  three  or  four  weeks  ago  news  came  that  a  Free- 
103  Sanborn,  217. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  87 

State  man  by  the  name  of  Dow  had  been  murdered  by  a  pro- 
slavery  man  by  the  name  of  Coleman,  who  had  gone  and 
given  himself  up  for  trial  to  the  pro-slavery  Governor  Shan 
non.  This  was  soon  followed  by  further  news  that  a  Free 
State  man,  who  was  the  only  reliable  witness  against  the 
murderer  had  been  seized  by  a  Missourian  (appointed  sheriff 
by  the  bogus  Legislature  of  Kansas)  upon  false  pretexts,  ex 
amined,  and  held  to  bail  under  such  heavy  bonds,  to  answer 
to  those  false  charges,  as  he  could  not  give ;  that  while  on  his 
way  to  trial,  in  charge  of  the  bogus  sheriff,  he  was  rescued  by 
some  men  belonging  to  a  company  near  Lawrence ;  and  that 
in  consequence  of  the  rescue,  Governor  Shannon  had  ordered 
out  all  the  pro-slavery  force  he  could  muster  in  the  Terri 
tory,  and  called  on  Missouri  for  further  help ;  that  about  two 
thousand  had  collected,  demanding  a  surrender  of  the  res 
cued  witness  and  of  the  rescuers,  the  destruction  of  several 
buildings  and  printing-presses  and  a  giving  up  of  the 
Sharpens  rifles  by  the  Free-State  men,  —  threatening  to  de 
stroy  the  town  with  cannon,  with  which  they  were  provided, 
etc. ;  that  about  an  equal  number  of  Free-State  men  had 
turned  out  to  resist  them,  and  that  a  battle  was  hourly  ex 
pected  or  supposed  to  have  been  already  fought. 

These  reports  appeared  to  be  well  authenticated,  but  we 
could  get  no  further  account  of  matters ;  and  I  left  this  for 
the  place  where  the  boys  are  settled,  at  evening,  intending  to 
go  to  Lawrence  to  learn  the  facts  the  next  day.  John  was, 
however,  started  on  horseback,  but  before  he  had  gone  many 
rods,  word  came  that  our  help  was  immediately  wanted.  On 
getting  this  last  news,  it  was  at  once  agreed  to  break  up  at 
John's  camp,  and  take  Wealthy  and  Johnny  to  Jason's  camp 
(some  two  miles  off),  and  that  all  the  men  but  Henry,  Jason, 
and  Oliver  should  at  once  set  off  for  Lawrence  under  arms ; 
those  three  being  wholly  unfit  for  duty.  We  then  set  about 
providing  a  little  corn-bread  and  meat,  blankets,  and  cooking 
utensils,  running  bullets  and  loading  all  our  guns,  pistols, 
etc.  The  five  set  off  in  the  afternoon  and  after  a  short  rest 
in  the  night  (which  was  quite  dark),  continued  our  march 


88  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

until  after  daylight  next  morning,  when  we  got  our  break 
fast,  started  again,  and  reached  Lawrence  in  the  forenoon, 
all  of  us  more  or  less  lamed  by  our  tramp.  On  reaching  the 
place,  we  found  that  negotiations  had  commenced  between 
Governor  Shannon  ( having  a  force  of  some  fifteen  or  sixteen 
hundred  men)  and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  Free-State 
men,  they  having  a  force  of  some  five  hundred  men  at  that 
time.  These  were  busy,  night  and  day,  fortifying  the  town 
with  embankments  and  circular  earthworks,  up  to  the  time  of 
the  treaty  with  the  Governor,  as  an  attack  was  constantly 
looked  for,  notwithstanding  the  negotiations  then  pending. 
This  state  of  things  continued  from  Friday  until  Sunday 
evening.  On  the  evening  we  left  Osawatomie,  a  company  of 
the  invaders,  of  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  attacked  some 
three  or  four  Free-State  men,  mostly  unarmed,  killing  a  Mr. 
Barber  from  Ohio,  wholly  unarmed.  His  body  was  after 
ward  brought  in  and  lay  for  some  days  in  the  room  after 
wards  occupied  by  a  part  of  the  company  to  which  we  belong 
(it  being  organized  after  we  reached  Lawrence).  The  build 
ing  was  a  large  unfinished  stone  hotel,  in  which  a  great  part 
of  the  volunteers  were  quartered,  who  witnessed  the  scene 
of  bringing  in  the  wife  and  other  friends  of  the  murdered 
man.  I  will  only  say  of  this  scene  that  it  was  heart-rending, 
and  calculated  to  exasperate  the  men  exceedingly,  and  one  of 
the  sure  results  of  civil  war. 

After  frequently  calling  on  the  leaders  of  the  Free-State 
men  to  come  and  have  an  interview  with  him,  by  Governor 
Shannon,  and  after  as  often  getting  for  an  answer  that  if  he 
had  any  business  to  transact  with  any  one  in  Lawrence,  to 
come  and  attend  to  it,  he  signified  his  wish  to  come  into  the 
town,  and  an  escort  was  sent  to  the  invaders'  camp  to  conduct 
him  in.  When  there,  the  leading  Free-State  men,  finding  out 
his  weakness,  frailty,  and  consciousness  of  the  awkward  cir 
cumstances  into  which  he  had  really  got  himself,  took  advan 
tage  of  his  cowardice  and  folly  and  by  means  of  that  and  the 
free  use  of  whiskey  and  some  trickery  succeeded  in  getting 
a  written  arrangement  with  him  much  to  their  own  liking. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  89 

He  stipulated  with  them  to  order  the  pro-slavery  men  of  Kan 
sas  home,  and  to  proclaim  to  the  Missouri  invaders  that  they 
must  quit  the  Territory  without  delay,  and  also  to  give  up 
General  Pomeroy  (a  prisoner  in  their  camp),  —  which  was 
all  done ;  he  also  recognizing  the  volunteers  as  the  militia  of 
Kansas,  and  empowering  their  officers  to  call  them  out  when 
ever  in  their  discretion  the  safety  of  Lawrence  or  other  por 
tions  of  the  Territory  might  require  it  to  be  done.  He 
(Governor  Shannon)  gave  up  all  pretension  of  further  at 
tempt  to  enforce  the  enactment  of  the  bogus  Legislature,  and 
retired,  subject  to  the  derision  and  scoffs  of  the  Free-State 
men  (into  whose  hands  he  had  committed  the  welfare  and 
protection  of  Kansas),  and  to  the  pity  of  some,  and  the 
curses  of  others  of  the  invading  force. 

So  ended  this  last  Kansas  invasion  —  the  Missourians  re 
turning  with  Hying  colors,  after  incurring  heavy  expenses, 
suffering  great  exposure,  hardships,  and  privations,  not  hav 
ing  fought  any  battles,  burned  or  destroyed  any  infant  towns 
or  Abolition  presses ;  leaving  the  Free-State  men  organized 
and  armed,  and  in  full  possession  of  the  Territory ;  not  hav 
ing  fulfilled  any  of  all  their  dreadful  threatenings,  except  to 
murder  one  unarmed  man,  and  to  commit  some  robberies 
and  waste  of  property  upon  defenseless  families,  unfortun 
ately  within  their  power.  We  learn  by  their  papers  that  they 
boast  of  a  great  victory  over  the  Abolitionists ;  and  well  they 
may.  Free- State  men  have  only  hereafter  to  retain  the  foot 
ing  they  have  gained,  and  Kansas  is  free.  Yesterday  the 
people  passed  upon  the  Free-State  constitution.  The  result, 
though  not  yet  known,  no  one  doubts.  .  .  . 

We  have  received  fifty  dollars  from  father,  and  learned 
from  him  that  he  has  sent  you  the  same  amount,  —  for  which 
we  ought  to  be  grateful,  as  we  are  much  relieved,  both  as  re 
spects  ourselves  and  you.  .  .  . 

This  letter  will  always  stand  in  its  completeness  as  an  official  % 
expression  by  John  Brown  of  his  entire  satisfaction  with  every 
thing  that  was  done  by  the  Free-State  men  on  this  occasion. 
The  stipulations  contained  in  the  peace  treaty  not  only  covered 


90  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

every  point  for  which  the  Free-State  men  were  contending,  but 
gave  them  official  recognition,  in  Territorial  affairs,  with  au 
thority  therein  far  greater  than  they  could  have  hoped  to  obtain. 
Brown's  entire  approval  of  the  agreement,  without  any  reserva 
tion  whatever,  is  clearly  and  fully  expressed  in  the  sentence : 
Free-State  men  have  only  hereafter  to  retain  the  footing 
they  have  gained  and  Kansas  is  free. 

No  language  could  make  his  approval  of  what  had  been  done 
more  complete  or  specific;  and  yet,  notwithstanding  this  un 
equivocal  record,  by  Brown  himself,  of  his  approval  of  what 
had  been  done,  his  biographers  insist  that  he  was  not  only  dis 
satisfied  with  the  proceedings  that  were  had,  but  that  "the 
peace  treaty  itself  produced  in  him  only  anger  when  he  first 
heard  of  it." 

John  Brown,  boiling  over  with  anger,  mounted  the  shaky 
platform  and  addressed  the  audience  when  Robinson  had  fin 
ished.  He  declared  that  Lawrence  had  been  betrayed,  and 
told  his  hearers  that  they  should  make  a  night  attack  upon 
the  pro-slavery  forces  and  drive  them  from  the  territory.  "I 
am  an  Abolitionist,"  he  said,  "dyed  in  the  wool,"  and  then  he 
offered  to  be  one  of  ten  men  to  make  a  night  attack  upon  the 
Border  Ruffian  camp.  Armed,  and  with  lanterns,  his  plan 
was  to  string  his  men  along  the  camp  far  apart.  At  a  given 
signal  in  the  early  morning  hours,  they  were  to  shout  and 
fire  on  the  slumbering  enemy.104 

That  this  speech  will  stand  for  all  time,  as  a  classic  in  the  ex 
isting  melodramatic  literature  of  John  Brown,  will  be  con 
ceded.  The  novel  plan  of  a  night  attack  by  ten  men,  furnished 
with  lanterns,  as  targets,  "strung  far  apart,"  against  a  force  of 
fifteen  hundred  men,  will,  of  itself,  commend  it  to  such  recogni 
tion. 

A  summary  of  the  speeches,  recently  referred  to  as  "haran 
gues,"  made  by  Governor  Shannon,  and  by  General  Lane,  and 
by  Charles  Robinson,  on  this  occasion,  was  duly  reported  at  the 
104  Villard,  123. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  91 

time  and  published  throughout  the  country,  for  this  was  a  not 
able  incident  in  our  national  history.  But  not  a  word  was  re 
ported  about  Brown's  speech.  It  ought  to  have  been  the  cli 
max  —  the  fire-works  —  of  the  whole  performance  for  he  was 
the  only  one  of  the  speakers  who  is  said  to  have  been  "boiling 
over"  with  anything.  It  may  be  assumed  however  that  if  John 
Brown  had  made  a  violent  speech  from  this  platform  on  this 
occasion,  the  fact  would  have  been  reported  by  the  reporter  for 
the  Herald  of  Freedom,  who  was  present,  and  who  felt  very 
kindly  toward  him.  It  may  be  true  that  Brown  did  some 
grumbling  in  camp,  or  some  loud  talking  somewhere,  about  the 
treaty  which  he  may  not  have  understood  at  the  time. 

A  very  extended  report  of  the  incidents  occurring  in  the 
"Wakurusa  War"  is  contained  in  the  Lawrence  Herald  of  Free 
dom  of  December  15,  1855, 105  from  which  the  following  are  ex 
tracts  : 

Sunday  the  negotiations  were  resumed  with  Governor 
Shannon  and  finally  completed,  the  substance  of  which  was 
communicated  to  the  people  by  the  Governor.  The  settle 
ment  was  received  with  satisfaction  and  yet  the  terms  were 
not  coincided  in  so  fully  as  many  supposed  it  would  be.  It 
was  apparent  that  the  Governor  was  in  bad  odor,  as  several 
attempts  to  get  up  cheers  in  his  favor  proved  a  failure,  though 
no  insult  was  shown  him. 

Colonel  Lane  followed  and  was  loudly  cheered.  He  as 
sured  the  public  there  had  been  no  concession  of  honor  and 
that  the  people  of  Lawrence  and  Kansas,  would  cheerfully 
acquiesce  in  the  terms  of  the  settlement  as  soon  as  they  could 
learn  the  particulars.  .  .  . 

General  Robinson  was  also  loudly  cheered  and  congratu 
lated  by  the  people  on  account  of  the  settlement.  .  .  . 
The  day  closed  by  Governor  Shannon  giving  General  Rob 
inson  and  Colonel  Lane  each  a  commission,  and  clothing  them 
with  full  power  to  preserve  the  peace  in  the  vicinity  and  to 
105  Copy  in  possession  of  Mr.  Paul  Brooks,  Lawrence,  Kansas. 


92  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

use  the  volunteer  force  at  their  command  for  that  purpose. 

Tuesday  was  full  of  animation.  The  soldiers  were  .re 
viewed  and  finally  formed  in  a  square  and  addressed  by  the 
commanding  officers.  General  Lane  spoke  as  follows :  .  .  . 

At  the  close  of  General  Lane's  speech,  he  was  vociferously 
cheered. 

General  Robinson,  as  Commander  in  Chief,  delivered  the 
following  speech  which  was  loudly  applauded.  He  said : 
".  .  .  The  moral  strength  of  our  position  is  such  that 
even  the  'gates  of  hell'  could  not  prevail  against  us,  much  less 
a  foreign  mob  and  we  gained  a  bloodless  victory."  ...  As 
General  Robinson  closed,  six  cheers  were  given  to  him. 

Even  a  reporter  and  journalist  so  enterprising  as  James  Red- 
path  failed  to  know  of  Brown's  much  advertised  speech.  He 
said : 106 

I  had  no  personal  knowledge  of  his  opposition  to  the 

Treaty  of  Peace.     .     .     .     The  first  time  I  heard  of  old 

Brown  was  in  connection  with  a  caucus  at  the  town  of  Osa- 

watomie. 

It  was  not  Redpath's  fault  that  he  did  not  then  know  John 
Brown  or  that  he  had  not  even  heard  of  him.  It  was  simply 
because  Brown  was  an  ordinary  person,  and  had  not  done  any 
thing  yet  to  attract  public  attention  to  his  personality.  Oppor 
tunity  did  not  happen  to  knock  at  his  door  on  that  occasion ;  if 
it  had,  Brown,  doubtless,  would  have  acquitted  himself  credit 
ably,  and  Mr.  Redpath  would  have  heard  of  him.  As  soon  as 
Brown  did  even  a  little  thing,  Redpath  heard  of  it  promptly. 
April  16,  1856,  a  meeting  or  caucus  was  held  at  Osawatomie 
to  consider  the  question  of  paying  the  taxes  that  had  been  levied 
by  authority  of  the  Territorial  Legislature,  and  other  public 
measures.  To  pay  the  taxes  would  be  a  recognition  of  the 
"Bogus  Legislature"  that  had  enacted  the  laws  relating  to  taxa 
tion.  Richard  Mendenhall  was  chairman  of  the  meeting  and 
Oscar  V.  Dayton  was  secretary.  Brown,  among  others,  spoke 

i°6  Redpath,  103. 


HIS  PUBLIC  SERVICES  93 

in  opposition  to  paying  the  taxes.  There  was  nothing  sensa 
tional  in  this  incident,  but  Redpath  heard  of  the  meeting  and 
located  Brown  in  his  mind,  because  of  it.  Referring  to  the  in 
cident  Mr.  Redpath  made  this  authoritative  statement : 107 
"This  was  John  Brown's  first  and  last  appearance  in  a  public 
meeting  in  Kansas."  Therefore,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Villard 
has  been  imposed  upon. 

Of  Brown  himself,  the  Herald  published  the  following  sane 
and  restful  paragraph  : 

About  noon  Mr.  John  Brown,  an  aged  gentleman  from 
Essex  County,  New  York,  who  has  been  a  resident  of  the  Ter 
ritory  for  several  months,  arrived  with  four  of  his  sons,  — 
leaving  several  others  at  home  sick,  bringing  a  quantity  of 
arms  with  him  which  were  placed  in  his  hands  by  eastern 
friends  for  the  defense  of  the  cause  of  freedom.     Having\ 
more  than  he  could  well  use  to  advantage,  a  portion  of  them 
e  placed  in  the  hands  of  those  who  were  more  destitute. 
A  company  was  organized  and  the  command  given  to  Mr. 
Brown  for  the  zeal  he  had  exhibited  in  the  cause  of  freedom, 
both  before  and  after  his  arrival  in  the  Territory.108 
Brown,  with  his  sons,  returned  to  their  homes  December 
14th,  and  under  that  date,  in  a  letter  to  Orson  Day,  he  ex 
pressed,  further,  his  satisfaction  with  what  had  been  accom 
plished  at  Lawrence  by  the  Free-State  managers.     He  said: 
"The  Territory  is  now  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  Free-State 
men,"  and  stated  hopefully  his  opinion  that  "the  Missourians 
will  give  up  all  further  hope  of  making  Kansas  a  slave  state."  109 
January  1,  1856,  he  wrote  from  West  Point,  Missouri :  "In  this 
part  of  the  state  there  seems  to  be  but  little  feeling  on  the  slave 
question."  110 

January  5th,  a  Free-State  county  convention  was  held  at 

i°7  Redpath,  104. 

108  Herald  of  Freedom,  December  15,  1855. 

109  Villard,  127. 


94  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Osawatomie  to  nominate  candidates  for  members  of  the  Free- 
State  Legislature.  The  Browns  took  a  prominent  part  in  the 
proceedings.  John  Brown  was  chairman  of  the  meeting. 
Frederick  Brown  received  the  nomination  for  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  but  at  the  request  of  his  father,  he 
declined  the  nomination,  and  it  was  given  to  John  Brown,  Jr. 

With  his  participation  in  this  convention,  John  Brown  closed 
his  public  services.  Later  —  probably  during  March  —  he 
abandoned  his  honorable  commission  as  captain  of  the  "Liberty 
Guards,"  disbanded  the  company,  and  with  his  sons,  Owen, 
Salmon,  Frederick,  Oliver,  and  his  son-in-law,  Henry  Thomp 
son,  planned  and  decided  to  abandon  the  Free-State  cause,  en 
ter  upon  a  career  of  crime,  and  leave  the  neighborhood.  The 
course  was  agreed  upon  with  John  Brown,  Jr.,  as  accessory 
thereto ;  but  not  with  the  knowledge  of  Jason  Brown.  These 
men  comprised  John  Brown's  "little  company  of  six"  who,  with 
others,  committed  the  robbery  on  the  Pottawatomie  on  the  night 
of  May  24th  —  a  robbery  that  included  in  the  plans  for  its  ex 
ecution,  the  murder  of  seven  persons,  five  of  whom  fell  beneath 
the  blows  of  the  assassins. 


CHAPTER  V 

ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  ON  THE  POTTAWATOMIE 

A  blush  as  of  roses 

Where  rose  never  grew! 
Great  drops  on  the  bunch- grass 

But  not  of  the  dew! 
A  taint  in  the  siveet  air 

For  wild  bees  to  shun! 
A  stain  that  will  never 

Bleach  out  in  the  sun! 

Back,  steed  of  the  prairies! 

Sweet  song  bird,  fly  back! 
Wheel  hither,  bald  vulture! 

Gray  wolf,  call  thy  pack ! 
The  foul  human  vultures 

Have  fea-sted  and  fled; 
The  zvolves  of  the  Border 

Have  crept  from  the  dead. 
—FROM  L£  MARAIS  DU  CYGNE.     WHITTIER 

FROM  a  rude  home  in  the  bleak  mountains  of  northern  New 
York,  John  Brown  went  to  Kansas ;  not  for  the  purpose  of  fight 
ing,  but  inspired  by  the  hope  of  bettering  his  shattered  fortunes ; 
a  hope  that  withered  in  the  budding,  and  gave  place  to  feelings 
of  deep  disappointment  and  discouragement.  He  wrote  Feb 
ruary  1st: 

It  is  now  nearly  six  weeks  that  the  snow  has  almost  con 
stantly  been  driven,  like  dry  sand,  by  the  fierce  winds  of 
Kansas.  By  means  of  the  sale  of  our  horse  and  wagon,  our 
present  wants  are  tolerably  well  met ;  so  that,  if  health  is  con 
tinued  to  us,  we  shall  not  probably  suffer  much.  .  .  . 


96  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Thermometer  on  Sunday  and  Monday  at  twenty-eight  to 
twenty-nine  below  zero.  Ice  in  the  river,  in  the  timber,  and 
under  the  snow,  eighteen  inches  thick  this  week. 
Jason  down  again  with  the  ague,  but  he  was  some  better  yes 
terday.  Oliver  was  also  laid  up  by  freezing  his  toes,  —  one 
great  toe  so  badly  frozen  that  the  nail  has  come  off.  He 
will  be  crippled  for  some  days  yet.  Owen  has  one  foot 
frozen.  We  have  middling  tough  times  (as  some  would  call 
them)  but  have  enough  to  eat,  and  abundant  reason  for  the 
most  unfeigned  gratitude.  .  .  . 111 

These  were  hard  conditions.  It  would  be  difficult  to  im 
agine  circumstances  of  greater  discomfort  and  hopelessness. 
But  what  about  the  future  —  the  future  for  himself  and  for  the 
wife  and  the  daughters  depending  upon  him  for  the  necessaries 
of  life,  for  whose  benefit  he  had  come  to  Kansas?  Did  Brown 
think  of  them?  Present  inconvenience  and  privation  may  be 

~~~f>orne  with  fortitude  if  the  future  holds  out  a  promise  of  better 
ment.  In  his  case  we  may  reasonably  assume  that  the  problems 
of  the  future,  rather  than  the  present  conditions  and  discourage- 

_  merits,  engrossed  his  thoughts.  It  is  altogether  unreasonable 
to  suppose  that  this  unscrupulous  man  of  affairs  —  this  restless, 
aggressive  speculator  —  sat  listlessly,  amid  his  environment  of 
discomfort  and  poverty,  and  permitted  the  dreary  months  to 
pass  without  thinking  of  his  precarious  financial  condition,  and 
of  the  incessantly  urgent  family  responsibilities  impending;  and 
of  the  possibilities  of  bettering  his  fortunes  in  the  immediate 
future.  His  biographers  have  wisely  avoided  discussion  of  the 
practical  side  of  Brown's  condition  at  this  time,  preferring  to 
wander  in  more  intangible  fields,  and  to  speculate  upon  the 
emotional  and  metaphysical  phenomena  they  seek  to  involve  in 

\  the  situation.  The  record  of  his  life  at  this  time,  however,  re 
veals  the  fact  that  Brown  did  think  of  the  future  and  of  its  re 
sponsibilities  ;  and  that  he  did  mature  a  plan  to  better  his  finan 
cial  condition.  Also,  that  his  plan  was  in  harmony  with  his 
111  Sanborn,  222. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  97 

latest  and  best  biographer's  estimate  of  his  character :  "It  was 
not  only  that  he  was  visionary  as  a  business  man,"  112  says  Mr. 
Villard,  "but  that  he  developed  the  fatal  tendency  to  speculate ; 
doubtless  the  outgrowth  of  his  restlessness,  and  the  usual  desire 
of  the  bankrupt  for  a  sudden  coup  to  restore  his  fortune."  To 
his  wife  he  wrote  as  follows : 

Brown's  Station,  K.  T.,  April  7,  1856.  (• 
DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERY  ONE,  —  I  wrote  you 
last  week,  .  .  .  We  do  not  want  you  to  borrow  trouble  v 
about  us,  but  trust  us  to  the  care  of  "Him  who  feeds  the  - 
young  ravens  when  they  cry."  I  have,  as  usual,  but  little  to 
write.  We  are  doing  off  a  house  for  Orson  Day,  which  we 
hope  to  get  through  with  soon ;  after  which  we  shall  prob 
ably  soon  leave  this  neighborhood,  but  will  advise  you  fur 
ther  when  we  leave.  It  may  be  that  Watson  can  manage  to 
get  a  little  money  for  shearing  sheep  if  you  do  not  get  any 
from  Connecticut.  I  still  hope  you  will  get  help  from  that 
source.  We  have  no  wars  as  yet,  but  we  still  have  abund 
ance  of  "rumors."  We  still  have  frosty  nights,  but  the  grass 
starts  a  little.  There  are  none  of  us  complaining  much  just 
now,  all  being  able  to  do  something.  John  has  just  returned 
from  Topeka,  not  having  met  with  any  difficulty ;  but  we  hear 
that  preparations  are  making  in  the  United  States  Court  for 
numerous  arrests  of  Free  State  men.  For  one,  I  have  no  de 
sire  (all  things  considered)  to  have  the  slave  power  cease 
from  its  acts  of  aggression.  "Their  foot  shall  slide  in  due 
time."  May  God  bless  and  keep  you  all. 

Your  affectionate  husband  and  father, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

This  letter  foreshadows  the  turning  point  in  John  Brown's 
career.  It  discloses  the  fact  that  he  and  his  sons  intended  to 
engage  in  an  enterprise  that  was  related  to  danger,  against 
which  he  sought  to  quiet  his  wife's  apprehensions.  The  letter 
also  foreshadows  the  fact  that  as  a  result  of  what  they  intended 
to  do,  they  would  probably  leave  the  neighborhood;  but  as  to 

112  Villard,  31. 

\ 


98  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

either  the  nature  of  the  undertaking  which  they  had  in  view,  or 
the  time  at  which  the  venture  would  be  executed,  she  would  not 
be  informed  until  they  left  the  country.  It  discloses  further 
the  significant  fact,  that  his  attitude  toward  the  Free-State 
cause  had  undergone  a  change.  That  instead  of  treasuring  in 
his  heart  a  patriotic  desire  to  win  freedom  for  Kansas  by  peace 
able  means,  he  had  assumed  a  hostile  attitude.  He  now  de 
sired,  not  peace,  but  war. 

Three  important  facts  appear  at  this  point  in  Brown's  his 
tory:  That  he  had  decided  to  do  something  of  a  dangerous 
character  and  leave  the  neighborhood  ;  that  he  desired  a  revival 
of  pro-slavery  aggressions  ;  and  that  he  had  disbanded  the  "Lib 
erty  Guards." 

On  the  16th  of  April,  1856,  John  Brown,  Jr.,  was  in  com 
mand  of  the  "Pottawatomie  Rifles."  113  He  said  :  "During 
the  winter  of  1856,  I  raised  a  company  of  riflemen,  from  the 
Free-State  settlers  who  had  their  homes  in  the  vicinity  of  Osa- 
watomie  and  Pottawatomie  Creek."  114  James  Townsley,  in 
his  "confession,"  made  December  6,  1879,  said:  "I  joined  the 
Pottawatomie  Rifle  Company  at  its  reorganization  in  May, 
I  1856,  at  which  time  John  Brown,  Jr.,  was  elected  captain." 

Why  Brown  should  desire  a  revival  of  pro-slavery  aggres 
sions,  if  he  intended  to  leave  the  neighborhood  ;  and  what  he  in 
tended  to  do,  are  important  questions  in  this  analysis  which  his 
versatile  biographers  have  failed  to  attempt  to  explain.  Brown 
could  not  have  desired  a  provocation  from  the  pro-slavery  peo 
ple  because  he  wanted  an  opportunity  to  fight  —  to  march 
against  them  at  the  head  of  the  "Liberty  Guards,"  and  "stagger 
the  slave-power  by  the  driving  force  of  his  iron  will  ;"  -  for  he 
intended  to  leave  the  neighborhood;  he  intended  to  go  away 
from  the  scene  of  the  prospective  aggressions.  He  was  no 
longer  "Captain  of  the  Liberty  Guards,"  but  a  private  citizen  ; 
therefore,  he  must  have  desired  an  outbreak  of  pro-slavery  hos- 


136. 
114  Sanborn,  237,  note  3. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  99 


tility  for  personal  reasons;  for  reasons  relating  to  operations 
which  he  intended  to  engage  in  with  Henry  Thompson  as  an 
associate;  who  wrote,  equivocally,  to  his  wife  in  May,  1856, 
that  "Upon  Brown's  plans  would  depend  his  own,  until  School 
is  out." 

The  operations  that  Brown  and  his  four  unmarried  sons  and 
Henry  Thompson  engaged  in  immediately  after  the  letter  con 
taining  this  extract  was  written,  show  that  the  "plans"  therein 
referred  to  related  to  the  capital  tragedy  in  the  history  of  Kan 
sas  Territory.  These  plans  provided  for  the  theft  of  a  large 
number  of  horses  on  Pottawatomie  Creek.  The  horses  were 
duly  stolen  by  Brown  and  his  band.  To  make  the  theft  pos 
sible,  and  personally  safe,  they  planned  to  quietly  assassinate 
the  owners  of  the  horses.  To  avoid  identification,  and  to  dis 
pose  of  the  horses  which  they  intended  to  steal,  they  planned  to 
deliver  them  to  confederates,  who  would  run  them  out  of  the 
neighborhood ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  they  were  to  receive  from 
such  confederates  horses  of  a  more  desirable  character  —  fast 
running  horses  —  which  were  to  be  brought  from  the  northern 
part  of  the  Territory  to  a  designated  rendezvous. 

It  was  the  original  intention  to  steal  four  lots^of  horses  and 
murder  sevenjnen.  Trie  persons  murdered  in  pursuance  of 
their  plans  were  "John  Doyle  and  two  of  his  sons,  Hon.  Allen 
Wilkinson,  and  William  Sherman.  Those  who  escaped  death 
were  Henry  Sherman,  a  brother  of  William,  and  another  person 
whose  name  has  been  withheld  from  publication.115  The  silent 
weapons  used  in  these  murders  were  some  of  the  short  swords, 
ground  to  a  keen  edge,  that  Brown  had  brought  with  him  when 
he  came  to  the  Territory.  The  unfortunate  victims,  in  holding 
up  their  arms  in  vain  attempts  to  shield  their  heads  from  im 
pending  blows,  were  struck  upon  their  forearms  and  hands; 
.these  in  some  instances  were  almost  severed  from  their  bodies. 
[  The  heads  of  the  murdered  men,  except  in  the  case  of  Doyle, 

115Villard,  158. 


100  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

were  split  open  and  their  bodies  otherwise  mutilated.  In  the 
case  of  Doyle,  he  was  shot  in  the  head ;  and  in  addition  thereto, 
a  sword  was  run  through  his  breast.  He  was  the  first  victim 
of  the  tragedies.  The  shot  which  struck  him  was  the  only  shot 
that  was  fired  in  these  murders,  and  the  firing  of  it  stands 
charged  to  John  Brown  himself. )  Of  this  Mr.  Villard  says : 116 
"Salmon  Brown  will  not  positively  state  that  his  father  fired  it 
but  admits  that  no  one  else  pulled  a  trigger.^ 

An  account  in  detail  of  these  murders  fs  found  in  the  testi 
mony  of  the  widows  of  Doyle  and  Wilkinson,  and  of  James 
Harris,  and  others,  taken  before  Hon.  M.  N.  Oliver,  of  Mis 
souri,  minority  member  of  a  congressional  committee  of  which 
Hon.  W.  A.  Howard  was  chairman.  The  committee  was  ap 
pointed  in  1855  to  investigate  and  report  to  Congress  upon  the 
troubles  in  Kansas.  ^The  character  of  the  evidence  brought  out 
in  this  investigation  incriminated  the  Browns ;  but  for  more  than 
twenty  years  thereafter  the  surviving  members  of  the  family 
stoutly  denied  having  any  participation  in  the  crime/  Even  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  when  standing  within  the  shadow  of  the  gal 
lows,  John  Brown  denied  having  had  anything  to  do  with  it/ 
To  Judge  Russell  "the  prisoner  reiterated  his  assertion  often 
made  in  those  prison  days  that  he  was  not  personally  concerned 
in  the  Pottawatomie  murders."  117  But  after  the  confession  of 
James  Townsley,  his  biographers  and  friends  were  forced  to 
acknowledge  Brown's  directing  hand  in  the  crime.  Since  that 
time,  they  have  continuously  sought,  by  various  pretexts  —  de 
fensive,  patriotic  and  altruistic  —  to  justify  him  in  the  killing 
of  these  men ;  and  to  distract  attention  away  from  the  real  motive 
that  prompted  it;  with  the  result  that  they  have  thus  far  suc 
ceeded  in  so  agitating  discussion  upon  the  merits  of  the  mur 
ders,  as  to  concentrate  public  attention  upon  that  feature  of  the 
crime  —  the  murders  —  and  to  eliminate  or  silence  any  allusion 

116  Villard,  159. 
"*  Villard,  545. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  101 

whatever  to  the  fundamental  feature  of  it  —  robbery.  As 
a  consequence  of  their  propaganda,  writers  o f  nTsto^fynave  V 
not  made  any  reference  to  the  robberies  to  which  the  mur 
ders  were  subordinate  and  incidental.  After  the  manner  of 
sheep,  they  have  followed  the  lead  of  Brown's  eulogists  into  the 
interesting  field  of  metaphysics;  and  have  there  engaged  ir* 
profitless  speculation  upon  Brown's  mental'  processes,  and  the 
probable  psychical  impulses  which  may  have  qontidlecLhjs  Ac 
tions.118 

The  confession  of  James  Townsley  is  as  follows :  y. 

I  joined  the  Potawatomie  rifle  company  at  its  reorganiza 
tion  in  May,  1856,  at  which  time  John  Brown,  Jr.,  was 
elected  captain.  On  the  21st  of  the  same  month  information 
was  received  that  the  Georgians  were  marching  on  Law 
rence,  threatening  its  destruction.  The  company  was  imme 
diately  called  together,  and  about  four  o'clock  P.  M.  we 
started  on  a  forced  march  to  aid  in  its  defense. 

About  two  miles  south  of  Middle  Creek,  we  were  joined 
by  the  Osawatomie  company  under  Captain  Dayton,  and  pro 
ceeded  to  Mount  Vernon,  where  we  waited  about  two  hours, 
until  the  moon  rose.  We  then  marched  all  night,  camping 
the  next  morning,  the  22nd,  for  breakfast,  near  Ottawa 
Jones's.  Before  we  arrived  at  this  point,  news  had  been  re 
ceived  that  Lawrence  had  been  destroyed,  and  a  question 
was  raised  whether  we  should  return  or  go  on.  During  the 
forenoon,  however,  we  proceeded  up  Ottawa  Creek  to  within 
about  five  miles  of  Palmyra,  and  went  into  camp  near  the 
residence  of  Captain  Shore.  Here  we  remained,  undecided, 
over  night.  About  noon  the  next  day,  the  23rd,  Old  John 
Brown  came  to  me  and  said  he  had  just  received  information 
that  trouble  was  expected  on  the  Potawatomie,  and  wanted  to 
know  if  I  would  take  my  team  and  take  him  and  his  boys 
back,  so  they  could  keep  watch  on  what  was  going  on.  I 

118  L.  W.  Spring  in  his  History  of  Kansas  says  of  him  on  page  138: 
"Whatever  else  may  be  laid  to  his  charge  —  whatever  rashness,  unwisdom, 
equivocation,  bloodiness  —  no  faintest  trace  of  self-seeking  stains  his 
Kansas  life." 


\ 


102  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

.  told  him  I  would  do  so.  The  party,  consisting  of  Old  John 
Brown,  Watson  Brown,  Oliver  Brown,  Henry  Thompson, 
(John  Brown's  son-in-law),  and  Mr.  Winer,  were  soon 
ready  for  the  trip  and  we  started,  as  near  as  I  can  remember, 
about  two  o'clock  p.  M.  All  of  the  party  except  Winer,  who 
rode  a  pony,  rode  with  me  in  my  wagon.  When  within  two 
or  three  miles  of  Potawatomie  Creek,  we  turned  off  the  main 
road  to  the  right,  drove  down  to  the  edge  of  the  timber  be 
tween  two  deep  .ravines,  and  camped  about  one  mile  above 
Dutch  Henry's  crossing.  .  .  .  We  remained  in  camp 
that  night  and  all  the  next  day.  Some  time  after  dark  we 
were  ordered  to  march. 

We  started,  the  whole  company,  in  a  northerly  direction, 
crossing  Mosquito  Creek,  above  the  residence  of  the  Doyles. 
Soon  after  crossing  the  creek,  some  one  of  the  party  knocked 
at  the  door  of  a  cabin,  but  received  no  reply  —  I  have  for 
gotten  whose  cabin  it  was,  if  I  knew  at  the  time. 

The  next  place  we  came  to  was  the  residence  of  the 
Doyles.  John  Brown,  three  of  his  sons,  and  son-in-law, 
went  to  the  door,  leaving  Frederick  Brown,  Winer,  and  my 
self,  a  short  distance  from  the  house.  About  this  time  a 
large  dog  attacked  us.  Frederick  Brown  struck  the  dog  a 
blow  with  his  short  two  edged  sword,  after  which  I  dealt  him 
a  blow  with  my  sabre,  and  heard  no  more  of  him.  The  old 
man  Doyle  and  two  sons  were  called  out  and  marched  some 
distance  from  the  house  toward  Dutch  Henry's,  in  the  road, 
where  a  halt  was  made.  Old  John  Brown  drew  a  revolver 
and  shot  the  old  man  Doyle  in  the  forehead  and  Brown's 
two  youngest  sons  immediately  fell  upon  the  younger  Doyles 
with  their  short  two-edged  swords. 

One  of  the  young  Doyles  was  stricken  down  in  an  instant, 
but  the  other  attempted  to  escape,  and  was  pursued  a  short 
distance  by  his  assailant  and  cut  down.  The  company  then 
proceeded  down  Mosquito  Creek  to  the  house  of  Allen  Wil 
kinson.  Here  the  old  man  Brown,  three  of  his  sons,  and 
son-in-law  as  at  the  Doyle  residence,  went  to  the  door  and 
ordered  Wilkinson  to  come  out,  leaving  Frederick  Brown, 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  103 

Winer,  and  myself  standing  in  the  road  east  of  the  house. 
Wilkinson  was  taken  and  marched  some  distance  south  of  his 
house  and  slain  in  the  road,  with  a  short  sword,  by  one  of  the 
younger  Browns.  After  he  was  killed,  his  body  was  dragged 
out  to  one  side  and  left. 

We  then  crossed  the  Potawatomie  and  came  to  the  house 
of  Henry  Sherman,  generally  known  as  Dutch  Henry.  Here 
John  Brown  and  the  party,  excepting  Frederick  Brown, 
Winer,  and  myself,  who  were  left  outside  a  short  distance 
from  the  door,  went  into  the  house  and  brought  out  one  or 
two  persons,  talked  with  them  some,  and  then  took  them  in 
again.  They  afterwards  brought  out  William  Sherman, 
Dutch  Henry's  brother,  marched  him  down  into  the  Pota 
watomie  Creek,  where  he  was  slain  with  swords,  by  Brown's 
two  youngest  sons,  and  left  lying  in  the  creek. 

JAMSS  TOWNSLKY. 

Lane,  Kansas,  December  6,  1879. 

From  this  statement  it  appears  that  John  Brown  set  the  ex 
ample  for  his  sons  to  follow  by  killing  Doyle.  "Old  John 
Brown  drew  his  revolver  and  shot  old  man  Doyle  in  the  fore 
head,  and  Brown's  two  younger  sons  immediately  fell  upon  the 
younger  Doyles  with  their  short,  two  edged  swords." 
Mrs.  Doyle,  in  her  testimony  said  : 

.     .     .     My  son  John  was  spared  because  I  asked  them  in 
tears  to  spare  him.     .     .     . 
The  son  testified : 

I  found  my  father  and  one  brother,  William,  lying  dead  in 
the  road  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  house.  I  saw 
my  other  brother  lying  dead  on  the  ground  about  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  house,  in  the  grass,  near  a  ra 
vine,  his  fingers  were  cut  off,  and  his  arms  were  cut  off ;  his 
head  was  cut  open ;  there  was  a  hole  in  his  breast.  William's 
head  was  cut  open,  and  a  hole  was  in  his  jaw,  as  though  it 
was  made  by  a  knife,  and  a  hole  was  in  his  side.  My  father 
was  shot  in  the  forehead  and  stabbed  in  the  breast.119 


Howard  Report,  1175. 


104  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

Allen  Wilkinson  was  the  postmaster  for  the  community,  and 
was  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legislature.  Like  Doyle,  he 
was  married,  and  had  a  family  of  small  children.  Mrs.  Wilkin 
son  states  that  the  persons  who  murdered  her  husband,  came  to 
their  home  after  midnight,  and  after  knocking  at  the  door,  in 
quired  "the  way  to  Dutch  Henry's."  Wilkinson  began  to  tell 
them,  but  they  told  him  to  "come  out  and  show  them."  Her 
testimony  is  in  part  as  follows : 

.  .  .  One  of  them  said,  "You  are  our  prisoner.  Do 
you  surrender?"  He  said,  "Gentlemen,  I  do."  They  said, 
"Open  the  door."  Mr.  Wilkinson  told  them  to  wait  till  he 
made  a  light  and  they  replied,  "If  you  don't  open  it,  we  will 
open  it  for  you."  He  opened  the  door  against  my  wishes, 
and  four  men  came  in  and  my  husband  was  told  to  put  on  his 
clothes,  and  they  asked  him  if  there  were  not  more  men 
about.  They  searched  for  arms,  and  took  a  gun  and  powder 
flask,  all  the  weapon  that  was  about  the  house.  .  .  .  They 
then  took  my  husband  away.  One  of  them  came  back  and 
took  two  saddles.  I  asked  him  what  they  were  going  to  do 
with  him  and  he  said,  "Take  him  a  prisoner  to  the  camp." 
.  .  .  After  they  were  gone,  I  thought  I  heard  my  hus 
band's  voice,  in  complaint,  but  do  not  know ;  went  to  the  door 
and  all  was  still.  Next  morning  Mr.  Wilkinson  was  found 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  the  house  dead,  in 
some  bushes.  A  lady  who  saw  my  husband's  body  said, 
that  there  was  a  gash  in  his  head  and  in  his  side ;  others  said 
he  was  cut  in  the  throat  twice.120 

James  Harris,  at  whose  house  William  Sherman  was  staying 
on  the  night  of  May  24th,  states  in  his  testimony,  what  came 
under  his  observation.  Harris  was  a  day  laborer.  He  testi 
fied  in  part  as  follows : 

On  last  Sunday  morning  about  two  o'clock  (the  25th  of 

last  May)  whilst  my  wife  and  child  and  myself  were  in  bed 

in  the  house  where  we  lived,  we  were  aroused  by  a  company 

120  Howard  Report,  1179. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  105 

of  men  who  said  they  belonged  to  the  Northern  army,  and 
who  were  each  armed  with  a  sabre  and  two  revolvers,  two  of 
whom  I  recognized,  namely,  a  Mr.  Brown,  whose  name  I  do 
not  remember^  commonly  known  by  the  appellation  of  "old 
man  Brown"  and  his  son  Owen  Brown.  .  .  .  When 
they  came  up  to  the  bed,  some  had  drawn  sabres  in  their 
hands,  and  some  revolvers.  They  then  took  possession  of 
two  rifles  and  a  Bowie  knife  which  I  had  with  me  in  the  room 
—  there  was  but  one  room  in  my  house  —  and  afterward 
ransacked  the  whole  establishment  after  ammunition.  .  .  . 
They  asked  me  where  Henry  Sherman  was.  Henry  Sher 
man  was  a  brother  to  William  Sherman.  I  told  them  that 
\  he  was  out  on  the  plains  in  search  of  some  cattle  that  he  had 
\  lost.  They  asked  me  if  there  were  any  bridles  or  saddles 
about  the  premises.  I  told  them  there  was  one  saddle  which 
they  took,  and  they  also  took  possession  of  Henry  Sherman's 
.  horse  which  I  had  at  my  place,  and  made  me  saddle  him. 
They  then  said  if  I  would  answer  no,  to  all  questions  which 
they  asked  me,  they  would  let  [me]  loose.  Old  Mr.  Brown 
and  his  son  then  went  into  the  house  with  me.  .  .  .  Old 
man  Brown  asked  Mr.  Sherman  to  go  out  with  him,  and  Mr. 
Sherman  then  went  out  with  old  man  Brown,  and  another 
man  came  into  the  house  in  Brown's  place.  I  heard  nothing 
more  for  about  fifteen  minutes.  Two  of  the  northern  army, 
as  they  styled  themselves,  stayed  on  with  us  until  we  heard 
a  cap  burst  and  then  these  two  men  left.  That  morning 
about  ten  o'clock  I  found  William  Sherman  dead  in  the  creek 
near  my  house.  I  was  looking  for  Mr.  Sherman ;  as  he  had 
not  come  back,  I  thought  he  had  been  murdered.  I  took 
Mr.  William  Sherman  out  of  the  creek  and  examined  him. 
Mr.  Whiteman  was  with  me.  Sherman's  skull  was  split 
open  in  two  places,  and  some  of  his  brains  was  washed  out 
by  the  water.  A  large  hole  was  cut  in  his  breast,  and  his 
left  hand  was  cut  off  except  a  little  piece  of  skin  on  one 
side.  We  buried  him.121 


^Howard  Report,  1177. 


106  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

It  should  be  remembered  that  prior  to  the  date  of  these  mur 
ders  and  robberies,  the  zone  of  conflict  in  the  Territory  had 
been  confined  within  the  limits  of  Douglas,  Leavenworth,  and 
Atchison  counties.  Also,  that  the  settlers  living  south  of  Doug 
las  county  had,  up  to  this  time,  enjoyed  the  repose  and  benefits 
of  a  condition  of  profound  peace;  and  that  during  all  of  the 
time  that  Brown  was  formulating  his  plans  to  rob  and  murder 
his  unsupecting  neighbors,  the  "Shannon  Treaty"  was  in  full 
force  and  effect,  and  a  season  of  peace  prevailing  throughout 
the  whole  Territory.  Mr.  Villard  says  of  this  period : 122 

Not  a  single  person  had  been  killed  in  the  region  around 
Osawatomie  either  by  the  lawless  characters,  or  by  armed 
representatives  of  the  pro-slavery  cause.  The  instances  of 
brutality  or  murder  narrated  in  the  preceding  chapters,  all 
took  place  miles  to  the  north  in  the  vicinity  .of  Lawrence  or 
Leavenworth. 

And  John  Brown  himself,  in  his  speech  before  a  committee  of 
the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  February  18,  1857,  said: 123 

Things  do  not  look  one  iota  more  encouraging  now  than 
they  did  last  year  at  this  time.  You  may  remember  that  from 
the  Shannon  Treaty,  (December  9th,  1856)  which  ended  the 
Wakarusa  war,  till  early  in  May,  1856,  there  was  general 
quiet  in  Kansas.  No  violence  was  offered  to  our  citizens 
when  they  went  to  Missouri.  I  frequently  went  there  myself 
to  buy  corn  and  other  supplies.  I  was  known  there,  yet  they 
treated  me  well. 

Some  of  Buford's  men  had  been  in  the  neighborhood  but  they 
were  not  brutal  toward  the  Free-State  settlers.  There  was  a 
potent  restraining  influence  controlling  their  conduct.  They 
were  at  the  time  on  the  pay  roll  of  the  General  Government  as 
deputy  United  States  marshals,  and  the  respectability  and  re 
sponsibility  of  their  official  positions  demanded  reasonably 
proper  behavior  on  their  part.124 

122Villard.  171. 

123  Sanborn,   373.  and    Redpath,    184. 

124  Von  Hoist,  301. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  107 

The  most  important  evidence  upon  the  important  subject 
under  consideration,  appears  in  Brown's  letter  to  his  wife,  writ 
ten  after  his  fight  at  Black  Jack;  and  in  a  personal  statement 
made  by  John  Brown,  Jr.,  to  F.  B.  Sanborn.  The  letter  is,  in 
part,  as  follows  : 125 

Near  Brown's  Station,  K.  T.,  June,  1856. 
DSAR  WIFE:  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERY  ONE, —  It  is  now  about 
five  weeks  since  I  have  seen  a  line  from  North  Elba,  or  had 
any  chance  of  writing  you.  During  that  period  we  have 
passed  through  an  almost  constant  series  of  very  trying 
events.  We  were  called  to  go  to  the  relief  of  Lawrence, 
May  22,  and  every  man  (eight  in  all),  except  Orson  turned 
out;  he  staying  with  the  women  and  children  and  to  take 
care  of  the  cattle.  John  was  captain  of  a  company  to  which 
Jason  belonged ;  the  other  six  were  a  little  company  by  our- 
selves.125*  On  our  way  to  Lawrence  we  learned  that  it  had 
been  already  destroyed,  and  we  encamped  with  John's  com 
pany  over  night.  Next  day  our  little  company  left  and  dur 
ing  the  day  we  stopped  and  searched  three  men.  .  .  . 

On  the  second  day  and  evening  after  we  left  John's  men, 
we  encountered  quite  a  number  of  proslavery  men  and  took 
quite  a  number  of  prisoners.  Our  prisoners  we  let  go,  but 
we  kept  some  four  or  five  horses.  We  were  immediately 
after  this,  accused  of  murdering  five  men  at  Pottawatomie 
and  great  efforts  have  since  been  made  by  the  Missourians 
and  their  ruffian  allies  to  capture  us.  John's  company  soon 
afterward  disbanded,  and  also  the  Osawatomie  men.126 

Since  then,  we  have,  like  David  of  old,  had  our  dwelling 
with  the  serpents  of  the  rocks  and  wild  beasts  of  the  wilder 
ness  ;  being  obliged  to  hide  away  from  our  enemies.  We  are 
not  disheartened,  though  nearly  destitute  of  food,  clothing 
and  money.  God,  who  has  not  given  us  over  to  the  will  of 

125  Sanborn,  236. 

i2oa  Italicised  by  the  author. 

126  "In  the  original  something  has  been  effaced  and  this  note  seems  to 
have  been  appended :     'There  are  but  very  few  who  wish  the  real  facts 
about  these  matters  to  go  out.'     Then  is  inserted  the  date  'June  26'  as  be 
low."  —  Sanborn,  237. 


108  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

our  enemies,  but  has  moreover  delivered  them  into  our  hand, 
will  we  humbly  trust,  still  keep  and  deliver  us.  We  feel  as 
sured  that  He  who  sees  not  as  men  see,  does  not  lay  the  guilt 
of  innocent  blood  to  our  charge. 

If,  under  God,  this  letter  reaches  you  so  that  it  can  be  read, 
I  wish  it  at  once  carefully  copied,  and  a  copy  of  it  sent  to 
Gerrit  Smith.  I  know  of  no  other  way  to  get  these  facts 
and  our  situation  before  the  world,  nor  when  I  can  write 
again.  .  .  . 

The  statement  that  John  Brown,  Jr.,  made  to  Mr.  Sanborn 
is,  in  part,  as  follows : 127 

We  got  back  to  Osawatomie  from  our  five  days'  cam 
paign,  toward  evening  on  the  26th  of  May.  ...  I  took 
my  rifle  and  horse  and  went  into  the  ravine  on  Mr.  Adair's 
land,  remaining  there  through  that  day  (May  27)  and  the 
following  night.  About  four  o'clock  p.  M.  I  was  joined  by 
my  brother  Owen,  who  had  been  informed  at  Mr.  Adair's  of 
my  whereabouts.  He  brought  with  him  into  the  brush  a 
valuable  running  horse,  mate  of  the  one  I  had  with  me. 
These  horses  had  been  taken  by  Free-State  men  near  the  Ne 
braska  line  and  exchanged  for  horses  obtained  in  the  way  of 
reprisals  further  south ;  and  while  on  foot  a  few  miles  south 
of  Ottawa  Jones's  place,  May  26,  I  had  been  offered  one  of 
these  to  ride  the  remaining  distance  to  Osawatomie.  Owen's 
horse  was  wet  with  sweat;  and  he  told  me  of  the  narrow 
escape  he  had  just  had  from  a  number  of  armed  pro-slavery 
men  who  had  their  headquarters  at  Tooley's, —  a  house  at 
the  foot  of  the  hill,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  west  of  Mr. 
Adair's.  Their  guards,  seeing  him  in  the  road  coming  down 
the  hill,  gave  a  signal  and  at  once  the  whole  gang  were  in  hot 
chase.  The  superior  fleetness  of  the  horse  Owen  rode  alone 
saved  him.  He  exchanged  horses  with  me,  and  that  night 
forded  the  Marais  des  Cygnes,  and  going  by  Stanton,  (or 
Standiford  as  it  was  sometimes  called),  recrossed  the  river 
to  father's  camp  about  a  mile  north  of  the  house  of  Mr.  Day. 
127  Sanborn,  275. 


f  r*  •• 

ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  109 

Until  Owen  told  me  that  night,  I  did  not  know  where  father 

could  be  found.     .     .     . 

Referring  to  a  horse  whose  mane  and  tail  had  been  shaved  - 
"Dutch  Henry's  gray  pony"  —  Mr.  Sanborn  states  : 128  "This 
horse  was  soon  taken  to  northern  Kansas  by  some  Free  State 
men  who  gave  in  exchange  for  that  and  other  horses  captured 
on  the  Pottawatomie,  some  fast  Kentucky  horses,  on  one  of 
which  Owen  Brown  afterward  escaped  from  his  pursuers." 

But  John  Brown,  Jr.,  received  his  fast  running  horse  on  the 
morning  of  May  26th  and  "upon  a  mate  to  it"  Owen  Brown 
escaped  from  his  pursuers  on  the  same  day  near  Osawatomie. 
Therefore,  the  exchange  of  the  horses  "taken  as  reprisals"  on 
the  Pottawatomie,  for  the  fast  running  horses,  was  not  made  in 
northern  Kansas  some  time  afterward,  as  Mr.  Sanborn  states, 
but  was  made  immediately  after  the  robbery  —  May  25th  or 
26th  —  at  the  appointed  time  and  place;  probably  on  Middle 
Creek. 

These  statements,  made  by  John  Brown,  and  by  his  son,  com-  \ 
plete  the  recorded  evidence  of  Brown's  plan  to  retrieve  his  shat 
tered  fortunes  by  a  plunge  in  horse  stealing.  It  shows  that  he 
was  in  partnership  with  others  in  the  transaction,  and  that  his 
confederates  brought  the  northern  horses,  eight  at  least,  to  the 
appointed  rendezvous  and  delivered  them  to  him.  It  shows 
also,  that  John  Brown,  Jr.,  was  in  his  father's  confidence,  and 
that  he  knew  enough  about  his  father's  plans  and  of  what  had 
been  done  on  the  night  of  the  24th,  to  enable  him  to  walk  to  a 
point  "a  few  miles  south  of  Ottawa  Jones's  place"  where  he 
was  "offered  one  of  the  northern  horses,"  and  accepted  it  as  his 
own. 

Who  Brown's  confederates  were  in  this  transaction,  except 
as  to  Weiner,  is  as  yet  unknown.  Salmon  Brown  still  guards 
the  sacred  secret.  But  it  is  probable  that  the  "mysterious 
courier,"  who  came  to  the  camp  of  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles  on  U 

128  Sanborn,  271. 


* 


110  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

the  morning  of  the  23d,  was  one  of  them,  and  that  he  delivered  a 
message  to  John  Brown.  There  has  been  much  debate  con 
cerning  this  messenger  and  his  identity.129  B.  L.  Cochrane  may 
have  been  the  important  person,  or  it  may  have  been  Jacob  Ben 
jamin  that  bore  the  important  message,  or  Charles  Lenhart,  or 
Mr.  John  E.  Cook.  None  of  these  men  have  heretofore  been 
charged  with  having  taken  any  part  in  the  Pottawatomie  epi 
sode,  but  there  are  incidents  in  this  history  which  connect  them 
with  it  as  confederates.  Weiner  owned  the  store  at  "Dutch 
Henry's  Crossing,"  and  Benjamin  was  in  his  employ.  Weiner 
disposed  of  his  stock  of  merchandise  and  gave  up  the  business 
to  engage  in  this  speculation  in  horses.  He  was  from  Texas 
and  to  Texas  he  returned.-  It  is  also  probable  that  he  was  a  pro- 
slavery  man.  Benjamin  was  subsequently  "imprisoned"  for 
some  act  that  he  committed  while  in  Brown's  service ;  as  appears 
from  a  reference  which  the  latter  made,  during  July,  concerning 
him.130  The  name  of  Benjamin  Cochrane  also  appears  in  the 
same  reference,  as  having  been  with  Brown  at  the  Pottawatomie 
and  at  the  Black  Jack. 

On  page  101,  Mr.  Redpath  states  that  Charles  Lenhart  and 
John  E.  Cook  left  Lawrence  on  the  21st  to  "commence  re 
prisals."  There  is  also  evidence  that  they  went  southward. 
They  were  horse  thieves,  and  at  Cleveland  in  May,  1858,  Cook 
stated  that  he  had  killed  five  men  in  Kansas.131  It  is  therefore 
probable  that  these  men  were  accomplices  with  the  Browns  in 
this  deal;  and  participated,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the  mur 
ders.  Cook  was  a  guest  in  their  camp  June  4th,  two  days  after 
the  fight  at  Black  Jack,  when  they  had  Pate's  horses  and  mules 
in  their  possession.  Thereafter  he  continued  to  be  Brown's 
faithful  lieutenant,  and  followed  his  fortunes  to  the  gallows  at 
Charlestown.  Charles  Lenhart,  too,  appeared  at  Charlestown, 
engaged  in  an  effort  to  effect  Cook's  escape  from  the  jail. 

129Villard,    175. 
"o  Sanborn,  241. 
131Villard,  338. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  111 

The  terms  of  the  agreement  which  the  Browns  made  with 
these  confederates,  and  the  details  for  the  execution  of  the  Pot- 
tawatomie  transaction,  would  make  history  of  absorbing  inter 
est.  How  many  horses  did  Brown  turn  over  to  them?  Did 
they  trade  one  bunch  of  horses  for  the  other,  and  let  it  go  at 
that?  Or,  did  his  confederates  charge  him  with  the  value  of 
the  horses  which  they  turned  over  to  him ;  and  then,  after  off 
setting  their  services  in  selling  Brown's  horses,  against  his  ser 
vices  in  stealing  them,  did  they  divide  the  net  profits,  or  the 
difference  in  value  between  the  two  lots  of  horses  ?  Then  as  to 
the  time  when  Brown  was  to  make  his  delivery ;  it  would  be  in 
teresting  to  know  about  that.  Were  the  parties  to  wait  until 
the  Border  Ruffians  started  something,  and  raised  some  friendly 
dust  that  would  distract  public  attention  from  their  operations  ? 
Probably  so,  for  Brown  was  prepared  to  kill  his  neighbors  and  . 
take  their  horses  at  any  time.  His  letter  of  April  7th  shows  ^/ 
that  he  intended  to  do  this  whether  the  slave-power  renewed  its 
acts  of  aggression  or  not.  He  simply  preferred  to  commit  his 
robbery  under  cover  of  some  pro-slavery  provocation.  Other 
wise,  after  the  grass  had  well  started,  he  intended  to  execute  it 
in  cold  blood  and  leave  the  country.  In  that  event,  he  probably 
intended  to  "go  to  Louisiana,"  and  "head  an  uprising  of  the 
slaves  there."  132 

For  reasons  obvious,  Mr.  Villard  could  not  obtain  the  exact 
facts  as  to  all  these  incriminating  matters  from  his  friends,  Sal 
mon  Brown  and  Henry  Thompson ;  but  the  former  is  still  liv 
ing,133  and  can  yet  supply  them  if  he  desires  to  do  so.  He  can, 
if  he  be  so  disposed,  give  out  the  "exact  facts"  as  to  all  the  prin 
cipal  happenings  on  the  Pottawatomie.  For  instance :  He 
can  give  the  name  of  the  man  whose  horses  they  intended  to 
steal,  but  failed  to  get,  and  the  number  of  them.  Townsley 
referred  to  this  incident,  but  Salmon  Brown  gave  further 

132  Sanborn,  296,  note  2. 

133  Salmon  Brown  died  in  California  during  the  fall  of  1912. 


112  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

details  and  spoke  very  interestingly  upon  the  subject.     He 

said  :  134 

Soon  after  crossing  the  creek,  some  one  of  the  party 
knocked  at  the  door  of  a  cabin.  There  was  no  reply,  but 
from  within  came  the  sound  of  a  gun  rammed  through  the 
chinks  of  the  cabin  walls.  It  saved  the  owner's  life,  for  at 
that  we  all  scattered.  We  did  not  disturb  that  man.  With 
some  candle  wicking  soaked  in  coal  oil  to  light  and  throw  in 
side,  so  that  we  could  see  within  while  he  could  not  see  out 
side,  we  would  have  managed  it,  but  we  had  none.  It  was  a 
—method  much  used  later. 

From  the  expression  "it  was  a  method  much  used  later"  we  de 
rive  a  confession  that  the  Browns  continued  in  the  horse  stealing 
business. 

Upon  the  number  of  horses  that  Brown  expected  to  get  as  a 
result  of  the  murder  of  seven  men,  depends  this  interesting 
problem  in  his  psychology  :  his  estimate  of  the  value  of  a  hu 
man  life  in  terms  of  horses.  In  the  case  of  the  Doyles,  he  took 
three  lives  and  got,  probably,  eight  or  ten  horses  ;  but  the  whole 
number  of  horses  taken  will  never  be  known  unless  Salmon 
Brown,  or  some  one  who  has  his  confidence,  should  decide  to 
reveal  it. 

"The  Shermans,"  Bondi  says,  "had  amassed  considerable 
property  by  robbing  cattle  droves  and  emigrant  trains."  135 
They  lived  at  a  "crossing"  of  the  Pottawatomie,  and  were  buy 
ers  and  traders  in  horses,  oxen,  and  cattle  passing  over  the  trail. 
"Crossings"  are  usually  camping  places  for  emigrants  and 
drovers  ;  and  at  such  locations  lame,  footsore,  or  otherwise  un 
serviceable  stock,  can  be,  frequently,  bought  or  traded  for  at  a 
very  profitable  margin  in  favor  of  the  trader.  Travelers  must 
either  sell  or  abandon  their  lame  stuff,  and  replace  it  with  ser 
viceable  animals,  or  lie  over  and  wait  until  such  animals  get  in 
condition  to  travel.  The  trader  not  being  compelled  to  trade, 


158. 
Sanborn,  272. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  113 

names  the  price  he  will  pay,  or  the  terms  upon  which  he  will 
exchange  good  stuff  for  bad.  When  the  stock  which  he  buys 
is  recuperated,  he  sells  it  for  a  good  profit  to  other  travelers,  or 
to  immigrants  who  locate  in  his  neighborhood.  In  this  way 
the  Shermans,  William  and  Henry,  had  accumulated  wealth  in 
horses  and  cattle ;  and  since  there  was  then  much  travel  on  the 
trail,  they  may  have  had  on  hand  at  that  time,  from  twenty-five 
to  forty  or  fifty  horses.136 

The  importance  of  exchanging  the  Pottawatomie  horses  im 
mediately,  and  getting  them  out  of  the  country  was  a  high  card 
in  Brown's  play.  If  he  and  his  gang  had  been  caught  with  their 
murdered  neighbors'  horses  in  their  possession  the  next  morn 
ing,  there  would  not  have  been  any  sophistical  discussion  fifty 
years  after  about  how  the  "killings  on  the  Pottawatomie"  could 
be  "justified" ;  or  about  Brown's  "sudden  impulses" ;  or  of  his 
altruistic  convictions  that  it  was  necessary  to  "remove"  any 
body.  The  men  of  that  outraged  neighborhood,  regardless  of 
party  affiliation,  would  have  promptly  hanged  the  outlaws. 
But  the  robbers  were  too  deep  for  them.  The  neighbors  lost 
the  trail  of  the  robbers  and  murderers ;  also,  they  lost  the  trail 
of  the  Browns. 

The  horror  of  these  murders,  aggravated  by  the  brutal  mutil 
ation  of  the  bodies  of  the  victims,  seems  to  have  shocked  that 
community  into  a  condition  of  semi-insensibility.  In  a  lot  of 
resolutions  adopted  at  a  public  meeting  of  citizens  at  Osawat- 
omie,  on  the  27th,  "denouncing  the  murders" ;  the  motive 
prompting  the  crime,  the  theft  o£  the  hor£e£_Qzvmd  by  the  vic 
tims,  is  not  referred  to."""  It  is  probable  that  the  Osawatomie 
people,  who  drew  the  resolutions,  did  not  then  know  that  any 
horses  had  been  stolen.  At  any  rate,  these  resolutions  came  to 
be  regarded  as  the  public  or  official  announcement  of  what  had 
occurred ;  and  since  they  contained  no  reference  to  any  robbery, 
in  connection  with  the  murders,  the  public  was  thus,  uninten- 

136  Kansas  farmers  usually  own  from  twelve  to  forty  head  of  horse 

stock. 


114  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

tionally,  led  to  believe  that  the  assassinations  were  acts  of  par 
tisan  warfare;  a  killing  of  obnoxious  pro-slavery  men  by  un 
known,  but  over  zealous  Free-State  men.  The  resolutions  are 
as  follows : 137 

Whereas,  an  outrage  of  the  darkest  and  foulest  nature  has 
been  committed  in  our  midst  by  some  midnight  assassins  un 
known,  who  have  taken  five  of  our  citizens  at  the  hour  of 
midnight,  from  their  homes  and  families,  and  murdered  and 
mangled  them  in  the  most  awful  manner ;  to  prevent  a  repeti 
tion  of  these  deeds,  we  deem  it  necessary  to  adopt  some 
measures  for  our  mutual  protection  and  to  aid  and  assist  in 
bringing  these  desperadoes  to  justice.  Under  these  circum 
stances  we  propose  to  act  up  to  the  following  resolutions : 

Resolved,  that  we  will  repudiate  and  discountenance  all 
organized  bands  of  men  who  leave  their  homes  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  exciting  others  to  acts  of  violence,  be 
lieving- it  to  be  the  duty  of  all  good  disposed  citizens  to  stay 
at  home  during  these  exciting  times  and  protect  and  if  pos 
sible  restore  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  neighborhood ; 
furthermore  we  will  discountenance  all  armed  bodies  of  men 
who  may  come  amongst  us  from  any  other  part  of  the  Ter 
ritory  or  from  the  States  unless  said  parties  come  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  pledge  ourselves,  individually  and  col 
lectively,  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  a  similar  tragedy  and  to 
ferret  out  and  hand  over  to  the  criminal  authorities  the  per 
petrators  for  punishment. 

C.  H.  PRIGS,  President 
R.  GOLDING,  Chairman 
R.  GILPATRICK 


W.  C.  McDow 
S.  V.  VANDAMAN 
A.  CASTKLE 
JOHN  BLUNT 
H.  H.  WILLIAMS,  Secretary 


Committee 


Villard,  168. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER 

The  pillage  and  burning  of  Lawrence  put  the  killings  upon  a 
war  basis.  They  were  supposed  to  have  been  a  war  measure, 
instead  of  a  case  of  horse  stealing ;  and,  instead  of  the  Browns 
et  al.  being  hanged  for  their  crimes,  as  they  would  have  been, 
by  common  consent,  as  undesirable  citizens,  partisan  spirit  and 
sectional  sentiment  soon  rallied  in  their  behalf  and  not  only 
condoned  their  horrible  crimes,  but,  in  time,  approved  of  the 
murders,  and  recognized  Brown  as  among  the  foremost  defend 
ers  of  the  Free-State  cause.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society  in  Lawrence  December  19,  1859,  Governor  Robinson 
said: 

It  made  no  difference  whether  he  (Brown)  raised  his  hand 
or  otherwise  (at  Pottawatamie)  ;  he  was  present  aiding  and 
advising  to  it  and  did  not  attempt  to  stop  the  bloodshed,  and 
is,  of  course,  responsible,  though  justifiable,  according  to  his 
understanding  of  affairs. 
Robinson  also  stated  at  this  meeting  that  he  himself  though 
the  murders  justifiable  at  the  time. 

The  Anti-Slavery  Society,  after  the  discussion,  voted  that 
the  murders  were  not  unjustifiable,  and  that  they  were  per 
formed  from  the  sad  necessity  ...  to  defend  the  lives 
and  liberty  of  the  settlers  of  that  region.138 

Governor  Robinson  further  said  on  February  5,  1878 : 

I  never  had  much  doubt  that  Captain  Brown  was  the  au 
thor  of  the  blow  at  Pottawatomie,  for  the  reason  that  he  was 
the  only  man  who  comprehended  the  situation,  and  saw  the 
absolute  necessity  of  some  such  blow  and  had  the  nerve  to 
strike  it. 

The  character  of  Charles  Robinson  is  evidence  that  if  he  had 
known,  at  this  time,  that  the  murders  on  the  Pottawatomie  had 
been  committed  in  the  promotion  of  robbery,  instead  of  result 
ing  from  a  supposed  spasm  of  patriotic  resentment,  provoked  by 
the  sack  and  burning  of  Lawrence,  he  would  not  have  declared 
them  justifiable. 

138Villard,  610,  note,  54. 


1 16  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

In  the  light  of  these  occurrences,  the  student  of  history  may 
readily  solve  the  enigmas  involved  in  Brown's  letter  of  April 
7th  and  in  Henry  Thompson's  reference  to  his  relation  with 
Brown's  plans :  until  school  is  out.  He  finds  in  them  a  logi 
cal  reason  for  the  disbanding  of  the  "Liberty  Guards" ;  for  the 
organization  of  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles ;  and  for  Brown's  de 
sire  that  the  slave-power  should  not  "cease  from  its  acts  of  ag 
gression."  These  preliminary  acts  are  in  harmony  with, 
and  form  a  part  of  his  general  plan  for  a  "sudden  coup"  on  the 
Pottawatomie. 

/   The  evidence  is  complete  that  the  theft  of  the  horses  was  the 
V     /part  to  be  performed  by  Brown  in  this  comprehensive  scheme. 
/    His  crime  cannot  be  excused  or  justified  upon  any  pretext  of 
7^.  supposed  conditions  or  of  supposed  circumstances.     A  condi- 
V      tion  of  profound  peace  was  prevailing  throughout  the  entire 
\    Territory  when  he  laid  his  plans  for  this  assault  upon  his  neigh- 
\  bors.     The  settlers  in  the  region  south  of  Douglas  County  were 
living  in  a  state  of  amity  and  neighborly  interdependence;  so 
much  so  that  Jason  Brown  and  the  members  of  the  Pottawat 
omie  Rifles,  who  started  to  go  to  Lawrence,  and  who  expected 
to  be  absent  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time,  deemed  it  safe  to 
leave  their  families  and  their  property  in  the  care  of,  or  at  the 
mercy  of  these  same  pro-slavery  neighbors.     Neither  can  the 

/crime  be  justified  upon  the  ground  that  the  robbery  and  the  at 
tendant  murders  were  acts  of  partisan  or  guerrilla  warfare.  Such 
warfare  is  conducted  in  the  open,  with  the  knowledge  and  ap 
proval  of  the  side  to  which  the  guerrillas  belong;  there  is  no 
secrecy  concerning  their  operations.  But  Brown  robbed  and 
murdered  in  the  night  for  his  personal  gain ;  and  sought  by  se- 

/cretly  exchanging  the  loot  to  hide  his  identity  therewith  from 
the  world,  and  denied  his  participation  in  the  crime  to  shield 
himself  from  the  wrath  of  his  outraged  friends  and  neighbors. 
Neither  can  Brown's  crime  be  compared  to  the  execution  of  un 
desirable  persons  by  vigilance  committees,  as  some  have  at- 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  117 

tempted  to  do.  The  swift  vengeance  of  such  committees  falls 
upon  criminals  —  persons  whose  existence  in  a  community  is  a 
menace  to  public  order  and  safety ;  it  is  exercised  by  reputable 
persons  whose  social  and  commercial  interests  are  involved; 
and  in  a  public  or  semi-public  manner,  and  after  notice  has  been 
served  upon  the  offensive  persons.  It  is  simply  monstrous  to 
conceive  of  a  vigilance  committee  secretly  murdering  well-to-do 
citizens  —  heads  of  families,  engaged  in  legitimate  occupations ; 
and  then  stealing  their  property  and  dividing  it  up  among  them 
selves.  Yet  such  is  the  logic  of  that  comparison. 

Also,  it  is  gratuitous  to  assert  that  the  persons  who  were 
killed  were  disreputable.  Wilkinson  was  the  local  postmaster, 
and  was,  when  assassinated,  a  member  of  the  Territorial  Legis 
lature  ;  the  Sherman  brothers  were  successful  horse  dealers  and 
stock  men.  Concerning  the  Doyles,  notwithstanding  the  ef 
forts  which  have  been  made  to  defame  them,  they  seem  to  have 
been  decent,  respectable,  well-to-do  settlers.  Of  them  Mr.  Eli 
Moore  of  Lawrence,  Kansas,  says : 

William  Doyle  and  his  sons  were  good  and  desirable  citi 
zens.  In  1854-55  the  elder  Doyle  and  his  oldest  son  were 
contractors  for  building  the  mission  houses  at  Miami,  Mis 
souri.  I  never  knew  more  quiet  and  industrious  men.  I 
was  with  them  almost  daily  for  a  year  and  never  heard  either 
of  them  utter  a  word  of  politics.139 

They  were  not  "poor  whites"  as  has  been  recently  said.140 
If  they  had  been  poor;  if  they  had  not  owned  a  lot  of  good 
horses,  they  would  not  have  been  murdered.  The  desperado 
always  appeared  upon  the  fringe  of  our  advancing  settlements ; 
but  he  was  neither  a  settler  nor  a  home  builder.  The  men  who 
were  murdered  and  robbed  had  taken  claims,  had  built  homes, 
and  were  living  peaceably  and  honorably  in  them.  They  did 
not  in  their  lives  exhibit  the  characteristics  of  the  desperado, 
but  their  assassins  measure  up  to  the  part.  They  had  no  homes ; 

139  Kansas  Historical  Collections,  vol.  xii,  345. 
156. 


118  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

they  were  not  cultivating  the  fertile  soil  of  eastern  Kansas; 
they  had  abandoned  their  claims  and  were  living  upon  their 
wits;  they  were  floaters  who  intended  to  leave  the  neighbor 
hood.  These  men  wore  the  brands  which  distinguish  the 
desperado ;  they  carried  "slung-shots"  ;141  they  were  swearing, 
swaggering  bullies  142  —  ''rough-necks"  -  who  infested  that 
border  and  preyed  upon  the  home  builders. 

In  the  preface  to  his  great  book,  Mj.  Villard  states  that  "to 
Salmon  Brown  and  Henry  Thompson  is  due  his  ability  to  re 
cord  for  the  first  time  the  exact  facts  as  to  the  happenings  on  the 
Pottawatomie."  It  is  evident  that  he  was  imposed  upon  by 
these  principals  in  the  "happenings" ;  for  it  is  unfair  to  suppose 
that  he  would  withhold  the  facts  from  his  publication  if  he  had 
correct  information  in  his  possession  concerning  them.  He  has 
written  voluminously,  and  in  a  scholarly  manner  about  this 
episode,  and  has  shown  the  inconsistency  of  a  part  of  the  brood 
of  fallacies  which  were  conjured,  and  put  forth  as  motives  jus 
tifying  Brown's  conduct  therein ;  but  he  has  not  added  any  valu 
able  fact  to  the  narrative  that  was  given  out  by  Mr.  Townsley 
concerning  it. 

Mr.  Townsley  withheld  the  facts  relating  to  the  robbery  and 
the  exchanging  of  the  horses  through  confederates,  for  the  per 
sonal  reason  that  he  did  not  desire  to  incriminate  himself  as  a 
horse  thief.  Salmon  Brown  and  Henry  Thompson  had  greater 
reasons  for  withholding  from  Mr.  Villard,  and  from  the  public, 
the  damning  evidence  of  the  brutal  selfishness  of  this  crime. 
It  was  theirs  rather  to  guard,  jealously  guard  their  father's 
fame  and  to  defend  his  memory ;  and  not  to  betray  it  by  giving 
up  facts  that  would  disclose  the  secret  of  his  and  of  their  own 
dishonor.  Statements  made  by  criminals,  concerning  their 
criminality,  are  not  usually  true.  It  is  well  enough  to  get  such 
statements,  but  it  is  the  safer  way  not  to  attach  much  importance 

note  90. 
page  138. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  119 

to  them.  These  men  were  not  credible  witnesses.  John  Brown, 
himself,  was  a  very  unreliable  witness  upon  any  question 
wherein  his  personal  interests  were  involved ;  and  was  especially 
so  in  relation  to  this  incident ;  and  these  two  men,  as  witnesses 
in  their  own  behalf,  continually  denied  having  any  knowledge 
of  the  facts  herein,  until  Townsley  gave  out  the  secret  of  their 
complicity  with  the  murders.  Salmon  Brown  wrote  December 
27,  1859 :143 

DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  to  my  mother  was  received  to 
night.  You  wish  me  to  give  you  the  facts  in  regard  to  the 
Pottawatomie  execution,  or  murder,  and  to  know  whether 
my  father  was  a  participant  in  the  act.  I  was  one  of  the 
company  at  the  time  of  the  homicide,  and  never  away  from 
/  him  one  hour  at  a  time  after  we  took  up  arms  in  Kansas; 
therefore,  I  say  positively,  that  he  was  not  a  participator  in 
the  deed,  —  although  I  should  think  none  the  less  of  him  if 
he  had  have  been  there;  for  it  was  the  grandest  thing  that 

(was  ever  done  in  Kansas.  It  was  all  that  saved  the  Terri 
tory  from  being  overrun  with  drunken  land-pirates  from  the 
Southern  States.  That  was  the  first  act  in  the  history  of 
Kansas  which  proved  to  the  demon  of  Slavery  that  there 
was  as  much  room  to  give  blows  as  to  take  them.  It  was 
done  to  save  life  and  to  strike  terror  through  their  wicked 
ranks.  Yours  respectfully, 

SALMON  BROWN. 

Criminals  who  are  tried  and  judged  upon  testimony  fur 
nished  by  themselves  are  usually  acquitted.  In  this  important 
case  it  is  unfortunate  that  the  distinguished  author  accepted 
the  statements  which  these  men  made  to  him,  as  being  the  whole 
truth,  and  that  he  certified  them  to  the  public  and  wrote  them 
into  history  as  the  exact  facts  therein. 

Salmon  Brown  and  Henry  Thompson  could  not  fructify  the  y 
desert,  but  they  held  the  secrets  of  the  Pottawatomie,  and  if  they 
had  revealed  them  to  Mr.  Villard  instead  of  practicing  a  de- 

143  Sanborn,  261. 


120  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

ception  upon  him,  he  would  have  written  the  history  of  the 
tragedy  differently. 

But  Mr.  Villard  was  zealous  in  a  quest  for  evidence  that 
would  sustain  the  conception  of  the  character  of  John  Brown 
which  he  desired  to  establish  for  him  in  history:  a  "complex 
character/'  which  only  those  can  understand  who  hold  a  chart 
upon  the  mysteries  of  the  soul.  He  said : 144 

How  may  the  killings  on  the  Pottawatomie,  this  terrible 
violation  of  the  statute  and  the  moral  laws,  be  justified?  This 
is  the  question  that  has  confronted  every  student  of  John 
Brown's  life  since  it  was  definitely  established  that  Brown 
was,  if  not  actually  a  principal  in  the  crime,  an  accessory  and 
an  instigator. 

It  thus  appears  that  it  was  not  historical  facts  that  he  sought, 
but  evidence  that  would  counteract  the  force  of  the  historical 
facts  already  existing.  It  was  a  partisan  zeal  that  led  him  to 
seek  the  testimony  of  partisans. 

To  obtain  a  true  understanding  of  John  Brown,  the  man, 
the  student  of  his  life  must  take  up  the  threads  of  history  that 
lead  to  the  character  making  incident  of  May  24th.  Mr.  Vil 
lard  concedes  this  145  but  he  made  no  effort  to  gather  them  up. 
In  a  chapter  of  more  than  thirty  pages,  under  the  title,  "The 
Captain  of  the  Liberty  Guards,"  he  refers  only  to  the  organiza 
tion  of  the  company,  and  to  Brown's  two  days'  service  with  it  at 
Lawrence  —  December  7th  and  8th,  1855.  The  disorganiza 
tion  and  abandonment  of  this  company  by  Brown  in  the  spring 
of  1856,  is  of  far  greater  significance  in  this  history  than  the  or 
ganization  of  it.  In  honor,  as  "Captain  of  the  Liberty  Guards 
in  the  Fifth  Regiment  Kansas  Volunteers,"  John  Brown  first 
received  the  historic  title  of  "Captain,"  and  in  dishonor  he  aban 
doned  his  commission  three  months  later. 

Back  of  every  human  action  there  is  that  which  incites  the 
action,  that  which  determines  the  choice  or  moves  the  will. 

144  Villard,  170. 

145  Villard,  176. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  121 

There  was  that  back  of  the  actions  of  John  Brown,  and  of  his 
sons  and  confederates,  that  moved  them  to  do  what  they  did 
on  the  night  of  the  24th  of  May,  1856;  this  inciting  force  was 
motive. 

John  Brown  had  a  motive  for  disbanding  the  Liberty  Guards. 
What  was  it?  He  had  a  motive  for  quitting  the  Free-State 
army  secretly.  Why  secretly?  He  had  "no  desire  all  things 
considered,  that  the  slave-power  should  cease  from  its  acts  of 
aggression."  Why  should  he  not  desire  peace?  He  had  a 
purpose  in  view  when  he  organized  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles 
under  the  command  of  his  son,  and  a  motive  for  organizing  five 
of  his  sons  into  a  separate  company :  "a  little  company  by  our 
selves."  What  were  the  purposes  ?  He  wrote  to  his  wife  that 
he  contemplated  leaving  the  neighborhood,  but  did  not  tell  her 
when  he  would  leave,  or  why  he  expected  to  leave,  or  where  he 
intended  to  go.  What  motive  prompted  him  to  conceal  from 
her  the  facts  in  relation  to  a  subject  in  which  she  was  so  in 
timately  concerned  ?  The  matters  referred  to  here  are  "stones" 
that  have  lain  in  the  path  of  this  history  for  more  than  fifty 
years  which  have  not  heretofore  been  turned  over.  Salmon 
Brown  and  Henry  Thompson  could  have  answered  all  these 
questions  correctly  if  they  had  been  asked  so  to  do.  Also,  they 
could  have  cleared  the  atmosphere  of  the  Pottawatomie  of  the 
mockeries  relating  thereto,  and  of  its  glamour,  which  have  been 
foisted  upon  the  public  as  history ;  and  could  have  given  to  Mr. 
Villard  and  to  the  public  the  exact  facts  concerning  the  rob 
beries,  and  brutal  tragedies.  It  was  the  duty  of  Brown's  his 
torians  to  take  up  these  matters  and  to  make  clear  interpreta 
tions  of  them.  But,  because  of  his  personal  pledge  of  fidelity 
to  the  subject,  it  was  especially  incumbent  upon  the  author  of 
Fifty  Years  After,  to  make  known  the  facts  that  these  "stones'* 
were  in  the  record,  and  to  turn  them  over ;  and  with  an  analysis 
characteristic  of  his  distinguished  ability,  make  clear  the  essen 
tial  truths  which  they  covered ;  for  without  a  clear  appreciation 


122  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  them  "a  true  understanding  of  Brown,  the  man,  cannot  be 
reached."  This  he  has  not  done;  but  has  elected  to  conceal 
these  motive  interpreting  incidents  from  further  historical  re 
search.  He  has  excluded  from  history  the  facts  relating  to  this 
period  of  Brown's  life.  It  may  be  said  of  this  biographer,  that 
having  determined  to  issue  a  certificate  of  altruism  for  John 
Brown,  he  did  not  wish  to  take  up  these  threads  of  history  and 
follow  them  to  their  logical  sequence;  because  they  lead,  un 
erringly,  to  the  robberies  and  the  murders  which  the  Browns  in 
tended  to  commit ;  and  expose,  in  the  character  of  his  hero,  the 
extremity  of  selfishness. 

None  of  Brown's  biographers  has  found  it  convenient  to  ex 
plain  or  to  comment  upon  his  letters  of  April  7th  and  June  16th, 
although  the  first  contains  a  personal  statement  that  he  in 
tended  to  do  something  of  a  dangerous  nature,  and  the  latter  a 
similar  statement  concerning  dangerous  things  which  he  had 
done.  In  their  treatment  of  the  Pottawatomie  incident  they 
have  written  without  regard  to  the  restrictions  and  limitations 
contained  in  these  authenticated  papers  relating  to  the  subject. 
Mr.  Redpath  chose  to  proceed  along  the  lines  of  the  least  resist 
ance.  He  suppressed  both  of  these  letters ;  denied  that  Brown 
had  anything  to  do  with  the  incident ;  and  upon  the  "authority 
of  two  witnesses"  stated  that  "he  was  on  Middle  Creek  twenty- 
five  miles  distant,  at  the  time." 

Mr.  Sanborn  published  both  letters ;  made  no  comment  upon 
the  letter  of  April  7th,  and,  concerning  the  letter  of  June  26th 
said : 146 

This  is  all  that  Brown  says  in  his  letter  about  the  events 
of  that  night  in  May  when  the  Doyles  were  executed.  Doubt 
less  his  text  the  next  morning  was  from  the  Book  of  Judges : 
"Then  Gideon  took  ten  men  of  his  servants,  and  did  as  the 
Lord  had  said  unto  him ;  and  so  it  was  that  he  did  it  by  night. 
And  when  the  men  of  the  city  arose  early  in  the  morning,  be 
hold  the  altar  of  Baal  was  cast  down.  And  they  said  one  to 
146  Sanborn,  237. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  123 

another,  Who  hath  done  this  thing?  And  when  they  in 
quired  and  asked,  they  said,  Gideon,  the  son  of  Joash,  hath 
done  this  thing." 

By  this  expedient  he  placed  the  responsibility  for  the  mur-  \  \/ 
ders  and  the  robbery  upon  the  broad  shoulders  of  the  Almighty, 
and  presented  the  incident  to  the  public  as  an  interesting  exhibit 
in  theological,  metaphysical,  and  psychological  phenomena. 
He  called  the  murders  executions  and  said  that  the  victims 
"were  first  tried  and  found  guilty ;  given  time  to  pray ;  and  were 
then  executed." 

Following  the  example  of  James  Redpath,  Mr.  Villard  sup 
pressed  the  letter  of  April  7th ;  and  in  view  of  his  disregard  for 
the  statements  which  Brown  made  in  the  letter  of  June  26th,  he 
might  as  well  have  suppressed  that  letter  also.  In  it  Brown  re 
veals  the  fact  that  the  band  that  executed  the  Pottawatomie  hor 
ror  was  already  organized  when  the  alarm  bells  rang  out  from 
Lawrence.  He  says  that  he  and  his  sons  "were  a  little  com 
pany  by  ourselves.  On  our  way  to  Lawrence  we  learned  that  it 
had  been  already  destroyed,  and  we  camped  with  John's  com-  / 
pany  over  night.  Next  day  our  little  company  left  and  we  y 
stopped  and  searched  three  men."  This  language  certifies  that 
Brown's  party  moved  independently  of  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles, 
and  that  the  camping  "over  night"  with  "John's  company"  was 
but  an  incident  of  their  march ;  it  certifies  also  that  they  were 
highwaymen  —  robbers. 

When  men  wrho  have  banded  together  during  a  time  of  peace, 
subsequently  commit  acts  of  robbery,  persons  naturally  suppose 
that  they  united  for  the  purpose  of  committing  such  acts, 
and  that  the  motives  prompting  them  were  selfish.  So  in  this 
case.  If  Mr.  Villard  had  admitted  that  Brown  organized  his 
little  company  as  early  as  April,  1856,  persons  would  think 
that  the  men  composing  the  company  united  to  do  the  things 
which  they  afterward  did  do ;  and  that  the  motives  prompting 
Brown  and  his  sons  to  hold  up  and  search  men,  on  the  23d,  and 


124  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

to  steal  these  horses,  were  selfish.  Therefore,  he  decided  to  re 
write  this  bit  of  history,  and  change  the  time  of  the  organiza 
tion  of  Brown's  company,  and  make  it  appear  that  it  was  formed 
on  May  23d,  under  the  popular  excitement  and  indignation  ex 
isting  on  that  day,  that  had  been  aroused  by  the  Lawrence  out 
rage  ;  and  that  the  criminal  acts  included  the  murders  only,  and 
that  they  were  committed  the  next  day,  before  the  excitement 
had  cooled ;  thus  making  it  possible  for  him  to  assume  that  the 
motives  prompting  these  murders  were  unselfish.  Contradict 
ing  what  Brown  said  in  his  letter  of  June  26th,  relating  to  the 
time  when  his  band  was  organized,  Mr.  Villard  makes  the  fol 
lowing  remarkable  statement :  m 

About  noon,  May  23,  John  Brown  selected  for  his  party 

Henry  Thompson,  Theodore  Weiner,  and  four  sons,  Owen, 

Frederick,  Salmon  and  Oliver. 

The  author  herein  could  not  otherwise  than  have  known  that 
this  statement  was  a  contradiction  of  the  truth,  a  falsification  of 
the  record,  and  a  perversion  of  history.  It  is  a  clear  contradic 
tion  of  a  vital  point  in  the  authenticated  record  concerning  the 
history  of  the  organization  of  this  historic  company.  It  is  a 
direct  assault  upon  an  established  historical  fact. 

Following  this  statement  the  author  proceeds  to  repeat  the 
fictions,  theretofore  put  forth,  concerning  the  grinding  of  the 
sabres  for  the  party,  and  of  the  publicity  given  to  the  prepara 
tions  for  leaving  the  camp,  and  of  the  departure  of  the  expedi 
tion  "with  the  shouts  of  their  comrades  ringing  in  their  ears." 
And,  in  support  of  this  perversion  of  history  he  publishes  an  il 
logical,  and  scurrilous  statement  prepared  for  the  purpose  by 
Salmon  Brown.148 

Secrecy  was  characteristic  of  all  Brown's  planning.  To 
the  Gileadites  he  had  written :  "Let  no  man  appear  upon  the 
ground  unequipped  or  with  his  weapons  exposed  to  view.  Your 

™  Villard,  153. 
!*8  Villard,  152. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  125 

plans  must  be  known  only  to  yourself."  Brown's  expedition 
herein  had  for  its  object  the  accomplishment  of  an  atrocity, 
conspicuous  for  its  cowardice  and  selfish  brutality ;  a  crime  that 
involved  the  honor,  as  well  as  the  lives,  of  every  person  who  was 
connected  with  it.  The  grinding  of  sabres  usually  signifies  an 
intention  to  cut  somebody  to  death.  The  men  of  this  party  in 
tended  to  murder  their  victims  quietly  with  swords;  and  had 
planned,  long  before  the  date  of  this  supposed  occasion,  how  to 
conceal  their  connection  with  the  cutting,  and  therefore  did  not 
thus  advertise  their  undertaking.  There  was  no  "enthusiasm" 
in  the  camp  of  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles  two  days  later,  when  a 
messenger  "came  tearing  into  it,  —  his  horse  panting  and  lath 
ered  with  foam,  —  and  without  dismounting  yelled  out :  'Five 
men  have  been  killed  on  Pottawatomie  Creek,  butchered  and 
most  brutally  mangled,  and  old  John  Brown  has  done  it.'  "  149 
No  "cheering,"  such  as  "you  never  heard,"  greeted  this  an 
nouncement.  There  was  excitement,  but  not  the  "wild  excite 
ment"  and  enthusiasm  of  victory.  There  were  no  cheers  for 
John  Brown  and  his  "avengers."  There  was,  however,  the 
deeper  excitement  of  indignation  and  resentment  against  the 
tribe  of  Browns.  Instead  of  adopting  resolutions  and  present 
ing  them  to  Captain  John  Brown,  Jr.,  congratulating  him  uport 
the  prompt  and  splendid  achievements  of  his  father's  expediA 
tion,  a  drum-head  court  martial  was  convened  in  the  camp  of 
the  Pottawatomie  Rifles,  which  stripped  him  of  his  command  / 
and  dismissed  him  in  disgrace  from  the  company ;  First  Lieuten 
ant  H.  H.  Williams  being  elected  captain  to  succeed  him.  Jason 
Brown  said: 

This  information  caused  great  excitement  and  fear  among 
the  men  of  our  company  and  a  feeling  arose  against  John  and 
myself  that  led  the  men  all  to  desert  us.150 

If  Jason  Brown,  "whose  hatred  of  blood-letting  had  deprived 

149  Villard    151. 


126  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

him  of  his  father's  confidence,"  when  violent  deeds  were  under 
way,151  "had  devoted"  himself  to  sharpening  the  cutlasses  in 
John's  camp  May  23d,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Villard,152  he  would 
have  known  that  "blood-letting"  was  to  ensue;  and  the  news 
that  blood  had  been  shed,  would  not  have  come  to  him  as  a 
shock  — "  'the  worst  shock'  that  ever  came  to  him  in  his 
life."  153  Nor  would  he  have  "tremblingly"  demanded  of  his 
father  on  the  night  of  the  25th :  "Did  you  have  anything  to  do 
with  the  killing  of  those  men  on  the  Pottawatomie?"  For  he 
would  not  only  have  known  that  there  were  to  be  killings,  and 
who  were  to  be  killed,  but  he  would  have  been  a  party  to  them, 
and  to  the  robbery.  He  would  have  known  all  about  what  was 
to  happen.  But  to  his  eternal  credit  let  it  be  said  that  his 
father  and  brothers  had  not  taken  him  into  their  confidence  in 
this  matter.  Townsley,  in  his  confession,  said  nothing  about 
the  calling  for  volunteers,  and  the  grinding  of  sabres,  although 
it  is  probable  that  his  connection  with  Brown's  scheme  began 
on  May  23d,  as  he  stated. 

J  There  were  suspicious  circumstances  which  tended  to  incrim- 
/inate  the  Brown  party ;  but  the  facts  that  the  horses  which  were 
//stolen  had  been  run  out  of  the  country,  while  the  Browns  re- 
//  mained  in  the  neighborhood,  and  did  not  have  the  murdered 
II  men's  horses  in  their  possession,  were  potent  in  allaying  these 
I   suspicions,  and  gave  them  an  opportunity  to  deny  their  guilt. 
But  if  the  sensational  scenes  of  calling  for  volunteers  for  a  hos 
tile  purpose,  and  the  sharpening  of  their  sabres  had  actually 
occurred,  they  would  have  had  no  possible  defense.     This  evi 
dence  would  have  connected  them  directly  with  the  crime,  and 
it  would  have  been  published  immediately  upon  the  return  of 
the  resentful  Pottawatomie  Rifles  to  their  homes  at  Osawat- 
omie  and  on  the   Pottawatomie.       Whereas  the  resolutions 


151  It  has  heretofore  been  supposed  that  John  Brown's  career  of  vio 
lence  began  with  the  tragedies  on  the  Pottawatomie. 

152  Villard,  153. 

153  Villard,  165. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  127 

adopted  at  the  mass-meeting  of  citizens  at  Osawatomie  May 
27th,  refer  to  "midnight  assassins  unknown ;"  and  on  May  31st, 
Mr.  James  H.  Carruth  wrote  to  the  Watertown  (New  York) 
Reformer : 

.  .  .  It  was  murder  nevertheless  and  the  Free-State 
men  here  co-operate  with  the  pro-slavery  men  in  endeavoring 
to  arrest  the  murderers. 

In  his  statement  of  the  facts  as  to  the  happenings  on  the  Pot- 
tawatomie,  Mr.  Villard  makes  one  sole  reference  to  the  rob 
beries  that  happened.  It  is,  that  when  Owen  Brown  had  been 
denounced  by  his  uncle,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Adair  of  Osawatomie, 
on  the  26th,  as  a  "vile  murderer,"  and  was  refused  admission  to 
his  home,  that  "he  rode  away  on  one  of  the  murdered  men's 
horses."  Except  for  this  and  another  incidental  reference  to 
theft,  the  reader  of  Fifty  Years  After  would  not  be  informed 
that  any  robbery  had  been  committed ;  and  even  this  statement 
is  artfully  written.  It  is  incorrect  and  misleading.  It  conceals 
a  thread  in  this  history  which  would,  if  exposed,  unmask  the 
selfishness  that  prompted  this  crime :  Owen  Brown  rode  away 
on  one  of  the  "fast  Kentucky  horses"  which  John  Brown  re 
ceived  in  exchange  for  the  "murdered  men's  horses." 

Mr.  Villard  assumes  that  Brown's  motives  for  committing 
the  murders  herein,  and  stealing  these  horses,  were  unselfish ;  a 
grace  that  should  logically  apply  to  the  swaggering,  swearing 
infidels  whom  he  directed.  In  a  summary  of  his  conclusions  he 
says : 154 

Fired  with  indignation  at  the  wrongs  he  witnessed  on  ev 
ery  hand,  impelled  by  the  Covenanter's  spirit  that  made  him 
so  strange  a  figure  in  the  nineteenth  century,  and  believing 
fully  that  there  should  be  an  eye  for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a 
tooth,  he  killed  his  men  in  the  conscientious  belief  that  he  was 
a  faithful  servant  of  Kansas  and  of  the  Lord.  He  killed  not 
to  kill,  but  to  free ;  not  to  make  wives  widows  and  children 
fatherless,  but  to  attack  on  its  own  ground  the  hideous  insti- 


Villard,  185-188. 


128  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

tution  of  human  slavery,  against  which  his  whole  life  was  a 
protest.  He  pictured  himself  a  modern  crusader  as  much 
empowered  to  remove  the  unbeliever  as  any  armoured 
searcher  after  the  Grail.  It  was  to  his  mind  a  righteous  and 
necessary  act ;  if  he  concealed  his  part  in  it  and  always  took 
refuge  in  half-truth  that  his  own  hands  were  not  stained, 
that  was  as  near  to  a  compromise  for  the  sake  of  policy  as 
this  rigid,  self-denying  Roundhead  ever  came.  Naturally  a 
tender-hearted  man,  he  directed  a  particularly  shocking 
crime  without  remorse,  because  the  men  killed  typified  to  him 
the  slave-drivers  who  counted  their  victims  by  the  hundreds. 
It  was  to  him  a  necessary  carrying  into  Africa  of  the  war  in 
which  he  firmly  desired  himself  engaged.  And  always  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  his  motives  were  wholly  unselfish, 
and  that  his  aims  were  none  other  than  the  freeing  of  a  race. 
With  his  ardent,  masterful  temperament,  he  needed  no  coun 
sel  from  a  Lane  or  a  Robinson  to  make  him  ready  to  strike  a 
blow,  or  to  tell  him  that  the  time  for  it  had  come.  The  smoke 
of  burning  Lawrence  was  more  than  sufficient. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  ethics,  John  Brown's  crime  on 
the  Pottawatomie  cannot  be  successfully  palliated  or  excused. 
It  must  ever  remain  a  complete  indictment  of  his  judgment 
and  wisdom;  a  dark  blot  upon  his  memory;  a  proof  that, 
however  self-controlled,  he  had  neither  true  respect  for  the 
laws  nor  for  human  life,  nor  a  knowledge  that  two  wrongs 
never  make  a  right.  Call  him  a  Cromwellian  trooper  with 
the  Old  Testament  view  of  the  way  of  treating  one's  ene 
mies,  as  did  James  Freeman  Clarke,  if  you  please ;  it  is  never 
theless  true  that  Brown  lived  in  the  nineteenth  century  and 
was  properly  called  upon  to  conform  to  its  standard  of  morals 
and  right  living. 

For  John  Brown  no  pleas  can  be  made  that  will  enable  him 
to  escape  coming  before  the  bar  of  historical  judgment. 
There  his  wealth  of  self-sacrifice,  and  the  nobility  of  his  aims, 
do  not  avail  to  prevent  a  complete  condemnation  of  his  bloody 
crime  at  Pottawatomie,  or  a  just  penalty  for  his  taking  hu 
man  life  without  warrant  or  authority.  If  he  deserves  to 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  129 

live  in  history,  it  is  not  because  of  his  cruel,  gruesome,  repre 
hensible  acts  on  the  Pottawatomie,  but  despite  them. 
Conceptions  of  the  distinguishing  traits  in  Brown's  character 
are  widely  divergent ;  a  divergence  not  attributable  to  a  "blind 
prejudice."  Those  who  knew  him  best  did  not  have  the  exalted 
opinions  of  the  nobility  of  his  aims,  or  of  the  sublimity  of  his 
humanity,  that  inspired  his  eulogists  and  biographers.  Prom 
inent  among  the  dissenters  was  John  Brown  himself.  As  late 
as  March  31,  1857,  he  did  not  personally  understand  that  what 
he  had  been  doing  in  Kansas  was  either  sentimental,  patriotic, 
or  romantic.  It  had  not  occurred  to  him  that  he  had  been  im 
pelled  by  the  covenanter's  spirit,  or  that  he  was  a  crusader, 
either  ancient  or  modern.  On  that  date,  replying  to  a  letter 
that  he  had  received  from  his  wife,  in  which  she  informed  him 
that  "his  sons  were  now  inclined  to  give  up  war  and  remain  at 
North  Elba,"  he  said:155 

I  have  only  to  say  as  regards  the  resolution  of  the  boys  to 
"learn  and  practice  war  no  more/'  that  it  was  not  at  my  so 
licitation  that  they  engaged  in  it  at  first ;  and  that  while  I  may 
perhaps  feel  no  more  love  of  the  business  than  they  do,  still  I 
think  there  may  be  in  their  day  what  is  more  to  be  dreaded 
if  such  things  do  not  now  exist. 

Judged  in  the  light  of  what  has  been  already  shown  concern 
ing  Brown's  activities,  this  letter  is  fatal  to  any  theory  that  he 
was  instigated  by  other  than  sordid  motives  when  he  engaged  in 
his  course  of  crime.  So  j  udged  it  is  an  acknowledgment  by  him 
self  that  what  he  and  his  sons  had  been  engaged  in,  in  Kansas, 
was  "business,"  simply  business.  Also,  that  it  was  disreputable ; 
and  he  sought  to  absolve  himself  from  any  responsibility  for 
their  participation  therein,  by  denying  that  it  was  at  his  solicita 
tion  "that  they  engaged  in  it  at  first."  By  the  declaration  that 
what  he  had  been  doing  was  repulsive  to  him,  John  Brown  dis 
credits  every  altruistic  theory  which  has  been  put  forth  in  exten- 
155  Sanborn,  388. 


130  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

nation  of  his  crimes,  or  in  justification  of  his  actions.  It  is  evi 
dence  that  it  was  his  hands,  and  not  his  heart,  that  were  enlisted 
in  his  operations.  A  man  inspired  by  the  righteousness  of  a 
cause  is  not  moved  to  make  apology  for  having  invited  others  to 
engage  in  it  with  him.  If  he  had  believed  that  in  these  murders 
and  robberies  he  had  been  acting  as  a  faithful  servant  of  Kan 
sas,  and  of  the  Lord,  he  would  have  proudly  asserted  his  con 
viction,  and  would  have  defended  his  conduct  upon  the  high 
grounds  of  duty,  loyalty,  and  humanity. 

Mr.  Geo.  B.  Gill  was  one  who  knew  Brown  better  than  any 
of  his  panegyrists  knew  him  —  Mr.  Sanborn  not  excepted. 
Upon  him  he  practiced  no  hypocritical  pretensions.  IJe_j£as 
Jionored  by  Bxpjvn_witli_p  placejn^  his  cabinet,  assecretary  of 

^Government  of  the  United 
jn_l&58 ;  and  was  one  of 
thejjgnerals.  in  embryo,  who  was.to_command  the  ArmyoTlriex 
Invasion.^  In  a  letter   (not  heretofore^puBTMie^)1^5  written 
from  Milan,  Kansas,  July  7,  1893,  to  Colonel  Robert  J.  Hinton, 
author  of  John  Brown  and  His  Men,  Mr.  Gill  expressed,  confi 
dentially,  his  opinion  of  Brown's  personality.     He  said : » 
MY  DEAR  FRIEND: 

It  seems  that  all  great  men  have  their  foibles  or  what  we 
in  our  differences  from  them  call  their  weaknesses.  "A  man 
is  never  a  hero  to  his  valet"  and  I  am  about  to  give  you  an 
expression  of  truthfulness  which  I  have  never  given  to  any 
one  yet.  ...  I  admit  that  I  am  sadly  deficient  as  a  God 
or  hero  worshipper.  .  .  .  And  the  man  who  may  do  his 
fellows  the  most  good  may  be  far  from  the  goody-goody, 
but  may  be  personalty  absolutely  offensive. 

My  intimate  acquaintance  with  Brown  demonstrated  to  me 
that  he  was  very  human ;  the  angel  wings  were  so  dim  and 
shadowy  as  to  be  almost  unseen.  Very  superstitious,  very 
selfish  and  very  intolerant,  with  great  self  esteem.  .  .  . 
He  could  not  brook  a  rival.  At  first  he  was  very  fond  of 

156  Kansas  Historical  Society,  Hinton  Papers. 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  131 

Montgomery,  but  when  he  found  that  Montgomery  had 
thoughts  of  his  own,  and  could  not  be  dictated  to,  why,  he 
loved  him  no  longer.  Montgomery,  Lane  and  all  others 
went  down  before  his  imperial  self.  He  was  intolerant  in 
little  things  and  in  little  ways,  for  instance,  his  drink  was 
tea,  others  wanted  coffee.  He  would  wrangle  and  compel 
them  to  drink  tea  or  nothing,  as  he  was  cook  and  would  not 
make  coffee  for  them.  I  had  it  from  Owen  in  a  quiet  way 
and  from  other  sources  in  quite  a  loud  way  that  in  his  family 
his  methods  were  of  the  most  arbitrary  kind.  ...  I  have 
known  Stevens  to  sometimes  raise  merry  hell  when  the  old 
man  would  get  too  dictatorial.  He  was  iron  and  had  neither 
sympathy  or  feeling  for  the  timid  or  weak  of  will.  Not 
withstanding  claims  to  the  contrary,  he  was  essentially  vin 
dictive  in  his  nature.  Just  before  we  left  Kansas,  during  a 
trip  that  Brown  and  myself  were  some  days  away  from  the 
rest,  the  boys  arrested  a  man.  (I  think  by  the  name  of 
Jackson.)  Montgomery  gave  him  a  trial  and  he  was  re 
leased  by  general  consent  as  not  meriting  punishment.  When 
we  returned  Brown  was  furious  because  the  man  had  not 
been  shot.  ...  It  seems  hard  and  cruel  in  me  to  tell  you 
of  Brown's  individuality  as  I  have  told  you,  yet  it  seemed  to 
me  that  you,  perhaps  the  last  writer  on  the  theme,  should 
know  all,  whether  it  be  any  use  to  you  or  not.  .  .  . 

Yours  truly, 

GEORGE;  B.  GILL. 

There  is  nothing  in  Mr.  Gill's  pen  picture  of  John  Brown  that 
suggests  to  the  mind  a  "misplaced  Crusader,"  or  a  "self-deny 
ing  Roundhead,"  a  "Cromwellian  trooper"  or  an  "armored 
searcher  for  the  Grail ;"  but  there  is  that  in  it  which  does  sug 
gest  a  man  of  low  instincts,  trifling  and  contentious  about  little 
things;  of  a  vindictive  and  quarrelsome  disposition;  inordin 
ately  selfish,  inhuman  and  intolerant.  It  is  for  the  reader  to 
determine  which  of  the  two  estimates  of  the  man  is  entitled  to 
credit. 

In  view  of  the  facts  presented  herein,  this  much  debated 


132  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

event  in  Brown's  life  cannot  be  considered,  abstractedly,  as  a 
study  in  altruism ;  but  as  a  premeditation  in  robbery,  to  which 
the  murders  were  incidental. 

The  movement  to  execute  the  Pottawatomie  robbery  began 
when  Brown  and  his  sons  left  their  homes  on  the  evening  of 
May  21st,  ostensibly  to  engage  in  the  defense  of  Lawrence. 
They  did  not  belong  to  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles.  That  was, 
says  John  Brown,  the  company  of  which  "John  was  Captain" 
and  to  which  Jason  belonged.  The  six  were  "a  little  company 
by  themselves."  This  party  did  not  intend  to  go  to  Lawrence. 
They  had  matters  of  a  personal  nature  to  attend  to.  After 
camping  "with  John's  company  over  night"  they  left  his  camp 
and  retracing  their  steps,  proceeded  to  a  secluded  spot,  about  a 
mile  from  the  scene  of  their  prospective  operations ;  where  they 
remained  thirty  hours,  awaiting,  doubtless,  the  arrival  of  their 
confederates  with  the  northern  horses.  The  owners  of  the 
horses  that  were  to  be  stolen  stood  in  the  pathway  of  the  thieves^, 
and  they  thrust  them  aside  in  death.  C  If  BrowrTand  his  band 
"killed  these  men  in  the  conscientious  belief  that  they  were 
faithful  servants  of  the  Lord  and  of  Kansas,"  then  they  stole  i 
these  horses  in  the  same  exalted  inspiration.  fTh<TtITe1?t  of  th^^J 
horses  cannot  be  put  in  harmony  with  any  theory  of  either  pa 
triotism  or  humanity.  The  murders  have  been  defended,  quite 
successfully,  from  a  spiritual  point  of  view ;  but  there  is  nothing 
spiritual  in  horse-trading,  nor  is  there  anything  in  horse-steal 
ing  which  appeals  to  the  tender  susceptibilities  of  our  nature,  or 
to  the  refinements  of  life.  It  is  impossible,  by  any  contortions 
of  the  imagination,  to  conceive  of  anything  aesthetic,  altruistic, 
or  spiritual  being  connected  with  a  horse  trade  wherein  all  the 
horses  involved  in  the  trade  have  been  stolen,  and  the  trade  is 
being  made  between  the  thieves,  even  though  some  of  the  thieves 
be  murderers.  The  event  herein  was  a  plain  case  of  murder 
and  robbery,  deliberately  planned  and  executed  under  most  re 
volting  circumstances.  "Murder  is  murder"  and  robbery  is 


ROBBERY  AND  MURDER  133 

robbery,  therefore  this  combining  incident  cannot  be  accepted  1 
as  an  exhibit  in  metaphysics.  The  victims  of  these  men  were 
not  murdered  and  their  horses  taken  in  behalf  of  Kansas  and  of 
the  Lord,  but  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  Browns  and  their 
associates  in  the  crime ;  they  were  not  moved  to  "murder  these 
men  and  boys"  by  any  "sudden  overpowering  impulse"  excited 
by  the  spectacle  of  burning  Lawrence;  but  by  a  brutal  desire 
to  get  possession  of  their  horses.  Brown  was  impatient  of  the 
cruel  fortune  that  kept  him,  as  he  tersely  stated  it,  "like  a  toad 
under  a  harrow,"  and  he  determined  to  break  asunder  the  chains 
that  bound  him  within  his  environment  of  poverty,  and  to  seek  * 
relief  from  their  fetters  in  a  life  of  crime;  a  decision  due  to  "an 
outgrowth  of  his  restlessness  and  the  usual  desire  of  the  bank 
rupt  for  a  sudden  coup  to  restore  his  fortune." 

If  the  robbery  on  the  Pottawatomie  were  undertaken  and  exe 
cuted  in  behalf  of  the  Free-State  cause,  then  all  the  horses  which 
the  Browns  stole  during  the  time  they  remained  in  Kansas,  were 
stolen  from  motives  of  patriotism  and  humanity.  The  term 
"attacking  slavery"  was  a  joke  in  the  vocabulary  of  these 
bandits.  The  theft  of  a  horse  was  spoken  of,  wittily,  as  an 
"attack  upon  slavery"  or  as  "fighting  for  freedom." 

On  page  122  Mr.  Villard  stoutly  says :  "Where  John  Brown 
was,  he  led."  Did  he  lead  in  these  midnight  murders  ?  Were 
his  methods  and  conduct  throughout  this  bloody  affair  those  of 
a  hero  inspired  by  a  devotion  to  humanity  and  by  the  nobility  of 
his  aims ;  or  were  they  characteristic  of  the  assassin  and  thief, 
who  kills  and  robs  under  cover  of  the  night  and  hides  his  identity 
by  flight  ?  In  view  of  his  actions  as  set  forth  herein,  it  is  vio 
lently  illogical  to  suppose  that  in  planning  to  murder  these  set 
tlers  and  steal  their  horses,  Brown's  motives  \vere  unselfish ;  and 
that  he  was  moved  by  the  higher  impulses  of  altruism.  Yet 
such  are  the  assumptions  of  his  biographers. 

A  public  sentiment  in  sympathy  with  "the  men  in  bondage," 
and  excited  by  the  fierce  storm  of  sectional  animosity  prevail- 


134  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

ing  during  the  later  fifties,  created,  of  John  Brown,  an  altru 
istic  hero ;  and  his  biographers  have  been  diligent  and  successful 
in  perpetuating  the  fiction.  When  these  murders  were  commit 
ted,  had  the  public  known  that  they  were  executed  in  pro 
moting  the  robbery  of  these  settlers;  and  that  Brown  and  his 
sons  were  a  band  of  thieves,  working  jointly  with  another  party 
of  thieves ;  and  that  they  intended  to  continue  their  thieving  op 
erations  while  they  remained  in  the  Territory;  the  metamor 
phosis  of  John  Brown,  the  criminal  into  John  Brown,  the  hero, 
would  have  been  impossible.  History  would  have  dealt  differ 
ently  with  him. 


CHAPTER  VI 

BLACK  JACK 

There  is  a  tide  in  the  affairs  of  men  which  taken  at  the 
flood  leads  on  to  fortune.  -  JULIUS  CAESAR,  ACT  iv 

THE  tide  in  Free-State  sentiment  was  soon  to  flow  strongly 
in  Brown's  favor.  He  had  wisely  deferred  the  execution  of 
his  "sudden  coup"  on  the  Pottawatomie,  until  a  time  when  public 
attention  would  be  distracted  from  a  close  observance  and  in 
quiry  into  his  actions.  In  the  flames  of  burning  Lawrence  he 
saw  the  fruition  of  his  hopes.  The  storm  of  passion  awakened 
by  the  outrages  there,  swept  by  the  malignant  winds  of  revenge, 
spread  and  lighted  the  fires  of  partisan  spirit  and  partisan  hate 
in  the  hearts  of  the  Free-State  men,  to  the  borders  of  the  re 
motest  prairie.  They  were  aroused  and  united  in  their  common 
cause,  as  never  before,  and  were  prepared  not  only  to  condone 
any  outrages  that  might  be  committed  upon  pro-slavery  men, 
but  to  approve  of  them.  In  this  spirit  they  received  the  news 
of  the  "murder  on  the  Pottawatomie"  and  congratulated  the 
murderers.  But  when  Brown  won  his  victory  over  Captain 
Pate  at  Black  Jack  and  humiliated  that  boasting  aggravation  of 
border  ruffianism,  they  went  wild  in  their  enthusiasm  for  him 
and  his  name  was  upon  every  tongue.  The  criminal  of  the  age 
became  the  hero  of  the  hour.  Had  Brown  sought  to  serve  the 
cause  of  Freedom,  and  to  engage  the  forces  of  slavery  at  "close 
quarters,"  he  would  have  been  carried  to  leadership  upon  the 
crest  of  the  wave  of  Free-State  enthusiasm  which  then  swept 
over  the  Territory.  But  such  was  neither  his  intention  nor  his 
ambition.  It  was  sordid  gain  which  he  sought  —  that,  and  that 


\ 


136  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

only.     Free  booty,  and  not  Free  Kansas,  was  the  slogan  in  the 
Brown  camp. 

May  26th  Brown  received  some  reinforcements.  August 
Bondi  and  A.  O.  Carpenter  joined  the  band.  Bondi  was  a 
member  of  the  Pottawatomie  Rifles ;  also,  he  was  an  associate 
with  Benjamin.  Carpenter,  it  is  said,  knew  of  a  safe  hiding 
place.  The  retreat  to  which  he  invited  the  party  was  in  a  se 
cluded  ravine,  opening  into  Ottawa  Creek  bottom,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Palmyra,  some  twenty  miles  northward.  The  flight  of  the 
Browns,  during  the  night  of  the  26th,  from  their  concealment 
on  Middle  Creek,  to  the  more  secure  hiding  place  on  Ottawa 
Creek,  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Bondi.  He  says : 157 

There  were  ten  of  us  —  Captain  Brown,  Owen,  Frederick, 
Salmon  and  Oliver  Brown ;  Henry  Thompson,  Theodore 
Weiner,  James  Townsley,  Carpenter  and  myself.  .  .  . 
The  three  youngest  men,  Salman  Brown,  Oliver  and  I  — 
rode  without  saddles.  By  order  of  Captain  Brown,  Fred 
Brown  rode  first,  Owen  and  Carpenter  next;  ten  paces  be 
hind  them,  Old  Brown ;  and  the  rest  of  us  behind  him  two 
and  two.  .  .  . 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  little  company  of  six  which  was 
on  foot  on  the  24th,  was  now  mounted ;  and  the  fact  that  Bondi 
rode  without  a  saddle,  indicates  that  his  mount  was  not  his  own 
property,  but  that  it  had  been  furnished  by  the  Browns.  It 
thus  appears  that  they  had  seven  horses  in  their  possession, 
exclusive  of  the  fast  running  horse  in  the  hands  of  John 
Brown,  Jr. 

Another  incident  therein  related  reflects  some  historical  light 
upon  the  state  of  Brown's  mind  at  the  time.  Generally,  the 
leader  of  such  a  party  rides  at  the  head  of  it.  On  this  occasion 
Brown  assigned  to  himself  a  position  of  safety  in  the  line  of 
march  not  consistent  with  the  reputation  he  earned  later  as  a 
fighter;  or  with  the  biographical  axiom  :  "Where  John  Brown 
was,  he  led."  Danger  was  imminent  on  the  route  of  this  col- 
157  Sanborn,  293. 


BLACK  JACK  137 

umn.  But  Brown  did  not  lead.  His  conduct  can  only  be  ac 
counted  for  upon  the  hypothesis  that  a  man  cannot  be  a  thief 
and  a  hero  at  the  same  time.  The  subject  of  personal  safety, 
by  flight,  was  uppermost  in  Brown's  mind.  His  study  was 
how  to  escape  from  the  country  with  his  booty.  He  was  flee 
ing,  under  cover  of  the  night,  from  the  wrath  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  and  from  the  officers  of  the  law  whom  he  suspected  might 
be  upon  his  trail.  He  was  in  the  role  of  a  thief,  pure  and 
simple,  and  he  acted  the  part.  June  1st,  under  very  much  al 
tered  circumstances,  his  conduct  was  different.  Having  been 
encouraged  to  fight,  he  had  made  an  honorable  alliance  with 
Captain  Shore,  and  had  started  from  his  hiding  place  to  join 
him  in  a  contemplated  attack  upon  a  party  of  Missourians,  then 
in  the  vicinity,  to  effect  the  arrest  of  the  Browns.  This  march 
is  also  described  by  Bondi : 158 

Still  in  the  best  of  spirits,  and  with  our  appetites  still  bet 
ter,  just  whetted  by  a  scant  breakfast,  we  followed  Captain 
Brown,  —  he  alone  remaining  serious,  and  riding  silent  at 
our  front. 

Continuing  his  narrative  of  the  all-night  ride,  Bondi  says 
that  about  4  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  May  27th,  they  reached 
the  secluded  spot,  on  Ottawa  Creek,  which  Carpenter  had  in 
dicated  as  a  safe  place  for  camping ;  in  the  midst  of  a  primeval 
wood,  perhaps  half  a  mile  deep  to  the  edge  of  the  creek. 

Whether  by  premeditation  or  otherwise,  the  party  lost  no 
time  from  the  pursuit  of  the  purposes  of  their  organization. 
During  the  afternoon  of  that  day  they  went  to  the  store  of  Mr. 
J.  M.  Bernard,  at  St.  Bernard,  or  Centropolis,  and  helped  them 
selves  to  such  goods  as  pleased  their  fancy;  principally  blankets 
and  clothing,  and,  returning  next  day  they  carried  away,  prac 
tically,  the  remainder  of  the  stock.  The  value  of  the  goods 
taken  amounted  to  probably  $3,000.159 

158  Sanborn,  298. 

159  Howard  Report.     Testimony  of  Thomas  S.  Hamilton. 


138  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

June  19,  1856,  Mr.  John  Miller  testified  concerning  the  rob 
bery  of  Mr.  Bernard's  store,  as  follows : 

I  was  at  St.  Bernard  on  Tuesday,  May  27th,  1856.     I  was 
in  the  store   (J.   M.   Bernard's)    with  Mr.   Davis.     Whilst 
there  a  party  of  13  men  came  to  the  store  on  horseback, 
armed  with  Sharp's  rifles,  revolvers  and  bowie  knives.  They 
inquired  for  Mr.  Bernard.     I  told  them  he  had  gone  to_West- 
port.     One  of  them  said  to  me,  "You  are  telling  a  God  damn 
lie,"  and  drew  up  his  gun  at  me.     They  called  for  such  j 
as  they  wanted  and  made  Mr.  Davis  and  me  hand  them  out 
and  said  if  we  didn't  hurry  they  would  shoot  us  —  they  had 
their  guns  ready.     After  they  had  got  the  goods  they  wanted 
—  principally,   blankets   and   clothing  —  they   packed   them 
upon  their  horses  and  went  away.     .     .     .     On  the  next 
evening,  a  party  of  14  men  came  to  the  store  on  horseback. 
Thirteen  of  the  party  I  recognized  as  the  same  that  came  to 
the  store  the  day  before  and  the  other  man  I  knew  —  William 
S.  Ewitt  is  his  name  —  and  who  I  know  is  a  Free-State  man. 
They  had  a  wagon  along  with  them.     They  came  into  the 
store  each  having  his  gun  ready.     Some  carried  goods  and 
some  put  the  goods  in  the  wagon.     .     .     .     They  also  took 
away  with  them  Mr.  Bernard's  two  large  horses  and  three 
saddles  and  two  bridles  and  nearly  all  the  provisions  that 
were  there  —  bacon  and  flour  and  other  provisions.     They 
asked  Mr.   Davis  for  all  the  money  he  had  in  the  store. 
There  were  but  4  dollars  in  the  drawer  which  he  handed  to 
them.     When  they  first  came  they  looked  up  at  the  sign  and 
said  they  would  like  to  shoot  at  the  name.160 
An  incident  of  vast  importance  to  John  Brown  occurred  in 
his  secure  retreat.     What  he  then  needed  above  all  other  earthly 
things,  was  a  friend  who  could  and  would  create  a  diversion  in 
his  behalf  and  present  his  case  in  a  favorable  light  to  the  world. 
Here  he  met  James  Redpath,  a  correspondent  for  the  New 
York  Tribune,  and  other  newspapers.    Redpath  had  come  to  in 
terview  Brown,  and  to  get  a  story  for  the  press.     Just  how 
i™  Howard  Report,  1178. 


BLACK  JACK  139 

Redpath  happened  to  know  that  Brown  was  due  to  arrive  at  that 
time,  at  that  particular  point  on  Ottawa  Creek,  is  not  publicly 
known ;  but  he  knew  of  it,  and  was  there  awaiting  his  arrival.161 
The  location  of  Brown's  hiding  place  was  so  well  concealed 
that  Captain  Pate,  in  pursuit  of  the  Browns  northward,  passed 
by  without  discovering  it ;  and  Redpath,  notwithstanding  he  had 
explicit  directions,  lost  his  way  and  had  difficulty  in  finding  the 
place.  His  description  of  the  camp  is  as  follows : 

I  shall  not  soon  forget  the  scene  that  here  opened  to  my 
view.  Near  the  edge  of  the  creek  a  dozen  horses  were  tied, 
all  ready  saddled  for  a  ride  for  life,  or  a  hunt  after  southern 
invaders.  A  dozen  rifles  and  sabres  were  stacked  against 
the  trees.  In  an  open  space,  amid  the  shady  and  lofty  woods, 
there  was  a  great  blazing  fire  with  a  pot  on  it;  a  woman, 
bareheaded,  with  an  honest,  sun-burnt  face,  was  picking 
blackberries  from  the  bushes;  three  or  four  armed  men 
were  lying  on  red  and  blue  blankets  on  the  grass ;  and  two 
fine  looking  youths  were  standing,  leaning  on  their  arms, 
on  guard  near  by.  One  of  them  was  the  youngest  son  of 
Old  Brown,  and  the  other  was  "Charley,"  the  brave  Hun 
garian,  who  was  subsequently  murdered  at  Osawatomie. 
Old  Brown  himself  stood  near  the  fire,  with  his  shirt  sleeves 
rolled  up,  and  a  large  piece  of  pork  in  his  hand.  He  was 
cooking  a  pig.  He  was  poorly  clad,  and  his  toes  protruded 
from  his  boots.  The  old  man  received  me  with  great  cor 
diality,  and  the  little  band  gathered  about  me.  But  it  was 
for  a  moment  only,  for  the  Captain  ordered  them  to  renew 
their  work.  He  respectfully  but  firmly  forbade  conversa 
tion  on  the  Pottawatomie  affair,  and  said,  that,  if  I  desired 
any  information  from  the  company  in  relation  to  their  con 
duct  or  intention,  he,  as  their  captain,  would  answer  for 
them  whatever  it  was  proper  to  communicate.162 

Redpath  remained  for  an  hour  in  Brown's  camp,  an  hour  of 

161  Redpath   received  the  information,  probably,   from  either  John  E. 
Cook  or  Charles  Lenhart. 

162  Redpath,  112. 


140  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

importance  to  Brown,  the  most  fortunate  hour  of  his  life.  Red- 
path  not  only  pledged  to  him  his  professional  support,  but  as 
sured  him  that  the  Free-State  men  would  defend  him,  and 
promised  to  have  the  formidable  "Stubbs"  Rifle  Company, 
armed  with  Sharp's  rifles,  march  immediately  to  his  relief.  At 
the  close  of  the  interview  he  returned  to  Lawrence  and  began 
his  vivid  exploitation  of  Brown  in  the  Territorial  and  Northern 
press.  He  succeeded  in  stemming  the  current  of  condemna 
tion  of  the  Pottawatomie  murders  which  came  sweeping  up 
from  Osawatomie,  and  turned  the  tide  of  Free-State  opinion  to 
Brown's  advantage.  He  was  thereafter  Brown's  foremost  rep 
resentative,  and  became  his  first  and  most  lurid  biographer. 

While  the  incidents  herein  related  were  occurring  in  Brown's 
camp,  the  murderers  of  the  pro-slavery  men  were  being  dili 
gently  sought  for  by  voluntary  pro-slavery  partisans,  as  well 
as  by  the  Territorial  authorities.  The  flight  of  the  Browns 
caused  the  finger  of  suspicion  to  point  to  them  as  the  guilty 
persons ;  and  when  Captain  Pate  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  Mis- 
sourians  came  into  the  Osawatomie  district,  and  found  out  what 
had  happened  there,  he  proceeded  to  carry  off  or  burn  all  the 
available  property  of  the  Browns  and  their  allies  —  Weiner 
and  Bondi.  He  then  followed  the  trail  of  the  Browns  and  ar 
rived  in  the  vicinity  of  their  camp  on  Ottawa  Creek,  May  31st. 
Brown,  in  the  meantime,  encouraged  by  the  arrangements  he 
had  made  with  Redpath,  and  the  prospect  of  substantial  assist 
ance,  abandoned  the  idea  of  further  flight  and  determined  to 
fight,  and  if  possible,  capture  his  pursuers.  With  Pate's  com 
pany  of  twenty-five  men,  there  were  as  many  horses,  and  prob 
ably  a  dozen  mules,  besides  arms,  provisions,  and  other  plunder ; 
all  of  which  looked  good  to  the  plunder  band. 

The  Free-State  men  in  that  neighborhood  had  organized  a 
military  company,  the  "Prairie  City  Rifles."  It  was  under  the 
command  of  Captain  S.  T.  Shore,  and  numbered  eighteeii_men. 
Shore  agreed  to  "mobilize"  his  company,  and  unite  his  force 


BLACK  JACK  141 

with  Brown's  party  of  ten,  and  to  attack  Pate,  by  surprise,  in 
his  camp.  An  attack  of  this  character  upon  undisciplined  men, 
was  practically  certain  of  success.  The  command  was  given 
to  Brown,  and  at  daylight  on  the  morning  of  June  2d,  the  com 
bined  forces  opened  fire  upon  the  front  and  right  flank  of  the 
astonished  "invaders."  The  attack  was  creditable,  especially 
to  Brown,  who  planned  it,  and  who  preserved  his  poise,  and  dis 
played  all  the  skill  and  courage  necessary  in  such  an  engage 
ment.  He  was  fighting  for  his  existence,  and  for  spoils,  and 
won  the  battle  without  loss  of  life  on  either  side.  After  an 
hour  or  two  of  desultory  firing,  Pate  surrendered  uncondi 
tionally.  The  total  casualties  were  four  men  wounded,  two  in 
Pate's  command,  and  one  each  in  Brown's  and  Shore's  com 
panies.  Brown  took  possession  of  all  Pate's  horses  and  other 
property,  and  held  his  men  as  prisoners  until  June  5th,  when 
Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner,  First  United  States  Cavalry,  arrived  / 
upon  the  scene  and  separated  the  belligerents.  He  restored  to  * 
Pate  his  horses,  and  such  other  property  belonging  to  him  as  he 
could  find,  and  ordered  all  of  the  "companies"  to  disband  and 
return  to  their  homes. 

In  view  of  the  losses  sustained  by  the  parties  engaged  in  the 
battle,  it  seems  as  though  the  fighting  was  conducted  along  con 
servative  lines.  Brown's  account  of  it  to  his  wife  reads  as 
follows  : 

Near  Brown's  Station  K.  T.  June  1856. 
DEAR  WIFE  AND  CHILDREN,  EVERYONE  : 

.  .  .  The  cowardly  mean  conduct  of  Osawatomie  and 
vicinity  did  not  save  them;  for  the  ruffians  came  on  them, 
made  numerous  prisoners,  fired  their  buildings,  and  robbed 
them.  After  this  a  picked  party  of  the  Bogus  men  went  to 
Brown's  Station,  burned  John's  and  Jason's  houses,  and 
their  contents  to  ashes ;  in  which  burning  we  have  all  suf 
fered  more  or  less.  Orson  and  boy  have  been  prisoners, 
but  were  soon  set  at  liberty.  They  are  well,  and  have  not 
been  seriously  injured.  Owen  and  I  have  just  come  here 


142  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

for  the  first  time,  to  look  at  the  ruins.  All  looks  desolate 
and  forsaken  —  the  grass  and  weeds  fast  covering  up  the 
signs  that  these  places  were  lately  the  abodes  of  quiet  fam 
ilies.  After  burning  the  houses,  this  selfsame  party  of 
y  picked  men,  some  forty  in  number,  set  out  as  they  supposed, 
and  as  was  the  fact,  on  the  track  of  my  little  company, 
boasting,  with  awful  profanity,  that  they  would  have  our 
scalps.  They  however,  passed  the  place  where  we  were 
hid,  and  robbed  a  little  town  some  four  or  five  miles  beyond 
our  camp  in  the  timber.  I  had  omitted  to  say  that  some 
murders  had  been  committed  at  the  time  Lawrence  was 
sacked. 

On  learning  that  this  party  was  in  pursuit  of  us,  my  little 
company,  now  increased  to  ten  in  all,  started  after  them  in 
company  of  a  Captain  Shore,  with  eighteen  men,  he  included 
(June  1).  We  were  all  mounted  as  we  traveled.  We  did 
not  meet  them  on  that  day,  but  took  five  prisoners,  four  of 
whom  were  their  scouts,  and  well  armed.  We  were  out  all 
night,  but  could  find  nothing  of  them  until  about  six  o'clock 
next  morning,  when  we  prepared  to  attack  them  at  once,  on 
foot,  leaving  Frederick  and  one  of  Captain  Shore's  men  to 
guard  the  horses.  As  I  was  much  older  than  Captain 
Shore,  the  principal  direction  of  the  fight  devolved  on  me. 
We  got  to  within  about  a  mile  of  their  camp  before  being 
discovered  by  their  scouts,  and  then  moved  at  a  brisk  pace, 
Captain  Shore  and  men  forming  our  left,  and  my  company 
the  right.  When  within  about  sixty  rods  of  the  enemy, 
Captain  Shore's  men  halted  by  mistake  in  a  very  exposed 
situation  and  continued  to  fire,  both  his  men  and  the  enemy 
being  armed  with  Sharpe's  rifles.  My  company  had  no  long 
shooters.  We  (my  company)  did  not  fire  a  gun  until  we 
gained  the  rear  of  a  bank  about  fifteen  or  twenty  rods  to  the 
right  of  the  enemy,  where  we  commenced,  and  soon  com 
pelled  them  to  hide  in  a  ravine.  Captain  Shore  after  getting 
one  man  wounded  and  exhausted  his  ammunition,  came  with 
part  of  his  men  to  the  right  of  my  position,  much  discour 
aged.  The  balance  of  his  men,  including  the  one  wounded, 


BLACK  JACK  143 

had  left  the  ground.  Five  of  Captain  Shore's  men  came 
boldly  down  and  joined  my  company,  and  all  but  one  man, 
wounded,  helped  to  maintain  the  fight  until  it  was  over.  I 
was  obliged  to  give  my  consent  that  he  should  go  after  more 
help,  when  all  his  men  left  but  eight,  four  of  whom  I  per 
suaded  to  remain  in  a  secure  position,  and  there  busied  one 
of  them  in  shooting  the  horses  and  mules  of  the  enemy, 
which  served  for  a  show  of  fight.  After  the  firing  had  con 
tinued  for  some  two  or  three  hours,  Captain  Pate  with 
twenty-three  men,  two  badly  wounded,  laid  down  their  arms 
to  nine  men,  myself  included,  —  four  to  Captain  Shore's  men 
and  four  to  my  own.  One  of  my  men  (Henry  Thompson) 
was  badly  wounded,  and  after  continuing  his  fire  for  an  hour 
longer  was  obliged  to  quit  the  ground.  Three  others  of  my 
company  (but  not  of  my  family)  had  gone  off.  Salmon  was 
dreadfully  wounded  by  accident,  soon  after  the  fight ;  but 
both  he  and  Henry  are  fast  recovering.163.  . 

I  ought  to  have  said  that  Captain  Shore  and  his  men  stood 
their  ground  nobly  in  their  unfortunate  but  mistaken  posi 
tion  during  the  early  part  of  the  fight.  I  ought  to  say  fur 
ther  that  a  Captain  Abbott,  being  some  miles  distant  with  a 
company,  came  onward  promptly  to  sustain  us,  but  could  not 
reach  us  till  the  fight  was  over.  After  the  fight  numerous 
Free-State  men  who  could  not  be  got  out  before  were  on 
hand,  and  some  of  them  I  am  ashamed  to  add,  were  very 
busy  not  only  with  the  plunder  of  our  enemies,  but  with  our 
private  effects,  leaving  us,  while  guarding  our  prisoners  and 
providing  in  regard  to  them,  much  poorer  than  before  the 
battle.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  husband  and  father, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

"Articles  of  Surrender"  signed  by  Captains  Brown,  Shore, 
and  Pate,  and  his  lieutenant,  W.  B.  Brockett,  provided  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  stipulating  that  Brown's  sons  —  John 

163  The  character  of  Salmon's  wound  and  the  nature  of  the  exploit  on 
which  he  was  engaged  when  he  received  it,  have  not  been  made  public. 


144  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

and  Jason  —  then  prisoners,  were  to  be  exhanged  for  Pate  and 
Brockett  respectively.  It  also  provided  that  the  side  arms  of 
each  person  exchanged  were  to  be  returned,  also  the  horses, 
"so  far  as  practicable." 

An  important  incident  at  Black  Jack  was  the  failure  of  the 
deputy  United  States  marshal,  Wm.  J.  Preston,  to  arrest  the 
Browns.  He  had  warrants  for  their  arrest  for  the  murders  on 
the  Pottawatomie,  and  came  with  Sumner  to  accomplish  it. 
The  Colonel  notified  Brown  that  they  would  be  served  in  his 
presence,  but  when  ordered  by  Sumner  to  proceed,  the  marshal 
said:  "I  do  not  recognize  any  one  for  whom  I  have  war 
rants,"  to  which  the  Colonel  replied :  "Then  what  are  you  here 
for  ?"  164  A  man  of  Brown's  years  and  experience  and  courage 
is  a  dangerous  animal  when  thus  situated.  That  a  tragedy  was 
impending  is  more  than  probable.  At  any  rate,  Preston  quailed 
under  the  hostile  look  which  Brown  fixed  upon  him.  What 
would  have  happened  if  the  marshal  had  attempted  to  make  the 
arrests,  none  can  say,  but  Preston  decided  not  to  mix  up  in  a 
tragedy. 

Another  incident  in  the  affair  of  historical  importance  was 
the  presence  of  John  E.  Cook,  as  a  guest  in  Brown's  camp. 
None  of  Brown's  biographers  has  referred  to  this  incident,  but 
the  fact  appears  in  Cook's  confession  heretofore  quoted  from. 
It  will  be  difficult  for  anyone  to  account  for  Cook's  presence 
there,  at  that  psychological  moment,  upon  any  hypothesis  other 
than  that  he  was  there  by  virtue  of  an  invitation  from  Brown,  or 
other  notice  or  understanding  with  him.  It  follows,  presump 
tively,  that  this  was  not  the  first  time  they  had  met,  and  that 
they  were  mutually  interested  in  the  problem  which  Brown  had 
under  consideration :  how  to  get  away,  safely,  with  the  horses 
and  mules  which  he  had  taken  from  Pate.  The  final  clause  of 
the  last  sentence  in  the  "Articles  of  Surrender,"  foreshadows 
the  possibility,  or  probability,  that  some  of  the  horses  might 
210. 


BLACK  JACK  145 

be  missing  later  on,  and  gives  credit  to  the  suspicion,  or  as 
sumption,  that  Cook  had  come  to  the  camp  to  run  the  stock  off 
north  and  turn  it  into  money,  as  had  been  done  with  the  Pot- 
tawatomie  horses.  That  the  horses  and  mules  herein  were  not 
run  off  immediately,  and  disposed  of,  was  doubtless  due  to  the 
negotiations  that  were  pending  for  the  liberation  of  Brown's 
sons.  He  probably  thought  that  a  theft  of  the  horses  would 
be  construed  as  a  violation  of  the  terms  of  the  surrender,  and 
might  prevent  the  exchange  of  prisoners  that  he  hoped  to  ef 
fect.  But  whatever  his  hopes  and  his  plans  may  have  been, 
they  were  all  dissipated  and  broken  up  by  a  fly  that  unexpectedly 
dropped  into  the  ointment  of  his  calculations :  the  arrival  upon 
the  scene  of  Sumner,  with  his  cavalry.  He  spoiled  everything. 
First  he  made  Brown  give  back  to  Pate's  men  all  the  property 
he  had  taken  from  them,  or  as  much  of  it  as  was  visible,  and 
then  peremptorily  ordered  all  the  combatants  to  disband  and  re 
turn  to  their  homes. 

Sumner's  orders  bore  lightly  upon  Captain  Shore.  It  was  a 
simple  proposition  for  his  men  to  "disband  and  return  to  their 
regular  vocations."  The  presence  of  Pate  and  his  band  in  the 
neighborhood  was  a  menace  to  their  peace  and  security;  they 
had  left  their  work,  in  response  to  a  call  from  their  captain,  to 
unite  in  an  effort  to  drive  out  the  intruders ;  also  they  had  be 
haved  creditably,  and  were  ready  to  return  to  their  homes  and 
to  the  congratulations  which  they  were  sure  to  receive  from  their 
Free-State  neighbors  on  account  of  their  victory.  But  with 
the  Browns  it  was  different.  They  were  engaged  in  a  different 
kind  of  business  :  the  horse  and  general  robbery  business.  They 
too  had  won  a  victory  —  a  far  greater  victory  than  Shore's 
men.  It  was  their  personal  fight  which  they  had  won.  With 
Shore's  assistance  they  had  beaten  and  captured  the  posse  that 
had  come  to  arrest  them  for  murder  and  robbery.  They  had 
fought  for  their  lives  —  also  for  Pate's  horses  and  mules.  But 
they  had  no  homes  to  which  to  go.  They  belonged  to  a  differ- 


146  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

'ent  class  of  citizens  —  the  undesirable  class.  They  were  outlaws 
against  whom  their  neighbors  and  relatives  had  closed  their 
doors.  Mr.  Villard  states165  that  on  the  evening  of  May 
26th,  John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  Jason  Brown  were  refused  admit 
tance  into  the  house  of  their  uncle,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Adair,  near 
Osawatomie.  He  said  to  them,  "Can't  keep  you  here.  Our 
lives  are  threatened.  Every  moment  we  expect  to  have  our 
house  burned  over  our  heads."  However,  after  assuring  Mrs. 
Adair  that  they  "did  not  have  anything  to  do  with  the  murders 
on  the  Pottawatomie"  they  were  permitted  to  come  in.  But 
later  that  night,  when  Owen  Brown  sought  admittance  to  his 
uncle's  home,  Mr.  Adair  refused  even  to  parley  with  him,  say 
ing:  "Get  away,  get  away  as  quickly  as  you  can!  You  en 
danger  our  lives.  You  are  a  vile  murderer,  a  marked  man!" 

Bondi  states  that  within  an  hour  after  Sumner  ordered  the 
companies  to  disband,  Camp  Brown  had  ceased  to  exist.  The 
wounded  Salmon  (Thompson)  was  taken  to  Carpenter's  cabin, 
nearby,  and  nursed  by  Bondi ;  the  others,  with  Weiner,  camped 
in  a  thicket  about  half  a  mile  from  the  abandoned  camp.165a 
June  10th  settlement  was  made  with  Weiner,  and  he  left  the 
country.  It  is  probable  that,  at  this  date,  the  horses  which  were 
taken  on  the  Pottawatomie  had  been  sold ;  and  that  final  settle 
ment  was  then  made  between  the  Browns  and  Weiner,  and  their 
unknown  confederates.  Mr.  Villard  states  that  "on  Thursday 
June  10,  at  a  council  held  that  day,  it  was  agreed  to  separate. 
Weiner  had  business  in  Louisiana.  Henry  Thompson  [Salmon 
Brown]  was  also  taken  to  Carpenter's  cabin,  and  Bondi  accom 
panied  Weiner  as  far  as  Leavenworth." 

This  was  the  end  of  the  first  John  Brown  organization.  The 
period  of  its  active  operations  covered  eighteen  days,  May  24th 
to  June  10th.  During  this  time  they  murdered  five  men;  stole 
a  lot  of  horses ;  made  a  big  horse  trade,  exchanging  the  whole, 
or  a  part  of  the  stolen  horses ;  robbed  a  store ;  made  an  alliance 

i«s  Villard,  167.  165*  Villard,  210. 


BLACK  JACK  147 

with  Captain  Shore,  and  captured  Pate's  posse  at  Black  Jack : 
a  record  of  strenuous  activity,  characteristic  of  the  aggressive 
speculator  who  directed  the  movements. 

The  chapter  of  robbery  and  murder  on  the  Pottawatomie,  of 
which  Brown's  success  over  Pate  at  Black  Jack  was  an  incident, 
closes  with  the  settlement  herein  stated  and  the  dissolution  of 
Brown's  band  June  10th.  It  further  appears  that  John  Brown 
and  his  unmarried  sons  quit  the  Territory  late  in  July,  en  route 
to  the  east.  Inquiry  then,  very  properly  turns  to  what  Brown 
did  during  the  fifty  days  intervening  between  these  dates.  In 
the  case  of  an  altruistic  hero,  a  "leader  of  the  Free-State 
Cause,"  such  as  the  heralds  proclaim  Brown  to  have  been,  the 
public  supposes,  naturally,  that  he  did  something  during  these 
days  of  opportunity  that  was  worthy  of  the  great  distinction 
with  which  he  is  credited.  But  to  the  question:  WHAT  did 
he  do?  history  gives  back  no  answer.  The  historical  record  of 
John  Brown,  except  as  to  three  days,  July  2d  to  4th,  is  a  total 
blank.  Even  his  "whereabouts"  during  these  fifty  days  is,  to 
the  public,  unknown.  The  history  of  those  days  of  strenuous 
endeavor,  shows  clearly  where  Robinson  was,  and  what  he  was 
doing.  He  was  the  Free-State  Governor  of  the  "State  of 
Kansas,"  and  was  in  jail,  or  in  confinement,  under  indictment 
in  the  Territorial  Court  for  "Constructive  Treason."  History 
shows  where  Lane  was,  and  where  Walker  was,  and  where 
Sam.  Woods,  and  Deitzler,  and  G.  W.  Brown  and  the  others 
were,  but  not  where  John  Brown  was.  His  latest  biographer 
dismisses  the  question  as  immaterial,  with  the  following  gen 
eralization  : 166 

"Not  until  the  beginning  of  July,"  he  says,  "did  John  Brown 
terminate  this  life  in  the  bush  and  again  become  active.  On 
July  2  he  boldly  entered  Lawrence,  and  called  upon  the  Tribune 
correspondent,  William  A.  Phillips."  Brown's  object,  in  call 
ing  upon  Phillips,  was  not  to  make  a  report  of  the  public  ser- 

1C6Villard,  220. 
10 


148  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

vices  which  he  had  rendered  during  the  thirty  days  preceding ; 
but  for  the  purpose  of  having  him  publish  a  letter  which  he  had 
written  in  reply  to  Captain  Pate's  report  of  the  Black  Jack  affair 
-  a  personal  matter  between  himself  and  Pate.  It  may  be  said 
that  if  Brown  had  done  anything  creditable  during  "this  life  in 
the  bush"  he  would  not  have  failed  to  report  the  fact  to  Phillips 
for  publication,  for  he  was  vain.  He  did,  however,  the  next  best 
thing;  he  told  Phillips  what  he  intended  to  do:  "That  he  was 
on  his  way  to  Topeka  with  his  followers,  to  be  on  hand  at  what 
ever  crisis  might  arise  at  the  opening  of  the  legislature."  Con 
tinuing  his  remarks  Mr.  Villard  says : 

How  long  John   Brown  remained  at  the  Willets   farm, 
near  Topeka,  to  which  he  now  proceeded,  and  where  he 
spent  the  next  two  or  three  weeks,  is  not  known.     He  neither 
entered  Topeka,  on  the  fateful  July  4th,  nor  immediately 
thereafter.     It  is  probable  that  he  returned  promptly  to  the 
neighborhood  of  his  sick  sons,  more  than  ever  disgusted 
with  the  Free-State  leaders  and  their  inability  to  adopt  his 
view  that  the  way  to  fight  was  "to  press  to  close  quarters."  16r 
Since  Brown  is  herein  creditably  reported  to  have  "termin 
ated  this  life  in  the  bush  and  again  become  active,"  it  is  fair  to 
inquire  into  the  nature  of  the  public  service  which  he  rendered 
during  the  period  of  activity  thus  auspiciously  announced.    Mr. 
Phillips  gave  out  what  Brown  said  he  intended  to  do.     But  Mr. 
Villard  states  that  he  did  not  do  that ;  and  that  there  is  no  record 
of  what  he  did  do,  or  of  where  he  went.    It  appears,  then,  that 
"the  termination  of  the  life  in  the  bush"  was  not  a  termination  of 
it  at  all ;  and  that  the  period  of  his  public  activities  "terminated" 
at  the  end  of  a  night  ride,  on  stolen  horses,  from  Lawrence  to 
the  vicinity  of  Topeka.     It  may  be  worthy  of  note,  that  the 
above  example  of  Brown's  activity  in  public  affairs  is  probably 
the  shortest  period  of  public  activity  by  a  hero,  that  has  ever 
been  dignified  by  historical  record.     Further :    History  does  not 
222. 


BLACK  JACK  149 

sustain  the  statement  that  Brown  "recruited  his  band"  after  the 
disbanding  of  it,  June  10th.  There  is  no  reason  apparent  why 
he  should  have  enlarged  it.  He  and  his  sons  could  operate 
more  profitably  than  a  larger  party  could,  and  with  less  risk  of 
detection. 

Brown  was  not  a  loafer;  and  he  was  not  in  idleness  during 
the  fifty  days  of  his  obscuration;  neither  was  he  fighting, 
"pressing  to  close  quarters,"  for  no  fighting  was  being  done 
during  this  time.  Investigation,  however,  of  the  record  and  of 
the  various  admissions  and  statements  subsequently  made  by 
his  sons,  discloses  the  facts  that  the  activities  in  which  they 
were  engaged  \vere  merely  akin,  or  similar  to  a  state  of  war 
fare;  that  there  was  continuous  "fighting,"  of  a  certain  kind,' 
where  they  were,  and  "trouble" ;  so  much  so  that  the  sons,  at^ 
least,  had  a  surfeit  of  it,  and  were  "tired"  of  the  "business,"/ 
and  were  anxious  to  quit  it  and  leave  the  Territory. 

Salmon  Brown  stated  to  Mr.  Villard,  that  they  left  "because 
Lucius  Mills  insisted  on  the  invalids  being  moved,  and  because 
they  were  a  drag  on  the  fighting  men" ;  and  Henry  Thompson 
affirmed  that  "he,  Oliver,  Owen  and  Salmon  had  had  enough 
of  Kansas.  They  did  not  wish  to  fight  any  more.  They  felt 
they  had  suffered  enough ;  that  the  service  which  they  had  been 
called  upon  to  perform  at  Pottawatomie  squared  them  with 
duty.  They  were,  they  thought,  entitled  to  leave  further  work 
to  other  hands.  They  were  sick  of  the  fighting  and  trouble."1 

These  statements  show  that  there  were  violent  actions  ./ 
somewhere,  about  something  long  after  Black  Jack ;  and  that 
the  invalids  impeded  the  movements  of  the  "fighting"  men. 
But  where  this  fighting  took  place,  or  what  it  was  about,  history 
is  silent.  Salmon  Brown  could  tell  all  about  the  occurrences 
of  these  fifty  days  if  he  were  disposed  to  do  so.  There  is 
ample  evidence,  however,  of  the  fact  that  the  Browns  led  a 
stormy  life  during  the  days  they  are  reported  "unaccounted 
les  Villard,  222. 


\ 


150  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

for."  169  The  friendly  mantle  which  the  night  spread  over 
their  actions,  at  the  time,  has  not  been  lifted,  but  the  actors 
therein  have  told  enough  to  show  that  what  they  did  do,  was 
done  at  the  peril  of  their  lives ;  and  was  of  such  a  character  that 
at  least  one  of  the  party,  Lucius  Mills,  refused  to  take  any  part 
in  it.  For  this,  Mills  lost  caste  with  Brown  "because  he  had  no 
desire  to  fight,  but  played  nurse  and  doctor  while  the  others  did 
the  fighting."  17°  But  since  there  was  no  fighting  anywhere  in 
Kansas,  we  must  conclude  that  they  used  the  term  "fighting" 
as  a  convenience,  or  as  a  witticism,  and  that  it  really  means  steal 
ing  horses ;  and  that  the  Browns,  while  in  hiding  from  the  world 
at  large,  were  still  carrying  on  the  business  they  commenced  in 
the  bloody  tragedy  on  the  Pottawatomie.  Further  evidence  that 
they  were  horse  thieves,  appears  in  an  incident  which  occurred 
when  they  were  en  route  home,  as  related  by  Salmon  Brown. 
He  says : 171 

''We  other  four  bought  a  double  buggy  and  harness  from 
the  Oberlin  people,  on  credit  at  Tabor,  drove  to  Iowa  City, 
sold  the  horses,  sent  back  the  money  to  pay  for  the  wagon, 
and  all  four  went  home.  The  horses  for  the  double  buggy 
we  came  by  thus :  we  heard  on  the  way  through  Nebraska, 
that  some  pro-slavery  men  were  after  us.  Oliver,  who  was 
always  a  dare-devil,  and  William  Thompson  ambushed  these 
men,  deliberately  turning  aside  for  that  purpose.  The  men, 
ordered  off  their  horses,  took  it  for  a  regular  hold-up  in 
force,  and  surrendered  their  animals.  Oliver  and  William 
immediately  jumped  on  and  lit  out  for  Tabor.  It  was  these 
horses  that  took  us  across  Iowa."  The  need  of  converting 
pro-slavery  animals  into  good  anti-slavery  stock,  was  thus 
urgent  with  the  Brown  sons  in  peaceful  placid  Nebraska  as  it 
had  been  in  bleeding  Kansas. 

This  incident  bears  all  the  characteristics  of  the  daring  pro- 

169Villard,  673. 
"oyillard,  222. 
i7i  Villard,  616,  note  68. 


BLACKJACK  151 

fessional  at  work.  It  is  not  probable  that  two  lone  Kansas  pro- 
slavery  men  followed  John  Brown,  who  had  become  the  Terror 
of  the  Territory,  up  into  Free-State  Nebraska.  It  is  much 
more  probable  that  the  Browns  held  up  two  unsuspecting,  un 
armed,  citizens  of  Nebraska,  and  took  their  horses.  And,  hav 
ing  taken  them  in  this  manner,  it  follows,  more  than  logically, 
that  they  also  stole  the  buggy  and  harness,  to  complete  the  out 
fit  ;  for  it  would  be  quite  impossible  that  two  irresponsible  young 
strangers,  traveling  through  a  country,  could  thus  buy  a  "dou 
ble  buggy  and  harness  on  credit." 

The  Browns  profited  by  their  operations  in  Kansas.     They\ 
did  not  grow  rich  during  the  short  period  of  their  outlawry,  / 
but  they  became  prosperous  in  comparison  with  what  their  cir-  1 
cumstances  were  before  they  became  robbers.     It  will  be  re^ 
membered  that  Salmon  Brown,  when  he  was  a  homebuilder, 
was  very  poor.     Mr.  Villard  has  been  quoted  as  saying  that 
Brown  and  his  sons  "arrived  in  Kansas  in  all  but  destitute  con 
dition,  with  but  sixty  cents  between  them,  to  find  the  settlement 
in  great  distress."     And  Redpath  said  of  Brown,  when  he  met 
him  in  his  camp  May  30,  1856,  "He  was  poorly  clad,  and  his 
toes  protruded  from  his  boots."     In  contrast  with  these  com 
mercial  ratings  we  have  a  report  on  Brown,  as  he  appeared  in 
Nebraska  about  August  1,  1856: 171a 

The  Captain  was  riding  a  splendid  horse  and  was  in  plain 
white  summer  clothing.  He  wore  a  large  straw  hat  and  was 
closely  shaven.  Everything  about  him  was  scrupulously 
clean.  He  made  a  great  impression  on  several  of  the  com 
pany,  who,  without  knowing  him,  at  once  declared  that  he 
must  be  a  distinguished  man  in  disguise. 

As  a  result  of  their  "fighting,"  and  of  their  "pressing  to  close 
quarters,"  the  Browns  were  quite  independent  when  they  left 
the  Territory.  "School  was  out"  Also,  the  "toad"  had  got 
out  from  under  the  harrow.  They  could  now  go  wherever 

171aSanborn,  336. 


\ 


152  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

they  wished,  and  they  concluded  to  give  up  "their  struggle  to 
make  Kansas  a  Free-State"  and  to  return  to  their  home  in  New 
York.  At  Nebraska  City,  when  Brown  changed  his  mind 
about  going  east  and  decided  to  return  to  Kansas,  he  bought 
horses  for  himself  and  Frederick,  who  was  to  accompany  him, 
and  sent  the  remainder  of  the  party  on  their  way  to  the 
States.172  When  he  arrived  at  Osawatomie,  about  August  20th, 
he  had,  as  stated  by  Bondi,  "a  spick  and  span  four  mule  team, 
the  wagon  loaded  with  provisions ;  besides  he  was  well  supplied 
with  money."  173  In  poverty  and  on  foot,  the  Browus^entered 
the  valley  of  the  Pottawatomie  May  23,  1856;  seventy  days) 
thereafter,  they  left  the  Territory,  in  independent  circumstances. 
During  the  latter  part  of  July  and  the  first  days  of  August. 
1856,  some  incidents  occurred  in  Kansas  which  are  interrelated. 
The  pro-slavery  men  living  in  the  vicinity  of  "New  Georgia," 
near  Osawatomie,  built  a  "block-house"  for  the  protection  of 
pro-slavery  settlers  from  Free-State  aggressions.  Following 
this,  John  Brown  and  his  band  of  Free-State  aggressors  sud 
denly  left  the  Territory.  August  5th,  Captain  Cracklin,  with 
the  Stubbs  Rifles,  routed  the  Georgians  at  New  Georgia  and 
burned  their  block-house;  also,  upon  receipt  of  this  intelligence, 
at  Nebraska  City,  Brown  changed  his  mind  about  going  east, 
and  returned  to  Kansas  to  raid  the  Osawatomie  district.  The 
first  of  these  incidents,  the  building  of  the  block-house,  was  a 
pro-slavery  demonstration  in  Brown's  territory.  It  was  notice 
to  him  that  further  stealing  from  pro-slavery  settlers  would 
be  unsafe  in  that  neighborhood ;  it  was  also  a  challenge  to  John 
Brown  to  fight,  if  he  chose  to  accept  it  as  such.  That  the  leav 
ing  of  the  Browns  was  not  a  premeditation,  but  the  result  of  a 
"sudden  impulse,"  appears  from  a  statement  made  by  Mr.  Aclair 
to  Mr.  T.  H.  Hand  in  a  letter  dated  July  17,  1856:  "Bro.  J. 
B.  and  unmarried  sons  expect  to  leave  the  territory  immecli- 

'"Villard,  228. 
235. 


BLACKJACK  153 

ately."  173a  Also,  from  the  further  fact  that  at  the  time  they 
left,  William  Thompson,  brother  of  Henry  Thompson,  was  due 
to  arrive  in  Kansas  to  join  the  Brown  colony.  They  met  him 
near  the  Nebraska  line  and  took  him  back  east  with  them.173b 

The  abrupt  leaving  of  the  Browns,  under  these  circumstances, 
is  inconsistent  with  the  theory  that  they  were  "fighting  men;'' 
or  that  they  were  anxious  to  fight.  If  John  Brown  had  actually 
desired  to  "engage  the  slave-power  at  close  quarters"  as  has 
been  insisted  upon,  boastfully,  for  more  than  fifty  years,  he 
would  have  joined  his  force  with  Captain  Shore,  or  others,  and 
would  have  attacked  the  Georgians  at  New  Georgia,  and  driven 
them  out,  as  Captain  Cracklin  did  August  5th,  while  they - 
Brown  and  his  sons  —  were  running  away  from  the  job. 


]73aVillarcl,  616,  note  64. 

173b  Sanborn,  336. 


CHAPTER  VII 

OSAWATOMIE 

Do  men  gather  grapes  of  thorn  or  figs  of  thistles? 

—  MATTHEW  6:16 

AT  Nebraska  City  Brown  met  some  distinguished  persons : 
General  Lane,  Colonel  Samuel  Walker,  and  Aaron  D.  Stevens. 
These  men  were  commanders  in  the  Free-State  army ;  they  re 
ceived  him  into  their  confidence,  and  related  to  him  their  plans 
concerning  the  pending  military  operations ;  the  object  of  which 
was  to  destroy  the  pro-slavery  forces  that  had  occupied  strategic 
positions  near  Lawrence  and  Osawatomie,  or  drive  them  from 
the  Territory.  He  knew  that  the  execution  of  these  under 
takings  would  result  in  important  events  and  decided  to  return 
to  Kansas.  It  was  evident  there  was  to  be  real  fighting ;  fight 
ing  at  close  quarters;  in  fact  the  fighting  had  already  begun. 
August  5th,  Captain  Cracklin  had  opened  the  campaign,  pros 
perously,  by  a  successful  attack  upon  the  pro-slavery  post  at 
New  Georgia,  as  has  been  heretofore  stated.  Mr.  Sanborn  173c 
claims  that  Brown  had  some  share  in  Cracklin's  victory,  but  of 
course,  he  could  not  be  simultaneously  at  both  of  these  places. 
News  of  this  victory  was  received  at  Nebraska  City  in 
a  message  that  came  to  Walker;  whereupon  the  party,  except 
Brown,  "proceeded  to  Lawrence  as  fast  as  humanly  possible." 
They  all  left  Nebraska  City  August  9th ;  thirty  hours  later, 
Lane  arrived  at  Lawrence,  Walker  arriving  shortly  afterward. 
But  Brown  stopped  at  Topeka  on  the  10th,  where  no  fighting 
173C  Sanborn,  314. 


OSAWATOMIE  155 

was  in  contemplation;  and  his  "whereabouts,"  from  that  date 
until  the  17th,  is  reported  as  being  "unknown."  m 

August  12th,  Captain  Bickerton  defeated  Major  Buford's 
company  of  Georgians,  at  Franklin;  stormed  and  burned  the 
block-house;  captured  some  arms  and  provisions,  and  recap-  j/ 
tured  the  six-pounder  brass  cannon,  that  Buford  had  taken  pos 
session  of  at  Lawrence,  May  21st.  Buford  wrote:  "Our 
money,  books,  papers,  clothing,  surveying  instruments,  and 
many  precious  memorials  of  kindness  and  friends  far  away, 
were  all  consumed  by  the  incendiary  villains  who  hold  sway. 
.  .  .  We  are  now  destitute  of  everything  except  our  mus 
kets,  and  an  unflinching  determination  to  be  avenged.  .  ." 
Bickerton  lost  one  man  killed  and  six  wounded.  Buford's  loss 
was  four  men  wounded  —  one  mortally.175  But  Brown  was 
not  present  when  Bickerton  pressed  to  close  quarters  at  Frank 
lin  ;  Lane  was  there,  and  Sanborn  says  that  Brown  was 
there:176  "Returning  about  the  10th  of  August,"  he  says, 
"with  General  Lane,  he  proceeded  with  him  to  Lawrence  and  to 
Franklin  where  there  was  some  skirmishing."  "On  the  15th 
the  Free-State  men  assailed  Fort  Saunders,  a  strong  log 
house  on  Washington  Creek,  about  twelve  miles  southwest  of 
Lawrence.  After  the  customary  fusillade,  the  pro-slavery  men 
retreated  without  blood  shed  on  either  side."  177  Still,  no 
Brown.  The  following  appeal,  by  General  Lane,  was  sent  to 
him,  from  Topeka,  on  August  12th: 

Mr.  Brown:  —  General  Joe  Cook  (Lane)  wants  you  to 
come  to  Lawrence  this  night,  for  we  expect  to  have  a  fight 
on  Washington  Creek.  Come  to  Topeka  as  soon  as  possible 
and  I  will  pilot  you  to  the  place.  Yours  in  haste, 

H.   STRATTON.178 

174Villard,  673. 
i^Villard.  231. 

176  Sanborn,  308. 

177  Villard,  231. 
178Villard,  235. 


156  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

It  seems  from  this  that  Brown  was  somewhere  near  Topeka, 
on  the  12th,  and  not  at  Franklin. 

On  the  16th  the  attack  was  made  on  Fort  Titus.  Of  this 
Mr.  Villard  says : 

There  was  real  fighting  at  Fort  Titus,  which  Captain 
Samuel  Walker,  Captain  Joel  Grover,  and  a  Captain  Samuel 
Shombre  attacked,  at  sunrise  August  16,  with  fifty  deter 
mined  men.  Captain  Shombre  was  killed,  and  nine  out  of 
ten  men  with  him  wounded,  in  a  rush  on  the  block-house.  In 
a  short  time  eighteen  out  of  the  forty  remaining  attackers 
were  wounded,  including  Captain  Walker.  After  several 
hours  of  fighting,  Free-State  reinforcements  appeared,  in 
cluding  Captain  Bickerton,  with  the  six  pounder,  and  its 
slugs  of  molten  type.  It  was  run  to  within  three  hundred 
yards  of  the  fort  and  fired  nine  or  ten  times.  ...  As 
Titus  still  showed  no  white  flag,  a  load  of  hay  was  again 
resorted  to  with  the  same  success  as  at  Franklin.  As  the 
wagon  was  backed  up  to  the  log  fort,  and  before  the  match 
was  applied,  the  party  surrendered.  .  .  .  Walker  cap 
tured  thirteen  horses,  four  hundred  guns,  a  large  number  of 
knives  and  six  pistols,  a  fair  stock  of  provisions  and  thirty- 
four  prisoners,  six  of  whom  were  badly  wounded.  One 
dead  man  was  found  in  the  block-house  before  it  was  burned. 
Again  this  question  comes  up :  Where  was  Brown  when 
this  fighting  was  taking  place  ?  Was  he  in  this  very  creditable 
engagement?  Continuing  his  narrative,  Mr.  Villard  says,  on 
page  232  : 

The  testimony  as  to  whether  John  Brown  was  at  Saunders 
and  Titus  is  conflicting.  He  himself  left  no  statement  bear 
ing  upon  it,  and  Luke  Parsons,  James  Blood,  O.  E.  Learn- 
ard  and  others,  are  positive  that  he  was  not  at  either  place. 
The  weight  of  evidence  would  seem  to  be  on  that  side. 

But  John  Brown  did  leave  a  statement  bearing  directly  upon 
the  question  as  to  whether,  or  not,  he  was  present  at  any  of  these 
engagements.  In  the  interview  which  he  gave  out  after  his 


OSAWATOMIE  157 

capture  at  Harper's  Ferry,  in  answer  to  the  question :  "Did 
you  know  Sherrod  in  Kansas?  I  understand  you  killed  him?" 
Brown  replied  :  "I  killed  no  man  except  in  fair  fight.  I  fought 
at  Black  Jack,  and  at  Osawatomie,  and  if  I  killed  anybody  it 
was  at  one  of  these  places."  379  Brown,  therefore,  was  not 
present  at  any  of  these  battles.  He  was  at  Lawrence,  however, 
on  August  17th,  after  the  fighting  was  over.  Mr.  Villard  says 
on  page  233 :  "That  Brown  was  at  Lawrence,  when  Walker 
arrived  with  his  prisoners,  admits  of  no  doubt.  Again  his 
voice  was  raised  for  the  extreme  penalty ;  again  he  asked  a  sac 
rifice  of  blood."  It  appears,  therefore,  that  Brown  "termin 
ated"  a  seven  days  "life  in  the  bush"  on  the  17th,  and  became 
active  in  public  affairs,  for  twenty-four  hours.  Referring  to  a 
concurrent  incident  Colonel  Walker  says  : 

At  a  little  way  out  of  Lawrence  I  met  a  delegation,  sent  by 
the  committee  of  safety,  with  an  order  for  the  immediate 
delivery  of  Titus  into  their  hands.  Knowing  the  character 
of  the  men,  I  refused  to  give  him  up.  Our  arrival  at  Law 
rence  created  intense  excitement.  The  citizens  swarmed 
around  us,  clamoring  for  the  blood  of  our  prisoner.  The 
committee  of  safety  held  a  meeting  and  decided  that  Titus 
should  be  hanged,  John  Brown,  and  other  distinguished  men 
urging  the  measure  strongly.  At  four  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing  I  went  before  the  committee,  and  said  that  Titus  had 
surrendered  to  me ;  that  I  had  promised  him  his  life,  and  that 
I  would  defend  it  with  my  own.  I  then  left  the  room.  Bab- 
cock  followed  me  out  and  asked  me  if  I  was  fully  determin 
ed.  Being  assured  that  I  was,  he  went  back,  and  the  com 
mittee,  by  a  new  vote,  decided  to  postpone  the  hanging  in 
definitely.  I  was  sure  of  the  support  of  some  300  good  men, 
and  among  them  Captain  Tucker,  Captain  Harvey,  and  Cap 
tain  Stulz.  Getting  this  determined  band  into  line,  I  ap 
proached  the  house  where  Titus  was  confined  and  entered. 
Just  as  I  opened  the  door  I  heard  pistol  shots  in  Titns's  room 

179  Redpath,  285,  and   Sanborn,  569,  but  omitted  by  Mr.  Villard  from 
his  narrative. 


158  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

and  rushed  in  and  found  a  desperado  named  ''Buckskin" 
firing  over  the  guard's  shoulders  at  the  wounded  man  as  he 
lay  on  his  cot.  It  took  but  one  blow  from  my  heavy  dragoon 
pistol  to  send  the  villain  heels-over-head  to  the  bottom  of  the 
stairs.  Captain  Brown  and  Doctor  Avery  were  outside 
haranguing  the  mob  to  hang  Titus  despite  my  objections. 
They  said  I  had  resisted  the  committee  of  safety,  and  was 
myself,  therefore,  a  public  enemy.  The  crowd  was  terribly 
excited,  but  the  sight  of  my  300  solid  bayonets  held  them  in 
check. 

This  is  a  part  of  the  record  of  these  heroic  days  —  days  of 
strenuous  effort  and  of  heroic  achievement.  The  Free-State 
men  were  engaged  in  a  supreme  effort  to  drive  from  the  Terri 
tory  the  armed  pro-slavery  bands  that  had  been  organized  in 
the  South  to  intimidate  and  subdue  them.  They  had  fought  a 
splendidly  aggressive  campaign,  dislodging  their  foes  from  all 
their  positions,  burning  their  forts,  and  capturing  their  supplies. 
^  There  was,  as  has  been  said,  real  fighting,  fighting  at  close  quar 
ters,  and  plenty  of  it.  And  now,  in  view  of  it,  what  is  to  be 
said  about  Brown,  the  hypothetical  Kansas  hero,  the  "Fighting 
Leader  of  the  Free-State  Cause?"  Lane  was  in  evidence ;  and 
Colonel  Walker,  and  Bickerton,  and  Grover,  and  the  gallant 
Shombre,  were  in  the  thick  of  it ;  but  what  part  did  Brown  per 
form  in  these  undertakings?  What  contribution  did  he  make 
to  the  winning  of  these  victories  ?  Nothing !  Absolutely  noth 
ing.  He  came  out  of  the  "brush"  after  the  fighting  was  over, 
and  endeavored  to  incite  a  mob  to  hang  a  prisoner  who  was 
severely  wounded. 

This  disreputable  action  is  evidence  that  Brown  was  not  in 
harmony  with  the  best  thought  of  the  occasion ;  that  he  mingled 
\  \/  witn  tne  lawless  element  —  with  the  "Buckskin"  class,  that 
"fired  over  the  guard's  shoulders,  at  the  wounded  man,  as  he  lay 
on  his  cot."  Brown  was  not  interested  in  these  important  pub 
lic  matters ;  he  was  not  cooperating  with  the  Free-State  men ; 
his  motives  for  returning  to  the  Territory  did  not  relate  to 


OSAWATOMIE  159 

Territorial  affairs.  His  plans  had  to  do  with  something  else. 
They  were  of  a  personal  character ;  and  his  presence  at  Lawrence 
on  the  17th,  was  simply  an  incident  of  his  trip  from  Nebraska 
City  to  Osawatomie,  where  he  arrived,  according  to  Bondi, 
"about  the  20th,  well  supplied  with  money,"  and  with  a  "spick 
and  span  four  mule  team,  the  wagon  loaded  with  provi 
sions,"  18°  to  make  a  coup  in  horses  and  cattle.  Brown  had 
outfitted  this  four  mule  team  at  or  near  Topeka,  and  the  pres 
ence  of  it  at  Osawatomie  on  the  20th,  with  its  stock  of  provi 
sions,  is  the  best  evidence  of  what  he  had  been  thinking  about, 
and  of  what  he  was  doing,  while  the  Free-State  men  were  fight 
ing  the  battles  around  Lawrence. 

Leaving  Nebraska  City  on  the  9th,  Brown  stopped  at  To 
peka  on  the  10th.  Later  developments  show  that  he  had 
planned  a  scheme  of  robbery  upon  a  larger  scale  than  anything 
he  had  theretofore  undertaken.  As  to  the  Free-State  cam 
paign,  the  battles  "at  close  quarters,"  the  victories,  the  rejoic 
ings,  the  planning  for  future  operations,  he  was  indifferent,  ex 
cept  as  they  served  his  personal  purposes. 

Brown's  arrival  at  Osawatomie  was  his  first  appearance  there 
after  the  Pottawatomie  murders.  By  the  24th  he  had  "enlist 
ed"  nine  men :  Wm.  Partridge,  John  Salathiel,  S.  B.  Brown, 
John  Godell,  L.  T.  Parsons,  N.  B.  Phelps,  Wm.  B.  Harris,  Jason 
Brown,  and  J.  Benjamin.181  He  had  also  stolen  enough  horses 
to  mount  them.  Of  this  Mr.  Villard  says  : 181a 

Naturally,  as  a  good  general,  John  Brown's  first  concern 
was  for  the  mounts  of  his  men.  Bondi  avers  that  some  of 
Brown's  men  received  prompt  orders  to  capture  all  of 
"Dutch  Henry"  Sherman's  horses.  He  himself  obtained, 
when  these  orders  were  executed,  "a  four  year  old  fine  bay 
horse  for  my  mount"  and  "old  John  Brown  rode  a  fine  blood 
ed  bay." 

180  Villard,  235. 
«i  Villard,  622. 
"^  Villard,  235. 


160  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

The  example  set  by  the  Browns,  during  May,  June,  and  July, 
brought  forth  many  imitators.  Robbery  became  an  indus 
try.  A  new  Richmond  was  in  the  Osawatomie  field  —  a  Cap 
tain  Cline,  with  a  company  of  mounted  men,  every  one  of  whose 
horses  had  been  stolen.  This  seems  to  have  been  sufficient  rec 
ommendation,  for  Brown  joined  forces  with  Cline,  and  the  two 
commands  set  out,  August  24th,  for  the  south,  marching  eight 
miles,  and  camping  on  Sugar  Creek,  Linn  County.182  On  the 
26th  another  merger  of  the  special  interests  was  accomplished. 
Captain  J.  H.  Holmes  also  had  a  company  which  was  con 
solidated  with  Brown's  party.  Captain  Shore  was  in  the  vicin 
ity,  with  the  Prairie  City  Rifles,  but  it  seems  that  he  was  not 
stealing  anything.  The  Brown  combination  probably  repre 
sented  all  the  plants,  or  commercial  units,  then  doing  "business" 
in  that  district.  In  promptly  effecting  the  merger  of  these 
interests,  Brown  showed  his  capacity  for  affairs,  and  is  entitled 
to  receive  for  the  second  time  the  "historic  title  of  Captain,'' 
-  Captain  of  Industry.  The  men  who  belonged  to  Holmes's 
Company  were,  "Cyrus  Tator,  R.  Reynolds,  Noah  Fraze  (First 
Lieutenant),  William  Miller,  John  P.  Glenn,  Wm.  Quick,  M.  D. 
Lane,  Amos  Alderman,  August  Bondi,  Charles  Kaiser,  Freeman 
Austin,  Samuel  Hauser,  and  John  W.  Fay,183  and,  probably, 
Frederick  Brown.  Thus  organized  and  equipped,  the  forces 
put  into  effect  the  purposes  of  their  organization  without  delay. 
Mr.  Villard  says  : 183a 

John  Brown  then  rode  off  to  raid  the  pro-slavery  settle 
ments,  on  Sugar  Creek.  .  .  They  visited  the  home  of 
Captain  John  E.  Brown,  taking,  as  his  toll,  fifty  pro-slavery 
cattle  and  all  the  men's  clothes  the  house  contained.  .  . 
Other  houses  were  similarly  searched,  and  their  cattle  taken, 
on  the  ground  that  they  had  originally  been  Free-State  be 
fore  being  purloined  by  the  pro-slavery  settlers. 

!82  Villard,  235. 
1  §3  Villard,  622. 
issa  villard,  238. 


OSAWATOMIE  161 

That  they  moved  promptly,  worked  industriously,  and  ob 
tained  satisfactory  results  without  hindrance  from  any  quarter, 
appears  from  the  further  statement  by  Mr.  Villard : 183b 

On  Thursday  evening,  August  28th,  Brown  reached  Osa- 
watomie,  traveling  slowly  because  of  the  one  hundred  and 
fifty  cattle  he  drove  before  him.  Both  his  company  and 
Cline's  bivouacked  in  the  town  that  night.  The  next  morn 
ing,  (August  29)  early,  they  divided  their  plunder  and  cat 
tle,  and  Brown  moved  his  camp  to  the  high  ground  north 
of  Osawatomie,  where  now  stands  the  State  Insane  Asylum. 
An  ordinary  commander  would  have  allowed  all  his  men  to 
rest.  But  not  John  Brown.  He  was  in  the  saddle  all  day, 
riding  with  James  H.  Holmes,  and  others  of  his  men,  along 
Pottawatomie  Creek,  whence  he  crossed  to  Sugar  Creek, 
returning  to  Osawatomie  with  more  captured  cattle,  by  way 
of  the  Fort  Scott  trail. 

This  last  lot  of  cattle  was  probably  the  drove  that  the  Quaker, 
Richard  Mendenhall,  referred  to,  as  quoted  by  Sanborn  on  page 
326: 

I  next  met  John  Brown  again  on  the  evening  before  the 
battle  of  Osawatomie.  He  with  a  number  of  others,  was 
driving  a  herd  of  cattle,  which  they  had  taken  from  pro- 
slavery  men. 

It  is  not  probable  that  it  will  ever  be  known  what  Brown 
intended  to  do  with  these  cattle.  Those  who  know  what  his 
intentions  were  in  the  premises,  have  not  revealed  them.  He 
was  going  East,  later  on,  to  work  out  a  scheme  which  he  then 
had  in  his  mind,  to  raise  money.  He  also  had  a  fancy  for  fine 
animals  and  for  the  stock  business.  It  is  therefore  probable  that 
he  intended  to  establish  a  stock  ranch  at  some  point  in  Kansas, 
further  west,  and  put  his  son  Frederick  in  charge  of  it ;  and  that 
the  cattle  which  he  was  then  collecting,  and  the  four  mule  team 
that  he  had  bought,  and  the  load  of  provisions,  were  to  be  used  in 

i83b  villard,  238. 


162  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

starting  the  enterprise.     Mr.  Villard  quotes  Holmes's  estimate 

of  Brown  as  follows : 184 

To  Holmes,  John  Brown  appeared  on  that  afternoon  more 
than  ever  the  natural  leader.  He  rode  a  tall  strong  chestnut 
horse;  his  spare  form  was  more  impressive  when  he  was 
mounted  than  when  he  was  afoot.  Alert  and  clear  sighted, 
he  closely  watched  the  landscape  for  evidence  of  the  enemy. 

The  enemy  were  the  settlers  who  were  being  robbed. 

This  short  narrative  of  Brown's  operations  in  stealing  horses 
and  cattle,  at  Osawatomie,  discloses  the  secret  motive  that 
prompted  his  return  to  Kansas  from  Nebraska.  It  gives  rea 
sonable  grounds  for  the  assumption,  that  when  his  "where 
abouts  were  unknown,"  from  August  10th  to  the  16th,  inclu 
sive,  he  was  working  out  the  details  of  the  new  venture ;  finan 
cing  it ;  purchasing  the  necessary  outfit ;  and  making  plans  for 
handling  the  loot  after  it  would  be  rounded  up.  It  furnishes 
a  reason  why  he  refused  to  join  General  Lane  and  his  associ 
ates,  in  the  attack  on  Fort  Saunders,  and  on  Fort  Titus ;  he  had 
business  engagements  and  appointments  elsewhere,  that  re 
quired  his  personal  attention.  But  what  is  of  more  historical 
importance,  perhaps,  than  anything  else,  is,  that  it  reveals  the 
general  channel  in  which  his  mind  ran ;  the  things  upon  which 
his  thoughts  and  energies  were  concentrated;  the  occupation 
he  was  following.  Also,  the  magnitude  of  the  hazardous  per 
formance  undertaken  in  this  instance,  and  successfully  exe 
cuted,  shows  clearly,  that  Brown  was  not  a  novice  in  the  busi 
ness.  Only  a  strong,  bold  man,  of  large  experience,  could  enter 
such  a  district,  and  within  four  days  collect,  equip  and  mount, 
upon  stolen  horses,  a  company  of  ten  men,  himself  included. 
Then,  within  two  days  more  effect  a  consolidation,  under  his 
leadership,  of  two  other  similar  companies;  and  within  three 
more  days  gather  up  by  force,  two  hundred  and  fifty  head  of 
cattle,  besides  horses  and  other  plunder,  and  assemble  the  whole 

184  Villard,  239. 


OSAWATOMIE  163 

at  the  general  rendezvous  in  Osawatomie.  Only  an  expert  in 
horse  stealing,  and  in  the  general  plunder  business,  could  accom 
plish  so  much  in  so  short  a  time. 

To  counteract  the  effect  of  the  Free-State  victories,  hereto 
fore  referred  to,  and  to  restore  pro-slavery  supremacy,  a 
pro-slavery  army  numbering  more  than  a  thousand  men,  led  by 
Major  General  David  R.  Atchison,  invaded  the  Territory. 
This  formidable  force  left  Westport  August  23d,  and  on  the 
29th  arrived  at  Bull  Creek,  thirty  miles  from  Lawrence.  To 
oppose  it,  the  Free-State  army  was  being  mobilized  under  the 
command  of  General  Lane;  who  sent  an  urgent  message  to 
Brown,  and  others  at  Osawatomie,  asking  them  to  report  to  him 
at  Lawrence  at  once,  and  take  part  in  the  impending  battle. 
The  message  was  delivered  to  Brown  by  Alexander  G.  Hawse, 
on  the  evening  of  August  29th,  as  he  approached  Osawatomie, 
"in  a  cloud  of  dust  and  driving  the  motley  herd"  of  stolen  cat 
tle  "before  him."  Captain  Shore  received  a  similar  request, 
and  promptly  responded  to  the  urgent  call.  He  started  for 
Lawrence  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Brown  did  not 
go.  He  could  not  be  expected  to  abandon  the  horses,  and  the 
cattle,  and  the  plunder  which  he  had  on  hand ;  and  the  robber 
combine  of  which  he  was  the  head,  and  which  was  operating  so 
successfully,  and  which  had  before  it  a  future  so  promising. 
He  was  too  busy.  Besides,  the  troubles  about  Lawrence  would 
be  "water  upon  his  wheel."  He  was  doing  business  under 
cover  of  the  distracting  conditions  then  existing.  Mr.  Villard 
says,  "After  consultation,  it  was  decided  that  the  call  should 
be  heeded  on  the  next  day." 

At  the  time  Brown  received  this  message,  General  Atchison 
had  already  detached  two  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  men,  with 
one  field  piece,  to  march  against  Osawatomie  and  burn  the 
place.  The  command  of  the  expedition  was  given  to  Brigadier 
General  John  W.  Reid,  who  had  served  in  the  war  with  Mexico. 
Reid  made  a  night  march  from  Bull  Creek.  Arriving  at  Osa- 


164  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

watomie,  he  immediately  began  his  attack.     His  official  report 

of  the  fight  is  as  follows : 185 

Camp  Bull  Creek,  Aug.  31st 

GENTLEMEN  :  —  I  moved  with  250  men  on  the  Abolition 
fort  and  town  of  Osawatomie  —  the  head-quarters  of  Old 
Brown  —  on  night  before  last ;  marched  forty  miles  and  at 
tacked  the  town  without  dismounting  the  men,  about  sun 
rise  on  yesterday.  We  had  a  brisk  fight  for  an  hour  or  more 
and  had  five  men  wounded  —  none  dangerously  —  Capt. 
Boice,  William  Gordon  and  three  others.  We  killed  about 
thirty  of  them,  among  the  number,  certain,  a  son  of  Old 
Brown  and  almost  certain  Brown  himself;  destroying  all 
their  ammunition  and  provisions,  and  the  boys  would  burn 
the  town  to  the  ground.  /  could  not  help  it.  .  . 

Your  friend,  REID. 

Hon.  William  Higgins  of  Bartlesville,  Oklahoma,  then  four 
teen  years  of  age,  drove  one  of  the  three  teams  that  comprised 
Reid's  means  of  transportation.  Concerning  Reid's  losses  in 
the  battle,  he  says  :  "The  total  was  three  men  wounded.  Two 
of  these  were  conveyed  back  to  Missouri  in  one  of  the  wagons, 
while  the  other  wounded  man  was  able  to  ride  his  horse.  No 
one  was  killed."  186 

On  the  Free-State  side  the  battle  seems  to  have  been  opened 
by  Dr.  Updegraff,  of  Osawatomie,  and  Holmes.  The  latter 
was  "saddling  up,"  presumably  to  join  Brown  in  another  day's 
ride  after  cattle,  when  the  presence  of  the  enemy  was  an 
nounced,  and  rode  up  toward  the  Adairs  until  he  sighted  Reid's 
troopers,  upon  whom  he  fired  three  times  from  his  Sharp's 
rifle.187 

From  Lawrence,  September  7th,  Brown  wrote  to  his  wife  as 
follows:188 


i85Villard.  246. 

186  Letter  to  the  author,  date,  June  29,  1912. 

is^Villard,   243. 

188  Sanborn,  317. 


OSAWATOMIE  165 

DEAR  WIFE:  AND  CHILDREN  EVERY  ONE: 

I  have  one  moment  to  write  to  you,  to  say  that  I  am  yet 
alive,  that  Jason  and  family  were  well  yesterday  —  John  and 
Family,  I  hear,  are  well  (he  being  yet  a  prisoner).  On  the 
morning  of  the  30th  of  August  an  attack  was  made  by  the 
Ruffians  on  Osawatomie,  numbering  some  four  hundred, 
by  whose  scouts  our  dear  Frederick  was  shot  dead,  without 
warning  —  he  supposed  them  to  be  Free-State  men,  as  near 
as  we  can  learn.  One  other  man,  a  cousin  of  Mr.  Adair  was 
murdered  by  them  about  the  same  time  that  Frederick  was 
killed,  and  one  badly  wounded  at  the  same  time.  At  this 
time  I  was  about  three  miles  off,  where  I  had  some  fourteen 
or  fifteen  men  over  night  that  I  had  just  enlisted  to  serve 
under  me  as  regulars.  These  I  collected  as  well  as  I  could, 
with  some  twelve  or  fifteen  more  —  and  in  about  three  quar 
ters  of  an  hour  I  attacked  them  from  a  wood  with  thick  un 
dergrowth.  With  this  force  we  threw  them  into  confusion 
for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  during  which  time  we  killed 
or  wounded  from  seventy  to  eighty  of  the  enemy  —  as  they 
say  —  and  then  we  escaped  as  well  as  we  could,  with  one 
killed  while  escaping,  two  or  three  wounded  and  as  many 
more  were  missing.  Four  or  five  Free-State  men  were 
butchered  during  the  day  in  all.  Jason  fought  bravely  by 
my  side  during  the  fight,  and  escaped  with  me,  he  being  un 
hurt.  I  was  struck  by  a  partly  spent  grape  canister,  or  rifle 
shot,  which  bruised  me  some,  but  did  not  injure  me  seri 
ously.  "Hitherto  the  Lord  has  helped  me,"  notwithstand 
ing  my  afflictions,  etc.,  etc.  JOHN  BROWN. 
On  the  same  day  he  gave  out  the  following  statement  for  pub 
lication  : 189 

THE  FIGHT  OF  OSAWATOMIE 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  August  the  enemy's 
scouts  approached  to  within  one  mile  and  a  half  of  the  west 
ern  boundary  of  the  town  of  Osawatomie.  At  this  place  my 
son  Frederick  (who  was  not  attached  to  my  force)  had 
189  Sanborn,  318. 


166  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

lodged  with  some  four  other  young  men  from  Lawrence, 
and  a  young  man  named  Garrison,  from  Middle  Creek. 
The  scouts,  led  by  a  pro-slavery  preacher  named  White, 
shot  my  son  dead  in  the  road  while  he  —  as  I  have  since 
ascertained  —  supposed  them  to  be  friendly.  At  the  same 
time  they  butchered  Mr.  Garrison,  and  badly  mangled  one 
of  the  young  men  from  Lawrence,  who  came  with  my  son, 
leaving  him  for  dead.  This  was  not  far  from  sunrise.  I 
had  stopped  during  the  night  about  two  and  one  half  miles 
from  them,  and  nearly  one  mile  from  Osawatomie.  I  had 
no  organized  force,  but  only  some  twelve  or  fifteen  new  re 
cruits,  who  were  ordered  to  leave  their  preparations  for 
breakfast  and  follow  me  into  the  town,  as  soon  as  this  news 
was  brought  to  me. 

As  I  had  no  means  of  learning  correctly  the  force  of  the 
enemy,  I  placed  twelve  of  the  recruits  in  a  log-house,  hoping 
we  might  be  able  to  defend  the  town.  I  then  gathered  some 
fifteen  more  men  together,  whom  we  armed  with  guns  — 
and  we  started  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  After  going 
a  few  rods  we  could  see  them  approaching  the  town  in  line 
of  battle,  about  half  a  mile  off,  upon  a  hill  west  of  the  village. 
I  then  gave  up  all  idea  of  doing  more  than  to  annoy,  from 
the  timber  near  the  town,  into  which  we  were  all  retreated, 
and  which  was  filled  with  a  thick  growth  of  underbrush  — 
but  I  had  no  time  to  recall  the  twelve  men  in  the  log  house, 
and  so  lost  their  assistance  in  the  fight.  At  this  point  above 
named  I  met  with  Captain  Cline,  a  very  active  young  man, 
who  had  with  him  some  twelve  or  fifteen  mounted  men,  and 
persuaded  him  to  go  with  us  into  the  timber,  on  the  southern 
shore  of  the  Osage,  or  Marais  des  Cygnes,  a  little  to  the 
north  west  from  the  village.  Here  the  men,  numbered  not 
more  than  thirty  in  all,  were  directed  to  scatter  and  secrete 
themselves  as  well  as  they  could,  and  await  the  approach  of 
the  enemy.  This  was  done  in  full  view  of  them  (who  must 
have  seen  the  whole  movement),  and  had  to  be  done  in  the 
utmost  haste.  I  believe  Captain  Cline  and  some  of  his  men 
were  not  even  dismounted  during  the  fight,  but  cannot  assert 


OSAWATOMIE  167 

positively.  When  the  left  wing  of  the  enemy  had  approached 
to  within  common  rifle  shot,  we  commenced  firing,  and  very 
soon  threw  the  northern  branch  of  the  enemy's  line  into  dis 
order.  This  continued  for  some  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes, 
which  gave  us  an  uncommon  opportunity  to  annoy  them. 
Captain  Cline  and  his  men  soon  got  out  of  ammunition, 
and  retired  across  the  river. 

After  the  enemy  rallied  we  kept  up  our  fire,  until,  by  the 
leaving  of  one  and  another,  we  had  but  six  or  seven  left. 
We  then  retired  across  the  river.  We  had  one  man  killed 
—  a  Mr.  Powers,  from  Captain  Cline's  company  —  in  the 
fight.  One  of  my  men,  a  Mr.  Partridge,  was  shot  in  cross 
ing  the  river.  Two  or  three  of  the  party  who  took  part  in 
the  fight  are  yet  missing,  and  may  be  lost  or  taken  prison 
ers.  Two  were  wounded  —  namely,  Dr.  Updegraff  and  Mr. 
Collis.  I  cannnot  speak  in  too  high  terms  of  them,  and  of 
many  others  I  have  not  now  time  to  mention. 

One  of  my  best  men,  together  with  myself,  was  struck 
by  a  partially  spent  ball  from  the  enemy,  in  the  commence 
ment  of  the  fight,  but  we  were  only  bruised.  The  loss  I 
refer  to  is  one  of  my  missing  men.  The  loss  of  the  enemy, 
as  we  learn  by  the  different  statements  of  our  own  as  well 
as  their  people,  was  some  thirty  one  or  two  killed,  and  from 
forty  to  fifty  wounded.  After  burning  the  town  to  ashes 
and  killing  a  Mr.  Williams,  they  had  taken,  whom  neither 
party  claimed,  they  took  a  hasty  leave,  carrying  their  dead 
and  wounded  with  them.  They  did  not  attempt  to  cross 
the  river,  nor  to  search  for  us,  and  have  not  since  returned 
to  look  over  their  work. 

I  give  this  in  great  haste,  in  the  midst  of  constant  inter 
ruption.  My  second  son  was  with  me  in  the  fight,  and  es 
caped  unharmed.  This  I  mention  for  the  benefit  of  his 
friends.  Old  Preacher  White,  I  hear,  boasts  of  having 
killed  my  son.  Of  course  he  is  a  lion. 

JOHN  BROWN. 
Lawrence,  Kansas,  Sept.  7,  1856. 


168  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

In  a  third  statement  19°  Brown  says :  "In  the  battle  of  Osa- 
watomie,  Capt.  (or  Dr.)  Updegraff  —  and  two  others  whose 
names  I  have  lost,  were  severely  (one  of  them  shockingly) 
wounded  before  the  fight  began,  August  30,  1856." 

The  arrival  of  Reid's  forces  at  Osawatomie,  was  a  complete 
surprise.  Brown  knew  nothing  of  their  coming  until  after  the 
battle  was  on.  Mr.  Villard  states  190a  that  John  Brown  and 
his  party,  with  the  exception  of  Holmes,  who  spent  the  night 
in  town,  crossed  the  Marias  des  Cygnes  to  their  camp  on 
the  Crane  claim  (about  two  miles  from  the  town),  taking  their 
cattle  with  them.  Captain  Cline  and  about  fifteen  men  re 
mained  in  the  town.  Two  of  Brown's  men,  Bondi  and  Benja 
min,  were  on  guard  (over  the  cattle)  on  the  morning  of  the 
30th,  until  the  firing  began.  Brown  was  preparing  breakfast 
at  the  cattle  camp,  where  a  messenger  is  said  to  have  arrived 
with  the  news  that  Frederick  Brown  had  been  killed;  where 
upon  Browrn  is  said  to  have  "seized  his  arms"  and  "cried,  'Men 
come  on !'  and  with  Luke  F.  Parsons  hurried  down  the  hill  to  the 
crossing  nearest  the  town."  But  the  men,  it  seems,  finished 
their  breakfast  before  responding  to  this  request  and  still  had 
time  to  overtake  their  leader.  Mr.  Villard  says  that  "After 
finishing  their  coffee,  most  of  them  overtook  their  leader  before 
he  reached  the  town" ;  and  that  Parsons,  upon  following  Brown 
into  the  timber  where  the  fighting  was  going  on,  "met  Captain 
Cline  and  his  company  of  fifteen  well-mounted  men  retiring 
through  the  town,  abandoning  their  cattle  and  their  other 
plunder.  One  of  his  (Cline's)  men,  Theodore  Parker  Powers, 
was  killed  in  the  few  minutes  they  were  at  the  front." 

From  the  data  at  hand  it  appears  that  the  battle  was  opened 
by  Holmes,  who  fired  upon  Reid's  advance  immediately  upon 
the  latter's  arrival ;  that  Dr.  Updegraff,  and  other  citizens  of 
Osawatomie,  turned  out,  and  with  Captain  Cline  defended  the 

190  Sanborn,  291. 
i9oa  Villard,  239. 


OSAWATOMIE  169 

town  for  "an  hour  or  more"  during"  which  time  Powers,  of 
Cline's  company,  was  killed  and  Dr.  Updegraff  and  two  others 
were  severely  wounded.  These  were  all  the  casualties  that  be 
fell  the  Free-State  men  in  the  actual  fighting;  and  Brown 
states  that  they  occurred  "before  the  fight  began" ;  by  which 
he  meant,  before  he  arrived  upon  the  scene,  which  was  at  the 
time  Parsons  met  Cline  retiring  in  disorder  from  the  field. 
None  of  Brown's  men  was  hit  while  fighting.  One  of  them, 
Geo.  W.  Partridge,  was  killed  in  the  retreat  while  crossing  the 
river.  It  seems  therefore,  that  Brown  arrived  late  in  the  en 
gagement  and  that  he,  very  wisely,  attempted  nothing  "more 
than  to  annoy,  from  the  timber  near  the  town,  into  which  we 
were  all  retreated." 

Comment  or  criticism,  favorable  or  unfavorable,  as  to  what 
John  Brown  did  or  did  not  do  in  this  fight  is  equally  unim 
portant.  Brown's  men  were  not  a  military  company  organized 
for  the  defense  of  Osawatomie.  They  were  a  gang  of  "rustlers," 
as  cattle  thieves  are  sometimes  called.  Such  organizations  are 
not  under  obligations  to  fight  anybody;  and  they  do  not  fight, 
except  as  their  personal  interests  or  advantage  may  seem  to  re 
quire  at  the  time.  In  this  case  the  prospects  for  defeating 
Reid's  command  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  getting  his 
horses,  and  saving  their  own  plunder,  were  so  unfavorable,  that 
Brown  and  his  men  were  justified  in  getting  away  from  the 
trouble  as  best  they  could ;  and  that  is  what  they  did,  leaving 
the  town  to  be  pillaged  and  burned  by  Reid's  army.  That 
"they  stood  not  upon  the  order  of  their  going"  is  evident  from 
the  fact  that  Brown  lost  his  hat  while  making  good  his  escape 
from  the  trouble.  Of  this  incident  Sarah  Brown  says : 

On  the  day  that  my  brother  Frederick  was  killed  near 

Osawatomie,  my  father  lost  his  hat  in  fighting.191 

General  Reid's  estimate  of  the  battle  as  quoted  by  Mr.  Vil- 
191  Sanborn,  322. 


170  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

lard,191a  is  perhaps  more  nearly  the  truth:  "Merely  the 
driving  out  of  a  flock  of  quail."  And  it  may  be  truthfully 
said  that  some  of  the  birds  flew  as  far  as  Lawrence,  before 
alighting;  "indeed,  Bondi,  Benjamin  and  Hawes  set  off  at 
once  for  Lawrence  and  so  by  himself  did  Holmes."  192  As  for 
Brown,  he  went  deep  into  the  friendly  brush  and  hid.  To  a 
legislative  committee,  February  18,  1857,  he  read,  from  a  pre 
pared  address,  that  about  the  first  of  September  he  was  "obliged 
to  lie  on  the  ground,  without  shelter,  for  a  considerable  time; 
and  at  times  almost  in  a  state  of  starvation,  and  dependent  on 
the  charity  of  a  Christian  Indian." 

Brown's  son  Frederick  was  killed  by  the  Rev.  Martin  White, 
who  was  with  the  patrol  that  was  scouting  the  head  of  Reid's 
column  as  it  approached  Osawatomie.  Frederick  had  come 
from  Lawrence  the  day  before  with  Hawes.  The  two  stopped 
\  over  night  at  the  Carr  cabin,  adjoining  his  uncle  Adair's  place, 
v  where  they  had  left  their  horses.  Frederick  arose  early  to  feed 
them,  and  noticing  two  or  three  mounted  men  approaching, 
walked  out  to  see  who  they  were.  The  parson  knew  him,  and 
recognized  him  as  being  one  of  a  party  that  had  raided  his 
home,  and  his  stables,  on  the  night  of  August  13th,  whereupon 
he  shot  him  through  the  heart  as  he  stood  in  the  road.  Mr. 
Villard  treats  this  incident  facetiously.  He  says : 1S 

Thus  on  August  13th,  the  home  of  the  Rev.  Martin  White 
was  raided  by  Free- State  men,  among  them  James  H. 
Holmes,  and  ten  pro-slavery  horses  were  weaned  from  their 
allegiance  to  a  wicked  and  failing  cause.  White,  a  preju 
diced  witness,  asserted  that  the  horses  were  laden  with 
plunder,  but  upon  this  point  the  memories  of  Holmes  and 
Bondi,  both  participants,  failed  them. 
Continuing  he  says : 193a 

191*  Villard,  246. 
is2  Villard,  247. 
193  Villard,  234. 
i93a  villard,  242. 


OSAWATOMIE  171 

White  pretended  to  recognize  the  boots  on  Brown  as  a 
pair  stolen  from  his  son  in  the  raid  upon  White;  but  there 
is  no  evidence  to  show  that  Frederick  Brown  was  at  that 
time  elsewhere  than  in  Lawrence. 

It  may  be  said  with  equal  irrelevancy,  that  there  is  no  evi 
dence  to  show  that  Frederick  was  elsewhere  than  in  the  raid. 
The  author  knows,  or  ought  to  know,  the  exact  facts  concern 
ing  that  feature  of  this  deplorable  incident.  He  could  have  ob 
tained  the  information  from  Holmes,  one  of  the  principals,  or 
from  others  whom  he  met,  who  had  knowledge  of  the  facts. 
However,  it  is  probable  that  Frederick  was  a  party  to  this  rob 
bery.  He  returned  to  Kansas  with  his  father  from  Nebraska 
City.  "Frederick  felt,"  according  to  the  testimony  of  Henry 
Thompson,  "that  Pottawatomie  bound  him  to  Kansas.  He 
did  not  wish  to  leave.  He  felt  that  a  great  crime  had  been  com 
mitted  and  that  he  should  go  back  to  Kansas  and  live  it  out."  194 
August  10th,  father  and  son  arrived  at  Topeka  and  disappeared. 
But  since  Osawatomie  was  the  field  of  their  prospective  opera 
tions,  and  robbery  the  purpose  for  which  they  intended  to  enter 
it,  Frederick  probably  went  direct  from  Topeka  to  Osawatomie, 
and  participated,  with  Holmes  and  Bondi,  in  an  outrage  for 
which  he  paid  the  forfeit  of  his  life.  His  presence  in  the  rob 
bery  is  not  the  only  probability  in  the  case.  The  stolen  stuff 
had  to  be  sold  somewhere,  and,  because  of  his  experience  in  the 
business,  and  his  knowledge  of  how  to  do  such  things,  it  is 
quite  probable  that  after  raiding  the  parson's  and  other  homes, 
he  went  north  with  the  horses  that  had  been  stolen,  and  dis 
posed  of  them,  and  had  just  returned  with  the  proceeds,  August 
29th,  for  another  consignment  of  horses ;  or,  possibly,  to  drive 
the  cattle,  which  his  father  was  to  steal  during  his  absence,  to 
their  destination. 

The  death  of  Frederick  was  the  beginning  of  the  utter  col 
lapse  and  failure  of  Brown's  "get-rich-quick"  expedition.  His 

194  Villard,  224. 


\ 


172  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

camp  was  raided  a  few  hours  later,  and  his  property  —  the  cattle 
and  other  loot  of  the  recent  foray,  and  probably  the  four  mule 
team  and  provisions  —  was  all  taken  by  the  enemy.  "The  horses 
and  cattle,  at  hand,  were  gathered  up  and  carried  off,  including 
Cline's  booty  from  South  Middle  Creek."  195 

The  statement  put  forth,  that  after  the  battle  Brown  "en 
camped"  several  days  on  the  Houser  farm,  about  two  and  one- 
half  miles  from  Osawatomie,  and  attempted  to  fortify  it,196  is 
merely  trifling  with  history.  Aside  from  his  personal  state 
ment  that  he  was  hiding,  and  starving,  during  this  time,  it  fol 
lows,  logically,  that  if  Brown  were  human,  and  could  have  ob 
tained  facilities  for  so  doing,  he  would  not  have  refrained,  until 
September  7th,  from  writing  to  his  wife  at  North  Elba,  the  sad 
news  concerning  the  death  of  their  son.  And  further,  if  John 
Brown  had  believed  that  his  relation  to  this  battle  was  honor 
able,  and  that  the  part  which  he  had  performed  in  it  was  in  any 
sense  heroic  or  creditable,  he  would  not  have  concealed  him 
self  and  the  facts  concerning  his  heroism  from  the  public  for 
eight  days.  It  appears  that  Brown  arrived  bare-headed  at  the 
Adair  home  on  the  evening  of  the  30th,  saw  the  dead  body  of 
his  son,  took  his  cap,  and  disappeared,  leaving  the  burial  of  the 
body  to  be  attended  to  by  others.197  The  truth  seems  to  be  that 
he  was  ashamed  because  of  his  disgraceful  conduct;  and  terror 
stricken  because  of  the  calamities  which  he  had  brought  upon 
the  people  of  the  ill-fated  town  ;  and  that  he  slunk  out  of  sight  and 
hid  to  avoid  arrest,  and  the  public  condemnation  that  was  his 
due.  But  when  at  Lawrence,  Bondi,  Benjamin,  and  Holmes 
gave  out  their  exaggerations  concerning  the  battle,  but  noth 
ing  about  the  robberies;  and  told  of  their  personal  prowess 
in  the  engagement,  and  of  their  leader's  heroism  (  ?)  therein; 
and  when  Brown  discovered  that  his  band  of  thieves  had  come 
to  be  recognized  as  a  military  organization  ;  and  that  he,  the 


246 

196Villard.  235. 
197  Hinton,  John  Brown  and  His  Men,  696. 


OSAWATOMIE  173 

Loki  of  Osawatomie,  had  become  the  "Hero  of  Osawatomie"  ; 
then,  and  not  till  then,  came  he  out  of  hiding,  and  affirmed 
what  had  been  put  forth  by  his  men  concerning  him,  and  accepted 
the  honors  which  were  accordingly  thrust  upon  him. 

With  these  September  days  came  the  climax  of  the  aggressive 
Free-State  campaign.  Also,  came  the  collapse  of  the  pro- 
slavery  effort  to  fasten  slavery  upon  Kansas  by  force  of  arms. 
Lawrence  was  the  headquarters  for  the  Free-State  men,  and 
their  activities  gave  to  the  place  an  atmosphere  of  war.  Lane 
led  an  expedition  against  Atchison's  army  which  he  encoun 
tered  at  Bull  Creek.  September  7th,  the  day  Brown  arrived 
from  Osawatomie,  an  expedition  was  launched  against  Leaven- 
worth,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  James  A.  Harvey,  but 
it  was  ordered  back  to  Lawrence,  by  General  Lane,  before  it  ar 
rived  at  its  destination.  On  September  9th,  General  John  W. 
Geary  arrived  in  the  Territory.  He  had  been  appointed  Ter 
ritorial  Governor  to  succeed  Governor  Shannon. 

"Almost  simultaneously  with  Harvey's  movements,  Aaron 
D.  Stevens,  alias  Charles  Whipple,  raided  Osawkie,  a  pro- 
slavery  settlement,  taking  eighty  horses  and  nearly  as  many 
arms."  198  Falling  back  from  the  front  of  Atchison's  army  at 
Bull  Creek,  Lane  personally  led  an  attack  upon  Hickory  Point, 
and  finding  the  pro-slavery  men  too  strong,  sent  to  Lawrence 
for  assistance.  "Whipple  and  fifty  men  responded;  but  on 
their  arrival  Lane  wanted  Bickerton's  cannon,  and  sent  to  Law 
rence  for  it."  Colonel  Harvey,  who  had  just  got  back  from 
the  Leavenworth  campaign,  also  went  to  his  assistance,  arriving 
on  the  14th.  Lane  in  the  meantime  had  abandoned  the  siege, 
but  Harvey  attacked  them  at  once,  and  after  a  spirited  fight 
captured  the  force.  His  loss  was  five  men  wounded.  The  pro- 
slavery  loss  was  one  man  killed  and  four  wounded.  There  was 
no  robbery  involved  in  this  battle.199  Later,  Captain  Wood, 


254. 
199Villard,  756. 


174  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

United  States  Army,  met  and  captured  one  hundred  of  Har 
vey's  men  including  their  arms,  and  the  cannon. 

The  withdrawal  of  Lane  from  Lawrence,  with  a  large  portion 
of  the  organized  Free-State  forces,  left  the  town  quite  unpre 
pared  to  resist  the  advance  against  it  by  General  Atchison's 
army,  which  arrived  at  Franklin  on  the  13th.  This  was  the  most 
formidable  force  that  had  ever  invaded  the  Territory.  It  com 
prised,  at  this  time,  twenty-seven  hundred  men,  including  a 
battery  of  artillery.  The  principal  subordinate  commanders 
were  Generals  John  W.  Reid,  B.  F.  Stringfellow,  W.  A.  Has- 
kell,  and  J.  W.  Whitfield.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  14th, 
Atchison  made  a  reconnoissance,  his  advance  guard  drawing 
the  fire  of  the  Free-State  pickets  in  front  of  Lawrence.  His 
attack  upon  the  town  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  was  pre 
vented  by  the  armed  intervention  of  the  Federal  Government. 
During  the  night  of  the  14th,  detachments  of  United  States 
cavalry  and  artillery  arrived  at  Lawrence,  and  took  up  posi 
tions  to  defend  the  town.  The  Territorial  Governor,  Geary, 
appeared  upon  the  scene  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  and,  pro 
ceeding  to  Atchison's  camp,  notified  him  that  he  could  proceed 
no  farther.  This  forceful  intervention  was  fatal  to  the  pro-slav 
ery  propaganda.  Upon  receiving  the  Governor's  ultimatum,  the 
pro-slavery  leaders  disbanded  their  army  and  gave  up  the  strug 
gle.  Geary's  interference  was  not  wholly  unexpected.  The 
"hand  writing"  had  heretofore  been  seen  "upon  the  wall."  Be 
fore  Atchison's  advance  upon  Lawrence,  a  South  Carolinian, 
connected  with  the  invading  army,  stated  the  situation  in  this 
way :  "And  why  should  we  remain  ?  We  cannot  fight,  and  of 
course,  cannot  prevent  our  enemy  from  voting.  The  object  of 
our  mission  will  then,  of  course,  be  defeated  and  we  had  as  well 
return."  20° 

r    Brown  was  well  received  by  the  Free-State  leaders,  on  his 
arrival  at  Lawrence.     He  was  fresh  from  the  "bloody  field  of 

2°°Villard,  260. 


OSAWATOMIE  175 

Osawatomie."  He  gave  his  story  to  the  press,  and  posed  as  the 
hero  of  a  splendidly  fought  battle  against  odds  of  nearly  ten  to 
one ;  and,  although  defeated,  had  inflicted  heavy  losses  upon  the 
enemy. 

After  his  arrival,  the  Sunday  morning  council  reassem 
bled,  and  decided  on  the  movement  against  Leavenworth. 
Most  of  the  men  thereupon  offered  the  command  to  John 
Brown,  a  responsibility  he  declined,  out  of  deference  to  other 
leaders,  and  it  was  then  entrusted  to  Colonel  James  A.  Har 
vey.201 

Referring  to  the  defense  of  Lawrence,  Mr.  Villard  says,  with 
reference  to  September  14th : 

But  the  day  before  Lieutenant  Colonel  Johnston's  arrival, 
these  amateur  fortifications  were  rilled  with  very  earnest 
Free-Soil  men,  ready  to  defend  Lawrence  at  any  cost.  In 
the  absence  of  Lane,  the  command  was  as  much  in  the  hands 
of  Major  J.  B.  Abbott  and  Captain  Joseph  Cracklin  of  the 
"Stubbs"  as  of  any  one  else.  Some  partisans  of  John  Brown 
have  attempted  to  prove  that  he  was  in  command,  but  the  evi 
dence  is  conclusive  that  he  declined  Major  Abbott's  offer  of 
the  command  of  a  company,  and  then,  at  his  request,  went 
from  one  of  the  "forts"  to  another,  encouraging  the  men, 
urging  them  to  fire  low,  and  giving  them  such  military  in 
formation  as  was  his,  everywhere,  according  to  Major  Ab 
bott,  with  excellent  results.202 

Of  the  invaders,  Mr.  Villard  says : 202a 

They  had  with  them  no  less  than  twenty-seven  hundred 
men,  some  of  them  completely  uniformed  and  well  equipped. 
Besides  infantry  and  cavalry,  there  was  a  six-pounder  bat 
tery;  in  all  a  remarkably  strong  force.  Its  advance  guard 
had  come  in  sight  of  the  men  on  guard  at  Lawrence  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  14th,  and  after  an  hour's  shooting  at  long 

201  Villard,  254. 

202  Villard,  258. 
202a  Villard,  257 


176  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

range,  the  Missourians  had  retired  upon  Franklin.  Natur 
ally  the  people  of  Lawrence  were  in  great  alarm ;  few  were 
able  to  sleep  that  night,  remembering  as  they  did,  Atchison's 
last  visit  to  their  town.  There  was,  therefore,  general  re 
joicing  when,  on  the  next  morning,  Lieut.  Col.  Johnston's 
troops  were  found  to  be  encamped  on  Mount  Oread,  the  hill 
overlooking  Lawrence,  where  they  had  arrived  during  the 
night. 

The  people  of  Lawrence  might  well  be  in  a  state  of  alarm 
during  the  night  of  the  14th,  believing  that  with  the  dawn  of 
the  15th,  Atchison's  guns  would  open  upon  the  town.  But 
Brown  was  not  there  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  to  help  meet 
the  shock  of  the  impending  battle.  True  to  the  mercenary 
character  of  his  conduct,  lie  declined  all  offers  of  command  on 
the  14th,  and  left  the  town  to  its  fate,  going  to  the  home,  in  the 
country,  of  Augustus  Wattles.203 

Upon  assuming  control  of  affairs  as  Territorial  Governor, 
General  Geary  released  the  Free-State  leaders  who  had  been  ar 
rested  and  held  as  prisoners  at  Lecompton  during  the  later 
months  of  Governor  Shannon's  administration,  an  act  that 
caused  great  rejoicing  at  Lawrence. 

On  the  13th,  Charles  Robinson  addressed  the  following  letter 
to  Brown : 

Lawrence,  September  13,  1856. 
CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN  : 

Dear  Sir :  Governor  Geary  has  been  here  and  talks  very 
well.  He  promises  to  protect  us,  etc.  There  will  be  no  at 
tempt  to  arrest  anyone  for  a  few  days,  and  I  think  no  attempt 
to  arrest  you  is  contemplated  by  him.  He  talks  of  letting  the 
past  be  forgotten,  so  far  as  may  be,  and  of  commencing  anew. 
If  convenient,  can  you  not  come  to  town  and  see  us  ?  I  will 
then  tell  you  all  that  the  Governor  said,  and  talk  of  some  other 
matters.  Very  respectfully,  C.  ROBINSON 

In  response  to  this  letter,  Brown  called  upon  the  Governor  on 

Villard,  673. 


OSAWATOMIE  177 

the  14th;  told  him  the  story  of  his  "defense"  of  Osawatomie, 
and  obtained  from  him  the  following  beautiful  letter: 204 

Lawrence,  Sept.  14,  1856. 
CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN. 

My  Dear  Sir:  I  take  this  opportunity  to  express  to  you 
my  sincere  gratification  that  the  late  report,  that  you  were 
killed,  at  the  battle  of  Osawatomie,  is  incorrect.  Your  course, 
so  far  as  I  have  been  informed,  has  been  such  as  to  merit  the 
highest  praise  from  every  patriot,  and  I  cheerfully  accord  to 
you  my  heartfelt  thanks  for  your  prompt,  efficient,  and  timely 
action  against  the  invaders  of  our  rights  and  the  murderers 
of  our  citizens.  History  will  give  your  name  a  proud  place 
in  her  pages  and  posterity  will  pay  homage  to  your  heroism 
in  the  cause  of  God  and  humanity. 

Trusting  that  you  will  conclude  to  remain  in  Kansas,  and 
serve  during  the  war,  the  cause  you  have  done  so  much  to 
sustain,  and  with  earnest  prayers  for  your  health,  and  pro 
tection  from  the  shafts  of  death  that  so  thickly  beset  your 
path.  I  subscribe  myself, 

Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

C.  ROBINSON. 

But  Brown  was  seeking  neither  honors  nor  honorable  men 
tion  for  honorable  purposes;  he  sought  only  for  something  of 
commercial  value.  He  wanted  "assistance" ;  something  upon 
which  he  could  work  the  public  for  money.  Robinson,  there 
fore,  addressed  to  him  a  second  letter,  a  letter  of  credit,  as  fol 
lows: 

To  the  Settlers  of  Kansas  — 

If  possible  please  render  Captain  John  Brown  all  the  as 
sistance  he  may  require  in  defending  Kansas  from  invaders 
and  outlaws,  and  you  will  confer  a  favor  upon  your  co-laborer 

and  fellow  citizen.  C.  ROBINSON. 

/ 

Brown  obtained  these  letters  by  dissimulation.  He  took  ad 
vantage  of  the  Governor's  confidence  in  his  statements  and 
deeply  imposed  upon  him.  He  concealed  from  him  the  plans 

204  Sanborn,  330. 


\ 


178  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

which  he  had  formed  for  working  a  colossal  graft  upon  the  Free- 
State  sentiment  in  the  East ;  and  the  fact  that  he  intended  to  use 
these  letters  in  pursuance  of  them.  He  was  equivocal,  too,  as  to 
his  plans  for  leaving  the  Territory.  If  he  had  given  Charles 
Robinson  even  a  hint  that  he  had  been  robbing  the  settlers  in  the 
Osawatomie  district  of  their  horses,  cattle,  and  clothing;  and 
had  thus  provoked  Reid's  descent  upon  the  town,  and  the  burn 
ing  of  it,  as  a  retaliatory  measure,  and  that  he  intended  to  use 
the  letters  he  asked  for  in  grafting  operations,  they  would  not 
have  been  written. 

Brown's  latest  biographer  regards  the  foregoing  letters  of 
special  interest,  because  of  Governor  Robinson's  subsequent 
criticism  of  Brown's  actions  —  assuming  that  the  spirit  of  these 
letters  in  inconsistent  with  his  later  estimate  of  the  rectitude  of 
Brown's  conduct.205  The  point  is  not  well  taken.  The  Gov 
ernor's  endorsement  is,  plainly,  dependent  upon  the  information 
which  he  had  received  relating  to  it.  He  said :  Your  course,  so 
far  as  I  have  been  informed,  has  been  such  as  to  merit  the  high 
est  praise  from  every  patriot,  and  he  then  proceeds  to  state  what 
the  heartfelt  thanks  are  for :  "For  your  prompt,  efficient,  and 
timely  action  against  the  invaders  of  our  right  and  the  murderers 
of  our  citizens."  This  plain  language  cannot  be  distorted  into 
an  approval,  by  the  Governor,  of  Brown's  crimes  in  murdering 
and  plundering  pro-slavery  settlers;  who  came  into  the  Ter 
ritory  to  build  homes  for  their  families,  as  Brown  and  his 
sons  originally  came  to  do ;  and  whose  rights,  as  settlers,  were 
equal  to  those  of  their  Free-State  neighbors.  Equality  of  set 
tlers'  rights,  was  the  basic  principle  of  the  Free-State  conten 
tion.  Robinson  wrote  it  into  the  platform  of  the  party  and  un 
alterably  maintained  it,  to  a  victorious  finish.  The  war  that 
was  being  carried  on  by  the  Free-State  men,  was  directed 
against  the  invasion  of  the  Free-State  settlers'  rights  by  pro- 
slavery  men  who  were  non-residents  of  the  Territory. 
262. 


OSAWATOMIE  179 

John  Brown  remained  at  the  Wattles  farm  until  the  22d. 
Meanwhile  plans  were  matured  for  his  sons,  John  and  Jason, 
and  their  families,  to  quit  the  Territory.  During  the  first  days 
of  October  they  left  Kansas  for  the  East.  Brown's  farewell  is 
recorded  by  Mr.  Villard,  as  follows : 206 

On  departing  from  the  Territory,  Brown  left  the  remainder 
of  his  Osawatomie  volunteer-regular  company  under  the 
command  of  James  H.  Holmes,  with  instructions  to  "carry 
the  war  into  Africa."  This  Holmes  did  by  raiding  into  Mis 
souri  and  appropriating  some  horses  and  arms  and  other 
property,  for  which  he  was  promptly  and  properly  indicted 
and  long  pursued  by  the  Kansas  and  Missouri  authorities. 

The  foregoing  is  the  record,  to  date,  of  John  Brown's  "activ 
ities"  in  Kansas.  The  peace  and  tranquility  of  the  Osawat 
omie  district  to  which  he  came  in  October,  1855,  had  not  there 
tofore  been  disturbed  by  any  distracting  contentions.  The  set 
tlers  were  pursuing  the  even  tenor  of  their  way.  They  were 
comfortable,  prosperous,  and  contented;  living  in  the  security 
vouchsafed,  by  the  usages  of  our  civilization  and  the  laws  of  our 
country,  to  all  of  its  citizens.  They  so  continued  to  live,  during 
a  period  of  eight  months  thereafter,  wholly  unsuspicious  of  the 
designs  their  neighbor,  Brown,  was  maturing  against  their 
peace,  their  property,  and  their  lives. 

From  1854  to  1860,  the  great  political  contest  in  the  country 
was  over  the  question  of  the  extension  of  slavery  into  the  public 
domain.  It  was  the  paramount  issue  in  National  politics.  New 
alignments  were  then  formed  throughout  the  country  in  rela 
tion  to  it,  as  men  were  differently  moved  by  their  sympathies 
or  interests.  In  Kansas,  the  division  in  public  sentiment  was 
more  pronounced  than  elsewhere,  for  reasons  that  have  been 
stated.  Naturally,  the  settlers  in  the  Osawatomie  neighbor 
hood  were  divided  upon  this  political  question ;  but  certainly  not 
with  very  much  greater  intensity  of  feeling  than  this  same 

206  Villard,  261. 


12 


180  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

neighborhood  was  divided  afterward,  upon  the  great  moral 
question  of  prohibition,  or  upon  the  equally  great  economic 
question  of  free-coinage  of  silver.  The  differences  of  opinion 
there  did  not  promote  or  arouse  personal  animosities,  or  bitter 
ness  of  feeling,  among  the  settlers.  Ample  authority  for  this 
conclusion  of  fact  is  found  in  the  letters  written,  at  the  time,  by 
John  Brown  and  others  of  his  family,  and  in  the  statement  which 
he  voluntarily  made  in  1857,  before  a  committee  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  legislature,  heretofore  quoted.  A  large  majority  of 
the  settlers  in  that  district  belonged  to  the  Free-State  party 
which  made  the  security  and  peace  of  the  Free-State  settlers 
complete,  beyond  debate.  These  conditions  of  peace  and  tran- 
quility  continued  undisturbed,  until  the  night  of  May  24,  1856, 
when  John  Brown  opened  his  "school"  of  plunder,  and  cast 
the  baleful  shadow  of  his  presence  upon  the  settlement.  The 
Pottmvatomie  horror  inaugurated  a  season  of  assassination  and 
robbery  unprecedented  in  Kansas  history:  a  period  of  public 
disorder  and  crime,  that  ended  only  when  the  Territory  was 
finally  rid  of  John  Brown  and  his  marauders. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

HYPOCRISY 

He  was  a  man 

Who  stole  the  livery  of  the  court  of  Heaven 
To  serve  the  Devil  in. 

—  POLLOCK,   COURSE  OF  TIME 

JOHN  BROWN  "struck  the  trail"  of  "easy  money"  June  28,  1855, 
when  Gerrit  Smith  presented  his  case  to  the  Syracuse  conven 
tion  and  collected  sixty  dollars  to  assist  him  in  migrating  to 
Kansas.  He  had  followed  it  up  with  profit,  while  en  route 
thereto,  at  Springfield,  Hudson,  Akron,  and  Cleveland.  Now 
he  was  returning  to  the  East  to  work  the  field  again.  It  was 
the  same  graft  which  he  had  theretofore  worked,  but  upon 
greatly  improved  plans  and  along  broader  lines. 

He  had  two  schemes  in  view.  Robinson's  letter  of  Septem 
ber  14th  addressed  "To  the  Settlers  of  Kansas,"  showed  that 
Brown  was  their  accredited  defender  "from  invaders  and  out 
laws."  Under  the  pretext  of  enlisting,  arming,  equipping,  and 
maintaining  in  Kansas,  a  company  of  fifty  mounted  men  to  pro 
tect  the  settlers  from  "invaders  and  outlaws,"  he  intended  to 
try  to  secure  $30,000,  in  cash,  to  finance  the  pretense.  The 
other  scheme  was  to  have  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts 
and  New  York  appropriate  large  sums  of  money  —  $100,000 
each  —  to  reimburse  persons  who  had  emigrated  to  Kansas 
from  these  States,  for  losses  which  they  were  supposed  to  have 
"suffered  in  advancing  the  Free-State  cause."  Naturally, 
Brown  and  all  the  members  of  his  family  were  "sufferers,"  andr-^ 
would  be  eligible  as  beneficiaries  of  this  legislation. 

"The  National  Kansas  Committee"  was  a  company  formed 


182  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

to  promote  emigration  to  Kansas  Territory.  It  was  also  a  sort 
of  clearing-house  for  the  various  committees  which  had  been 
organized  in  the  Northern  States  for  a  similar  purpose.  It  had 
offices  in  New  York,  Chicago,  and  other  places.  Mr.  E.  B. 
Whitman  was  the  resident  agent  of  the  company  in  Kansas,  a 
fact  which  the  Browns  had  not  overlooked. 

That  Brown  had  this  scheme  for  raising  money  in  view  as 
early  as  July,  1856,  appears  from  the  fact  that  before  leaving 
Kansas  with  his  sons,  in  that  month,  he  called  upon  Mr.  Whit 
man,  at  Lawrence,  and  filed  with  him  a  paper  which  was  in 
tended  to  serve  as  the  foundation  of  a  claim  for  reimbursement 
for  such  losses.  It  reads  as  follows : 207 

FOR  MR.  WHITMAN 

Names  of  sufferers  and  persons  who  have  made  sacrifices 
in  endeavoring  to  maintain  and  advance  the  Free-State  cause 
in  Kansas,  within  my  personal  knowledge. 

1.  Two     German     refugees     (thoroughly     Free-State), 
robbed  at  Pottawatomie,  named  Benjamin  and  Bondy  (or 
Bundy ) .     One  has  served  under  me  as  a  volunteer  ;  namely, 
Bondy.     Benjamin  was  prisoner  for  some  time ;  suffered  by 
men  under  Coffee  and  Pate. 

2.  Henry   Thompson.     Devoted   several   months   to   the 
Free-State  cause,  traveling  nearly  two  thousand  miles  at  his 
own  expense  for  the  purpose,  leaving  family  and  business  for 
about  one  year.     Served  under  me  as  a  volunteer ;  was  dan 
gerously  wounded  at  Palmyra,  or  Black  Jack;  had  a  bullet 
lodged  beside  his  backbone;  has  had  a  severe  turn  of  fever, 
and  is  still  very  feeble.     Suffered  a  little  in  the  burning  of 
the  houses  of  John  Brown,  Jr.,  and  Jason  Brown. 

3.  John  Jr.  and  Jason  Brown.     Both  burned  out;  both 
prisoners  for  some  time,  one  a  prisoner  still ;  both  losing  the 
use  of  valuable,  partially  improved  claims.     Both  served  re 
peatedly  as  volunteers  for  defense  of  Lawrence  and  other 
places,  suffering  great  hardships  and  some  cruelty. 


207Sanborn,  241. 


HYPOCRISY  18/j 

4.  Owen  and  Frederick  Brown.     Both  served  at  differ 
ent  periods  as  volunteers,  under  me.     Were  both  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Palmyra ;  both  suffered  by  the  burning  of  their  broth 
ers'  houses;  both  have  had  sickness  (Owen  a  severe  one), 
and  are  yet  feeble.     Both  lost  the  use  of  partially  improved 
claims  and  their  spring  and  summer  work. 

5.  Salmon  Brown  (minor).     Twice  served  under  me  as 
a  volunteer;  was  dangerously  wounded  (if  not  permanently 
crippled)  by  accident  near  Palmyra;  had  a  severe  sickness 
and  is  still  feeble. 

6.  Oliver  Brown  (minor).     Served  under  me  as  a  vol 
unteer  for  some  months ;  was  in  the  battle  of  Palmyra,  and 
had  some  sickness. 

7.  (B.  L.)  Cochrane  (at  Pottawatomie).     Twice  served 
under  me  as  a  volunteer ;  was  in  the  battle  of  Palmyra. 

8.  Dr.  Lucius  Mills  devoted  some  months  to  the  I-Yee- 
State  cause,  collecting  and  giving  information,  prescribing 
for  and  nursing  the  sick  and  wounded  at  his  own  cost.     Is  a 
worthy  Free-State  man. 

9.  John  Brown  has  devoted  the  service  of  himself  and 
two  minor  sons  to  the  Free-State  cause  for  more  than  a  year ; 
suffered  by  the  fire  before  named  and  by  robbery ;  has  gone 
at  his  own  cost  for  that  period,  except  that  he  and  his  com 
pany  together  have  received  forty  dollars  in  cash,  two  sacks 
of  flour,  thirty  five  pounds  of  bacon,  thirty  five  do.  of  sugar, 
and  twenty  pounds  of  rice. 

I  propose  to  serve  hereafter  in  the  Free-State  cause  (pro 
vided  my  needful  expenses  can  be  met)  should  they  be  de 
sired  ;  and  to  raise  a  small  regular  force  to  serve  on  the  same 
condition.  My  own  means  are  so  far  exhausted  that  I  can 
no  longer  continue  in  the  service  at  present  without  the 
means  of  defraying  my  expenses  are  furnished  me. 

I  can  give  the  names  of  some  five  or  six  more  volunteers 
of  special  merit  I  would  be  glad  to  have  particularly  noticed 
in  some  way.  J.  BROWN 

When  one  considers  the  life  Brown  had  been  leading  and  the 
nature  of  the  atrocities  which  he  had  committed,  this  proposal 


1\%4  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

to  ask  for  compensation  therefor  is  a  piece  of  effrontery :  a  good 
exhibit  of  sublime  gall.  Also,  his  ultimatum  therein  is  de 
serving  of  consideration.  In  it  he  demands,  as  a  condition 
precedent  to  the  rendering  of  any  further  service  in  the  Free- 
State  cause,  that  he  have  an  assurance  that  he  and  his  sons 
would  be  paid  for  such  services.  This  demand  further  dis 
closes  the  fact  that  the  energies  which  Brown  was  putting  forth 
were  not  a  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  men  in  bondage,  but 
that  he  sought  to  work  a  personal  and  family  graft  upon  Free- 
State  sentiment  of  the  country. 

During  February,  1857,  Brown  had  a  bill  prepared  and  in 
troduced  in  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  to  appropriate 
$100,000,  as  a  contingent  fund,  to  relieve  the  distress  of  set 
tlers  in  Kansas.  And  on  the  18th  of  that  month  he  and  Mr. 
Whitman  appeared  before  the  committee,  having  charge  of  the 
bill,  to  urge  its  passage. 

Brown  arrived  at  Tabor,  Iowa,  en  route  to  the  East,  October 
10th.  On  the  23d  he  was  at  Chicago,  where  he  was  well  re 
ceived  by  the  National  Kansas  Committee.  At  this  time  it  was 
moving  a  lot  of  supplies  —  two  hundred  Sharp's  rifles,  a  brass 
cannon,  ammunition,  clothing,  etc.  —  across  Iowa  to  Kansas, 
under  the  direction  of  Dr.  J.  P.  Root.  The  committee  asked 
Brown  to  return  and  accompany  the  train  to  its  destination. 
He,  however,  advised  the  management  to  stop  the  train,  and  not 
attempt  to  enter  Kansas  with  it;  saying  that  "The  immediate 
introduction  of  the  supplies  is  not  of  much  consequence  com 
pared  to  the  danger  of  losing  them."  His  remark  had  refer 
ence  to  the  efficient  measures  which  Governor  Geary  had 
adopted  to  put  an  end  to  the  lawlessness  which  was  prevailing 
in  the  Territory  at  the  time  he  assumed  his  official  duties. 
Brown  went  with  Root  as  far  as  Tabor,  Iowa,  where  the  sup 
plies  were  stored,  to  await  further  developments. 

Leaving  Tabor,  he  passed  through  Chicago  about  the  first  of 
December.  In  Ohio,  upon  presenting  his  letters  from  Gov- 


HYPOCRISY  185 

ernor  Robinson  to  Governor  Chase,  he  received  from  him  an 
additional  letter  of  commendation,  for  use  in  Ohio,  and  twenty- 
five  dollars  in  cash.  Thus  encouraged,  he  pushed  on,  stopping 
at  various  places  on  the  way,  soliciting  money,  and  arriving  in 
Boston  about  January  1,  1857.  There  the  congratulatory  let 
ters  which  he  had  in  his  possession  were  of  inestimable  value  to 
him.  It  was  through  them  that  he  succeeded  in  establishing 
relations  with  men  of  ample  means  and  of  high  character,  who, 
by  their  generous  contributions  of  money,  and  by  their  moral 
support,  enabled  him  to  work  out  his  schemes  to  their  logical 
conclusions. 

In  Boston,  Brown  met  Mr.  Frank  B.  Sanborn,  a  young  man 
but  a  year  and  a  half  out  of  Harvard,  who  was  then  secretary 
of  the  Massachusetts  State  Kansas  Committee.  "He  was  on 
fire  for  the  anti-slavery  cause,  and  ready  to  worship  any  of  its 
militant  leaders."  208  Brown,  being  a  militant  leader,  made  a 
deep  impression  upon  this  susceptible  young  enthusiast,  who  re 
ported  his  find  to  Mr.  Thomas  Wentworth  Higginson,  "the 
fighting  young  Unitarian  Parson  of  Worcester,"  in  a  letter,  as 
follows : 209 

"Old  Brown"  of  Kansas  is  now  in  Boston,  with  one  of  his 
sons,  working  for  an  object  in  which  you  will  heartily  sym 
pathize —  raising  and  arming  a  company  of  men  for  the 
future  protection  of  Kansas.  He  wishes  to  raise  $30,000  to 
arm  a  company,  such  as  he  thinks  he  can  raise  this  present 
winter,  but  will,  as  I  understand  him,  take  what  money  he  can 
raise  and  use  it  as  far  as  it  will  go.  Can  you  not  come  to 
Boston  tomorrow  or  next  day  and  see  Capt.  Brown  ?  If  not, 
please  indicate  when  you  will  be  in  Worcester,  so  he  can  see 
you.  I  like  the  man  from  what  I  have  seen  —  and  his  deeds 
ought  to  bear  witness  for  him. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  was  to  be  a  cash  transaction :  he 
will  "take  what  money  he  can  raise  and  use  it  as  far  as  it  will 

208Villard,  271. 
209  Ibid. 


186  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

go."  Most  persons  will  scan  this  proposal  with  grave  suspi 
cion,  it  bears  so  prominently  the  brand  of  the  faker ;  but  it  will 
\  create  no  surprise  in  the  minds  of  those  who  are  familiar  with 
Brown xs  criminal  conduct  while  in  commercial  life,  and  with 
his  career  of  murder  and  robbery  and  association  with  thieves 
in  Kansas. 

In  his  enthusiasm  for  his  Kansas  hero,  Mr.  Sanborn  led 
Brown,  as  the  Psalmist  had  been  led,  "into  green  pastures  and 
beside  the  still  waters."  Through  him  he  met  Dr.  Samuel  G. 
Howe,  Patrick  Tracy  Jackson,  George  L.  Stearns,  Dr.  Samuel 
Cabot,  Judge  Thomas  Russell,  Wendell  Phillips,  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  Henry  D.  Thoreau,  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson,  and  other 
notable  persons,  all  of  whom  were  intensely  interested  in  the 
paramount  political  question  of  the  day,  and  especially  in  the 
contest  going  on  in  Kansas  to  make  it  a  Free  State.  His  East 
ern  campaign  opened  auspiciously.  As  the  popular  leader  of  a 
popular  cause,  he  struck  the  popular  fancy.  He  presented  him 
self  to  the  public,  "modestly,"  as  being  the  leader  of  the  "fight 
ing"  forces  of  the  Territory;  and  as  havmg"come  from  the 
"front"  to  organize  a  more  effective  force,  in  order  that  he 
might  render  still  more  efficient  services.  January  7th,  armed 
with  his  congratulatory  letter  from  Governor  Robinson,  he 
called  upon  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence,  who  wrote  of  him,  admir 
ingly,  as  follows : 

Captain  Brown,  the  old  partisan  hero  of  Kansas  warfare, 
came  to  see  me.  I  had  a  long  talk  with  him.  He  is  a  calm, 
temperate,  and  pious  man.  but  when  roused  he  is  a  dreadful 
foe.  He  appears  about  sixty  years  old.  His  severe  sim 
plicity  of  habits,  his  determined  energy,  his  heroic  courage 
in  time  of  trial,  all  based  on  a  deep  religious  faith,  make  him 
a  true  representative  of  the  Puritanic  warrior.  I  knew  him 
before  he  went  to  Kansas,  and  have  known  more  of  him 
since,  and  should  esteem  the  loss  of  his  service,  from  poverty, 
or  any  other  cause,  almost  irreparable. 

Mr.  Stearns,  too,  was  deeply  impressed  with  his  "sagacity, 


HYPOCRISY  187 

courage,  and  strong  integrity."  He  had  him  dine  with  him  at 
his  home  on  Sunday,  January  llth.  Brown  sought,  on  this 
occasion,  to  advance  his  personal  fortunes  by  discrediting 
Charles  Robinson  and  other  Free-State  leaders.  Measured  by 
his  standard  they  were  a  collection  of  incompetents.  He  ex 
alted  Martin  F.  Conway  as  the  best  of  them,  but  characterized 
him  as  "lacking  in  force."  Naturally,  if  the  best  of  them  lacked 
force,  there  was  an  emergency  to  get  Brown  back  to  the  Terri 
tory  as  speedily  as  possible.  It  became  clear  to  Mr.  Stearns's 
mind  that  it  was  the  general  incompetency  and  inefficiency  of 
the  men  in  control  of  affairs  in  Kansas,  their  cowardice  and 
consequent  inability  to  "protect"  the  settlers,  that  impelled 
Brown  to  come  East  and  raise  money  to  equip  a  force  to  pro 
tect  them.  He  therefore  determined  "to  do  everything  in  his 
power  to  get  him  the  arms  and  money  he  desired." 

Mr.  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  also,  was  very  much  taken  with 
him.  "They  discussed  peace  and  non-resistance  together. 
Brown  quoting  the  Old  Testament  against  Garrison's  citations 
of  the  New,  and  Parker,  from  time  to  time,  injecting  a  bit  of 
Lexington  into  the  controversy,  which  attracted  a  small  group 
of  interested  listeners."  21° 

The  first  result  of  his  newly  formed  relations  was  a  contribu 
tion  to  him  of  two  hundred  Sharp's  rifles,  four  thousand  ball 
cartridges,  and  thirty  thousand  percussion  caps,  made  by  the 
"Massachusetts  State  Kansas  Committee."  These  were  the 
arms  which  Brown  had  stored  at  Tabor.  The  committee  also 
voted  him  a  credit  of  $500  for  expenses.  The  Massachusetts 
Kansas  Committee  originally  purchased  the  arms,  and  had 
turned  them  over  to  the  National  Kansas  Committee,  under 
whose  control  they  then  were. 

Before  the  latter  committee,  at  its  offices  in  the  Astor  House, 
New  York,  Brown  appeared,  January  24th,  and  presented  his 
case.  He  asked  for  the  arms,  and  for  the  moderate  sum  of 

-i°Villard,  272. 


188  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

$5,000,  cash.  But  this  committee  had  taken  pains  to  inform 
itself,  through  its  general  agent,  Mr.  Arny,  with  reference  to 
conditions  existing  in  Kansas.  The  directors,  therefore,  were 
not  nearly  so  susceptible  as  were  the  more  impulsive  people  of 
the  Massachusetts  Committee.  They  wanted  to  know  some 
thing  about  the  nature  of  the  project  which  they  were  being 
asked  to  finance,  and  hoped  that  Brown  would  make  a  more 
specific  and  definite  declaration.  They  wanted  to  know  what 
the  cost  of  the  equipment,  for  the  defenders  he  talked  about, 
would  amount  to,  and  called  for  a  list  of  the  articles  which  he 
needed,  with  an  estimate  of  the  cost  of  each ;  and  wanted  to  know 
what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  company  after  it  was  organized. 
And  then  they  asked  another  very  relevant  question :  what  he 
intended  to  do  with  the  five  thousand  dollars  he  wanted  them 
to  give  him.  Brown's  scheme  was  a  personal  matter,  and  to 
have  answered  these  questions,  and  others  that  would  have, 
logically,  followed,  would  have  caused  him  some  embarrass 
ment.  He  therefore  denied  their  right  to  inquire  into  the  pri 
vacy  of  his  affairs.  He  wanted  five  thousand  dollars  flat ;  with 
no  questions  asked;  and  rising  to  the  height  of  the  occasion, 
put  on  a  bold  front,  and  refused  to  be  interrogated.  He  said : 211 

I  am  no  adventurer.  You  all  know  me.  You  know  what 
I  have  done  in  Kansas.  I  do  not  expose  my  plans.  No  one 
knows  them  but  myself,  except  perhaps  one.  I  will  not  be 
interrogated ;  if  you  wish  to  give  me  anything,  I  want  you  to 
give  it  freely.  I  have  no  other  purpose  but  to  serve  the  cause 
of  liberty. 

The  debate  being  thus  closed,  the  National  Committee  then 
settled  the  question  of  the  arms  by  transferring  them  back  to 
the  Massachusetts  Committee;  and  with  admirable  tact,  voted 
the  five  thousand  dollars  conditionally  —  for  "necessary  de 
fensive  purposes  in  aid  of  Captain  John  Brown  in  any  defensive 
measures  that  may  become  necessary."  The  irony  of  the  res 
olution  was  concealed  by  an  order  authorizing  him  to  draw 

211  Mason  Report,  245.     Testimony  of  H.  B.  Kurd. 


HYPOCRISY  189 

upon  the  committee  for  five  hundred  dollars  at  any  time.  But 
he  received  no  part  of  it,  until  he  showed,  by  his  actions,  that  he 
intended  to  return  to  Kansas. 

The  committee  penetrated  the  veneer  that  disguised  Brown's 
hypocrisy,  and  refused  to  put  any  money  whatever  into  his 
hands.  After  the  adjournment,  he  made  up  a  list  of  the  articles 
that  he  thought  he  would  need,  which  he  handed  to  Mr.  Horace 
White,  assistant  secretary.  It  reads  as  follows  : 

Memorandum  of  aricles  wanted  as  an  Outfit  for  Fifty  Vol 
unteers  to  serve  under  my  direction  during  the  Kansas  war : 
or  for  such  specified  time  as  they  may  each  enlist  for:  to 
gether  with  estimated  cost  of  same  delivered  in  Lawrence  or 
Topeka.212 

2  substantial  (but  not  heavy)  baggage  waggons 

with  good  covers $    200.00 

4  good  serviceable  waggon  Horses        .         .  400.00 

2  sets  strong  plain  Harness  .         .         .         .  50.00 

100  good  heavy  Blankets  say  at  2.  or  2.50     .  200.00 

8  Substantial  large  sized  Tents    .         .         .  100.00 

8  Large  Camp  Kettles 12.00 

50  Tin  basins 5.00 

4  Plain  strong  Saddles  &  Bridles  .         .         .  80.00 

4  picket  ropes  and  pins        .         .         .         .  3.00 

8  Wooden  Pails 4.00 

8  axes  and  Helves 12.00 

8  Frying  pans  (large  Size)  ....  8.00 

8  Large  sized  Coffee  Pots    .         .         .         .  10.00 

8      do      do     Spiders  or  Bake  Ovens    .         .  10.00 

8      do      do     Tin  Pans        .         .         .         .  6.00 

12  Spades  &  Shovels 18.00 

6  Mattocks 6.00 

2  Weeks  provisions  for  Men  &  Horses  .         .  150.00 

Fund  for  Horse  hire  &  feed,  loss  &  damage  of 
same  500.00 


$1,774.00 


Original  in  files  of  Kansas  Historical   Society. 


190  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

There  was  a  very  handsome  margin  for  profits  between 
$30,000,  his  original  estimate  of  what  he  would  require  to  "arm 
and  equip  a  company  such  as  he  thought  he  could  raise  this 
present  winter"  and  his  final  estimate  —  $1,774.  But  that  is 
not  material;  Brown  was  simply  working  the  field  for  all  the 
money  he  could  get;  as  Mr.  Sanborn  truly  said  "he  will  take 
all  he  can  raise  and  use  it  as  far  as  it  will  go." 

The  National  Committee  voted  $1,774  to  fill  this  requisition, 
but  it  declined  to  give  Brown  the  money  wherewith  to  make  the 
purchases.  He  had  a  right  to  expect  that  the  committee  would 
give  him  this  money,  and  trust  him  to  expend  it  honestly ;  but  it 
ordered  otherwise.  February  18th  Mr.  White  wrote  that  the 
articles  Brown  had  requisitioned  would  be  shipped  the  follow 
ing  week;  and  on  March  21st  he  notified  him  that  he  would 
"shortly  go  to  Kansas  and  work  there  to  fit  him  out  with  all  the 
supplies  he  was  entitled  to  under  the  New  York  resolution."  213 
Brown  was  keenly  disappointed  and  deeply  humiliated  by  the 
actions  of  the  National  Committee;  and  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
William  Barnes,  of  Albany,  April  3d,  gave  expression  to  his  re 
sentment.  He  said : 

I  am  prepared  to  expect  nothing  but  bad  faith  from  the 

Kansas  National  Committee  at  Chicago,  as  I  will  show  you 

hereafter.     This,  for  the  present,  is  confidential.214 

It  was  money  and  not  supplies  that  Brown  was  eager  for  at 
this  period  in  his  operations.  His  plans  did  not  contemplate 
any  defense  of  Kansas.  The  "arming  and  equipping"  of  the 
fifty  men  was  a  deception.  It  was  but  his  stock  in  trade  —  a 
pretext  upon  which  he  solicited  funds.  He,  and  the  kind  of 
men  he  would  have  enlisted,  if  he  enlisted  any,  had  all  the  arms 
they  would  need,  and  stealing  requires  but  little  ammunition. 
In  his  largest  successful  venture  —  the  Pottawatomie  —  but 
one  shot  was  fired,  and  that  one,  as  stated  by  Salmon  Brown, 
,  was  "wholly  unnecessary." 

213Villard,  276. 
214  Ibid. 


HYPOCRISY  191 

February  18,  1857,  was  an  important  day  in  Brown's  calen 
dar.  Mr.  Sanborn  had  prepared  his  bill  to  appropriate  $100,- 
000  to  relieve  the  distress  of  Kansas  settlers.  It  had  been  in 
troduced  in  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  and  referred  to  the 
Joint  Committee  on  Federal  Relations,  before  which  it  was  to 
be  taken  up,  on  that  day,  for  consideration.  Mr.  Sanborn 
stood  sponsor  for  the  measure ;  and  Brown  and  Mr.  Whitman 
appeared  before  the  committee,  as  advocates,  in  support  of  it. 
Introducing  these  two  distinguished  persons  Mr.  Sanborn  said 
in  part:215 

As  one  of  the  petitioners  for  State  aid  to  the  settlers  of 
Kansas,  I  appear  before  you  to  state  briefly  the  purpose  of 
the  petition.  No  labored  argument  seems  necessary;  for 
if  the  events  of  the  last  two  years  in  Kansas,  and  the  prospect 
there  for  the  future,  are  not  of  themselves  enough  to  excite 
Massachusetts  to  action,  certainly  no  words  could  do  so.  We 
have  not  provided  ourselves  with  advocates,  therefore,  but 
with  witnesses ;  and  we  expect  that  the  statements  of  Captain 
Brown  and  Mr.  Whitman  will  show  conclusively  that  the 
rights  and  interests  of  Massachusetts  have  suffered  gross  out 
rage  in  Kansas  —  an  outrage  which  is  likely  to  be  repeated 
unless  measures  are  taken  by  you  to  prevent  so  shameful  an 
abuse.  Your  petitioners  desire  that  a  contingent  appropria 
tion  be  made  by  the  legislature,  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of 
a  commission  of  responsible  and  conservative  men,  and  used 
only  in  case  of  necessity  to  relieve  the  distress  of  the  settlers 
of  Kansas  —  especially  such  as  have  gone  from  our  own 
state.  .  .  We  have  invited  Captain  Brown  and  Mr.  Whit 
man  to  appear  in  our  behalf,  because  these  gentlemen  are 
eminently  qualified  either  to  represent  Massachusetts  in  Kan 
sas,  or  Kansas  in  Massachusetts.  The  best  blood  of  the 
"Mayflower"  runs  in  the  veins  of  both,  and  each  had  an  an 
cestor  in  the  army  of  the  Revolution.  Mr.  Whitman,  sev 
enth  in  descent  from  Miles  Standish,  laid  the  foundation  of 
the  first  church  and  the  first  schoolhouse  in  Kansas ;  John 
215  Sanborn,  370. 


192  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

Brown,  the  sixth  descendant  of  Peter  Browne,  of  the  "May 
flower/'  has  been  in  Kansas  what  Standish  was  to  the  Ply 
mouth  Colony.  These  witnesses  have  seen  the  things  of 
which  they  testify,  and  have  felt  the  oppression  we  ask  you 
to  check.  Ask  this  gray  haired  man,  gentleman  —  if  you 
have  the  heart  to  do  it  —  where  lies  the  body  of  his  murdered 
son  —  where  are  the  homes  of  his  four  other  sons,  who  a  year 
ago  were  quiet  farmers  in  Kansas.  I  am  ashamed,  in  pres 
ence  of  this  modest  veteran,  to  express  the  admiration  which 
his  heroism  excites  in  me.  Yet  he,  so  venerable  for  his  years, 
his  integrity,  and  his  courage  —  a  man  whom  all  Massachu 
setts  rises  up  to  honor  —  is  today  an  outlaw  in  Kansas.  To 
these  witnesses,  whose  unsworn  testimony  deserves  and  will 
receive  from  you  all,  the  authority  which  an  oath  confers,  I 
will  now  yield  place. 

Mr.  Redpath  states  that  Brown  then  came  forward  and  read 
his  speech,  "in  a  clear  ringing  tone,"  as  follows : 216 

"I  saw,  while  in  Missouri,  in  the  fall  of  1855,  large  numbers 
of  men  going  to  Kansas  to  vote,  and  also  returning  after  they 
had  so  done ;  as  they  said. 

"Later  in  the  year,  I,  with  four  of  my  sons,  was  called  out 
and  traveled,  mostly  on  foot  and  during  the  night,  to  help  de 
fend  Lawrence,  a  distance  of  thirty-five  miles ;  where  we  were 
detained,  with  some  five  hundred  others,  or  thereabouts,  from 
five  to  ten  days  —  say  an  average  of  ten  days  —  at  a  cost  of 
not  less  than  a  dollar  and  a  half  per  day,  as  wages,  to  say 
nothing  of  the  actual  loss  and  suffering  occasioned  to  many 
of  them,  leaving  their  families  sick,  their  crops  not  secured, 
their  houses  unprepared  for  winter,  and  many  without  houses 
at  all.  This  was  the  case  with  myself  and  sons  who  could 
not  get  houses  built  after  returning.  Wages  alone  would 
amount  to  seven  thousand  five  hundred  dollars ;  loss  and  suf 
fering  cannot  be  estimated. 

"I  saw,  at  that  time,  the  body  of  the  murdered  Barber,  and 
was  present  to  witness  his  wife  and  other  friends  brought  in 
to  see  him  with  his  clothes  on,  just  as  he  was  when  killed. 

2i6  Redpath,  177-184. 


HYPOCRISY  193 

"I,  with  six  sons  and  a  son-in-law,  was  called  out,  and  trav 
elled,  most  of  the  way  on  foot,  to  try  and  save  Lawrence, 
May  20  and  21,  and  much  of  the  way  in  the  night.  From 
that  date,  neither  I  nor  my  sons,  nor  my  son-in-law,  could 
do  any  work  about  our  homes,  but  lost  our  whole  time  until 
we  left,  in  October ;  except  one  of  my  sons,  who  had  a  few 
weeks  to  devote  to  the  care  of  his  own  and  his  brother's  fam 
ily,  who  were  then  without  a  home. 

"From  about  the  20th  of  May,  hundreds  of  men,  like  our 
selves,  lost  their  whole  time,  and  entirely  failed  of  securing 
any  kind  of  a  crop  whatever.  I  believe  it  safe  to  say,  that 
five  hundred  free  state  men  lost  each  one  hundred  and  twenty 
days,  which,  at  one  dollar  and  a  half  per  day,  would  be  —  to 
say  nothing  of  attendant  losses  —  ninety  thousand  dollars. 

"On  or  about  the  30th  of  May,  two  of  my  sons,  with  sev 
eral  others,  were  imprisoned  without  other  crime  than  op 
position  to  bogus  legislation,  and  most  barbarously  treated 
for  a  time,  one  being  held  about  one  month,  and  the  other 
about  four  months.  Both  had  their  families  on  the  ground. 
After  this,  both  of  them  had  their  houses  burned,  and  all 
their  goods  consumed  by  the  Missourians.  In  this  burning 
all  the  eight  suffered.  One  had  his  oxen  stolen,  in  addition." 

The  Captain,  laying  aside  his  paper,  here  said  that  he  had 
now  at  his  hotel,  and  would  exhibit  to  the  Committee,  if  they 
so  desired,  the  chains  which  one  of  his  sons  had  worn,  when 
he  was  driven  beneath  the  burning  sun,  by  federal  troops, 
to  a  distant  prison,  on  a  charge  of  treason.  The  cruelties  he 
there  endured,  added  to  the  anxieties  and  sufferings  incident 
to  his  position,  had  rendered  him,  the  old  man  said,  as  his 
eye  flashed  and  his  voice  grew  sterner,  "A  maniac  —  yes,  a 
MANIAC." 

He  paused  a  few  seconds,  wiped  a  tear  from  his  eye,  and 
continued  his  narration.  .  .  . 

"I  saw  while  it  was  standing,  and  afterwards  saw  the  ruins, 
of  a  most  valuable  house,  the  property  of  a  highly  civilized, 
intelligent,  and  exemplary  Christian  Indian,  which  was 
burned  to  the  ground  by  the  ruffians,  because  its  owner  was 


194  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

suspected  of  favoring  the  free  state  men.  He  is  known  as 
Ottawa  Jones,  or  John  T.  Jones. 

"In  September  last,  I  visited  a  beautiful  little  free  state 
town  called  Staunton,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Osage,  (or 
Marais-des-Cygnes,  as  it  is  sometimes  called,)  from  which 
every  inhabitant  had  fled  for  fear  of  their  lives,  even  after 
having  built  a  strong  log  house,  or  wooden  fort,  at  a  heavy 
expense,  for  their  protection.  Many  of  them  had  left  their 
effects  liable  to  be  destroyed  or  carried  off,  not  being  able  to 
remove  them.  This  was  to  me  a  most  gloomy  scene,  and  like 
a  visit  to  a  sepulchre. 

"About  the  first  of  September,  I,  and  five  sick  and 
wounded  sons,  and  a  son-in-law,  were  obliged  to  lie  on  the 
ground,  without  shelter,  for  a  considerable  time,  and  at 
times  almost  in  a  state  of  starvation,  and  dependent  on  the 
charity  of  the  Christian  Indian  I  have  named  before,  and  his 
wife." 

He  concluded  his  remarks  by  denouncing  the  traitors  to 
freedom,  who,  when  a  question  of  this  kind  was  raised,  cried 
out,  "Save  the  people's  money  —  the  dear  people's  Money." 
He  had  a  detailed  estimate  of  how  much  the  National  Gov 
ernment  had  expended  in  endeavoring  to  fasten  slavery  on 
Kansas ;  and  asked  why  these  politicians  had  never  cried  out, 
"Save  the  people's  money !"  when  it  was  expended  to  trample 
under  the  foot  of  the  "peculiar"  crime  of  the  south,  the 
rights,  lives,  and  property  of  the  Northern  squatters.  They 
were  silent  then.  (Applause.) 

The  Chairman  then  asked  who  commanded  the  free-state 
men  at  Lawrence.  His  answer  was  characteristic  of  the 
man,  whose  courage  was  only  equalled  by  his  modesty  and 
worth. 

He  explained  how  bravely  our  boys  acted  —  gave  every 
one  the  credit  but  himself.  When  again  asked  who  com 
manded  them,  he  said,  —  no  one ;  that  he  was  asked  to  take 
the  command,  but  refused,  and  only  acted  as  their  AD 
VISER  ! 


HYPOCRISY  195 

The  Captain  spoke  in  conclusion,  about  the  emigrants 
needed  for  Kansas. 

"We  want,"  he  said,  "good  men,  industrious  men,  men 
who  respect  themselves ;  who  act  only  from  the  dictates  of 
conscience;  MEN  WHO  FEAR  GOD  TOO  MUCH  TO 
FEAR  ANY  THING  HUMAN." 

When  asked  by  the  Chairman :  —  "What  is  your  opinion 
as  to  the  probability  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities  in  Kansas  — 
of  another  invasion ;  and  what  do  you  think  would  be  the 
effect,  on  the  free  state  men,  of  an  appropriation  by  Massa 
chusetts?" —  replied:  —  "Whenever  we  heard,  out  in  Kan 
sas  that  the  North  was  doing  any  thing  for  us,  we  were  en 
couraged  and  strengthened  to  struggle  on.  As  to  the  prob 
ability  of  another  invasion,  I  do  not  know.  We  ought  to  be 
prepared  for  the  worst.  Things  do  not  look  one  iota  more 
encouraging  now,  than  they  did  last  year  at  this  time.  You 
ought  to  remember  that,  from  the  date  of  the  Shannon 
treaty  till  May  last,  there  was  perfect  quiet  in  Kansas;  no 
fear  of  a  renewal  of  hostilities ;  no  violence  offered  to  our 
citizens  in  Missouri.  I  frequently  went  there  myself ;  was 
known  there ;  yet  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness." 

The  Massachusetts  Kansas  Committee,  of  which  Mr.  San- 
born  was  secretary,  wa$  composed  of  the  kind  of  men  described 
in  the  resolution,  "responsible  and  conservative  men."  It 
seems,  therefore,  that  the  scheme  was  to  have  the  State  appro 
priate  this  money,  and  place  it  with  the  Massachusetts  Com 
mittee,  for  disbursement  among  Kansas  settlers  who  had  suf 
fered,  as  the  Browns  and  "four  or  five  others"  had  suffered. 

Of  his  biographers  James  Redpath,  alone,  seems  to  have  been 
favorably  impressed  with  the  speech;  and  it  is  unfortunate 
for  Brown's  fame  that  he  gave  it  publicity;  for,  had  the  re 
port  of  the  speech  been  suppressed  and  the  manuscript  de 
stroyed,  his  biographers  could  have  made  much  of  the  occasion ; 
much  more  than  was  made  of  his  mythical  effort  at  Lawrence, 
December  8,  1855.  The  speech  was,  in  truth,  a  maudlin  plea 
for  compensation  for  the  time  which  he  and  his  sons  had 

13 


196  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

spent  in  secretly  murdering  and  plundering  Kansas  settlers. 
It  also  included  a  weak  attempt  to  criticise  the  Free-State  lead 
ership;  a  line  of  criticism  then  becoming  popular,  and  still  ex 
isting  within  the  zone  infected  by  the  pernicious  influence  of 
the  Disunionists  of  that  period. 

Brown  did  not  dare  to  even  hint  at  the  truth  concerning  what 
he  had  seen,  and  what  he  had  personally  done  in  Kansas.  Yet 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  seek  to  impose  this  measure  for  compensa 
tion  upon  the  Legislature,  and  to  misinform  it  in  relation  to  his 
conduct,  and  to  misdirect  its  official  actions.  Imagine  if  possi 
ble  the  dismay,  horror,  and  disgust  that  would  have  taken  pos 
session  of  the  members  of  this  committee,  if  a  correct  view  of 
Brown's  life,  in  Kansas,  had  been  portrayed  to  them.  The  ar 
rangement  of  the  function  was  audacious  and  clever ;  an  illus 
tration  of  his  daring  hypocrisy,  reckless  insolence,  and  con 
sistent  variance  with  right  doing.  The  legislative  committee 
penetrated  Brown's  armor,  as  the  Kansas  National  Committee 
had  done,  and  refused  to  recommend  that  his  bill  be  passed. 

Three  months  later,  Mr.  Stearns  was  led  to  make  an  effort 
to  have  the  New  York  Legislature  take  up  a  similar  measure. 
Writing  on  May  18th,  to  a  New  York  committee,  he  made  the 
following  remarkable  statements : 2ir 

Since  the  close  of  the  last  year  we  have  confined  our  opera 
tions  to  aiding  those  persons  in  Kansas  who  were,  or  in 
tended  to  become,  citizens  of  that  Territory,  —  believing 
that  sufficient  inducements  to  immigrate  existed  in  the  pros 
perous  state  of  affairs  there ;  and  we  now  believe  that  should 
quiet  and  prosperity  continue  there  for  another  year,  the 
large  influx  of  Northern  and  Eastern  men  will  secure  the 
State  for  Freedom.  To  insure  the  present  prosperity  we 
propose  — 

1.  To  have  our  legislature  make  a  grant  of  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars,  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  discreet  per 
sons,  who  shall  use  it  for  relief  of  those  in  Kansas  who  are, 
217  Sanborn,  386. 


HYPOCRISY  197 

or  may  become,  destitute  through  Border-Ruffian  outrage. 
We  think  it  will  be  done. 

2.  To  organize  a  secret  force,  well  armed,  and  under  con 
trol  of  the  famous  John  Brown,  to  repel  Border-Ruffian  out 
rage  and  defend  the  Free-State  men  from  all  alleged  imposi 
tions.     This  organization  is  strictly  to  be  a  defensive  one. 

3.  To  aid  by  timely  donations  of  money  those  parties  of 
settlers  in  the  Territory  who  from  misfortune  are  unable  to 
provide  for  their  present  wants. 

I  am  personally  acquainted  with  Captain  Brown,  and  have 
great  confidence  in  his  courage,  prudence,  and  good  judg 
ment.  He  has  control  of  the  whole  affair,  including  contri 
butions  of  arms,  clothing,  etc.,  to  the  amount  of  thirteen 
thousand  dollars.  His  presence  in  the  Territory  will,  we 
think,  give  the  Free-State  men  confidence  in  their  cause,  and 
also  check  the  disposition  of  the  Border  Ruffians  to  impose 
on  them.  This  I  believe  to  be  the  most  important  work  to 
be  done  in  Kansas  at  the  present  time.  Many  of  the  Free- 
State  leaders  being  engaged  in  speculations  are  willing  to  ac 
cept  peace  on  any  terms.  Brown  and  his  friends  hold  to  the 
original  principle  of  making  Kansas  free,  without  regard  to 
private  interests.  If  you  agree  with  me,  I  should  like  to  have 
your  money  appropriated  for  the  use  of  Captain  John  Brown. 
If  not  that,  the  other  proposition,  to  aid  parties  of  settlers  now 
in  the  Territory  will  be  the  next  best. 

It  appears  from  the  closing  sentences  of  this  letter,  that 
Brown  had  succeeded  in  discrediting  the  men,  who  were  stead 
fastly  working  out  the  Free-State  problem,  in  order  to  ingrati 
ate  himself  with  the  people  whom  he  then  sought  to  delude.  / 
His  turpitude  should  not  provoke  surprise.  The  crime  of  in 
gratitude  cannot  further  degrade  the  character  of  this  menda 
cious  mendicant.  Having  assassinated  his  unoffending  neigh 
bors  in  the  West,  and  robbed  them,  he  now  assassinated  the 
fame  of  honorable  men,  and  robbed  them  of  the  measure  of 
confidence  and  esteem  to  which  they  were  justly  entitled  be 
cause  of  their  public  services. 

Disappointed  in  his  scheme  to  have  money  legislated  into  his 


198  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

pocket,  and  in  his  effort  to  raise  the  thirty  thousand  dollars  in 
large  sums,  he  proceeded  to  canvass  the  East  personally,  for 
money,  and  to  draw  upon  every  possible  source  of  supply  —  sail 
ing  under  false  colors  and  doing  business  under  false  pretenses. 
Referring  to  this,  MT.  Villard  says : 218 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  in  this  connection  that  very  little 
was  known  in  Boston  at  this  time,  about  the  Pottawatomie 
murders,  and  still  less  about  Brown's  connection  with  them. 
Frank  Preston  Stearns,  the  biographer  of  his  father,  states 
that  the  latter  never  knew  of  John  Brown's  connection  with 
the  crime,  and  it  may  be  well  that  Theodore  Parker  and 
others  passed  off  the  scene  without  a  full  realization  of  the 
connection  between  the  Harper's  Ferry  leader  and  the  trage 
dy  of  May  24,  1856. 

JBrown  was  proficient  in  the  art  of  dissimulation.  Mr.  Tho- 
reau  was  thus  impressed  with  what,  to  him,  seemed  to  be  the 
sanctity  of  a  Christian  character.  He  said : 219 

He  was  never  able  to  find  more  than  a  score  or  so  of  re- 
. //      cruits  whom  he  would  accept,  and  only  about  a  dozen  \  among 
them  his  own  sons)  in  whom  he  had  perfect  faith.     When 
he  was  here,  he  showed  me  a  little  manuscript  book,  —  his 
"orderly  book"  I  think  he  called  it,  —  containing  the  names 
of  his  company  in   Kansas,  and  the  rules  by  which  they 
bound  themselves  and  he  stated  that  several  of  them  had  al- 
!  I         ready  sealed  the  contract  with  their  blood.     When  some  one 
\         remarked  that  with  the  addition  of  a  chaplain,  it  would  have 
been  a  perfect  Cromwellian  troop,  he  observed  that  he  would 
a       have  been  glad  to  add  a  chaplain  to  the  list,  if  he  could  have 
1       found  one  man  who  could  fill  the  place  worthily.     I  believe 
/     \      he  had  prayers  in  his  camp  morning  and  evening,  neverthe- 
\1/  less.     He  is  a  man  of  Spartan  habits,  and  at  sixty  was  scru- 
\   pulous  about  his  diet  at  your  table,  excusing  himself  by  say 
ing  that  he  must  eat  sparingly  and  fare  hard,  as  became  a 
soldier,  or  one  who  was  fitting  himself  for  difficult  enter- 

218  Villard,  274. 

219  Sanborn,  503. 


HYPOCRISY  199 

prises,  a  life  of  exposure.  \A  man  of  rare  common-sense 
and  directness  of  speech  as  of  action,  a  transcendentalist, 
above  all  a  man  of  ideas  and  principles,  —  that  is  what  dis 
tinguishes  him.  Not  yielding  to  a  whim  or  transient  im 
pulse,  but  carrying  out  the  purpose  of  a  life.  I  noticed  that 
he  did  not  overstate  anything,  but  spoke  within  bounds.  I 
,  remember  particularly  how,  in  his  speech  here,  he  referred 
to  what  his  family  had  suffered  in  Kansas,  without  ever  giv 
ing  the  least  vent  to  his  pent  up  fire.  It  was  a  volcano  with 
an  ordinary  chimney  flue.  Also  referring  to  the  deeds  of 
certain  Border  Ruffians,  he  said,  rapidly  paring  away  his 
speech,  like  an  experienced  soldier  keeping  a  reserve  of  force 
and  meaning :  "They  had  a  perfect  right  to  be  hung/'  He 
was  not  in  the  least  a  rhetorician,  was  not  talking  to  bun 
combe  or  his  constituents  anywhere.  He  had  no  need  to  in 
vent  anything,  but  to  tell  the  simple  truth,  and  communicate 
his  own  resolution;  therefore  he  appeared  incomparably 
strong,  and  eloquence  in  Congress  and  elsewhere  seemed  to 
me  at  a  discount.  It  was  like  the  speeches  of  Cromwell 
compared  with  those  of  an  ordinary  king.  1 

Mr.  Emerson  recorded  his  impressions  in  the  following  beau 
tiful  language : 

For  himself,  Brown  is  so  transparent  that  all  men  see  him 
through.  He  is  a  man  to  make  friends  wherever  on  earth 
courage  and  integrity  are  esteemed,  —  the  rarest  of  heroes, 
a  pure  idealist  with  no  by-ends  of  his  own.  Many  of  us 
have  seen  him,  and  everyone  who  has  heard  him  speak  has 
been  impressed  alike  by  his  simple,  artless  goodness  and 
sublime  courage.  He  joins  that  perfect  Puritan  faith  which 
brought  his  ancestors  to  Plymouth  Rock,  with  his  grand 
father's  ardor  in  the  Revolution.  He  believes  in  two  articles, 
—  two  instruments  shall  I  say  ?  —  The  Golden  Rule  and  the 
Declaration  of  Independence ;  and  he  used  this  expression  irf 
a  conversation  here  concerning  them :  "Better  a  whole  gen 
eration  of  men,  women  and  children  should  pass  away  by  a 
violent  death,  than  that  one  word  of  either  should  be  violated 
in  this  country."  There  is  a  Unionist,  there  is  a  strict  con- 


200  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

structionist  for  you !  He  believes  in  the  Union  of  the 
States,  and1  he  conceives  that  the  only  obstruction  to  the 
Union  is  slavery ;  and  for  that  reason,  as  a  patriot,  he  works 
for  its  abolition.220 

These  exalted  characters,  incapable  of  detecting  the  vile  im 
position  which  he  was  practicing  upon  them,  gave  Brown  the 
full  measure  of  their  'confidence;  even  accepting  at  its  face 
value  the  assassin's  statement  that  he  would  have  been  glad  to 
add  a  chaplain  to  his  band,  if  he  could  have  found  one  who  could 
fill  that  office  worthily.  Governor  Robinson  had  been  more 
conservative  in  his  recommendation.  He  based  his  approval 
of  Brown  upon  the  information  he  had  received.  "Your  ca 
reer,"  he  said,  "so  far  as  I  have  been  informed,  has  been  such  as 
to  merit  the  highest  praise." 

As  may  be  supposed,  Brown's  most  dependable  contributor 
was  the  Massachusetts  Committee.  January  7th  it  voted  him 
$500  for  expenses  and  on  April  1 1th  it  voted  him  $500  more  for 
the  same  account.  April  15th  it  authorized  him  to  "sell  to 
Free-State  settlers  in  Kansas,  one  hundred  of  the  rifles  it  had 
placed  in  his  care,  for  not  less  than  fifteen  dollars  each,  and  to 
apply  the  proceeds  to  relieve  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  the 
Territory."  221  Meanwhile  he  pursued  his  personal  campaign 
for  money  without  abatement  of  energy ;  visiting  the  principal 
towns  and  cities  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  Connecti 
cut.222 

On  March  4th  he  published,  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  the 
following  general  advertisement  for  remittances  of  money : 223 

TO  THE  FRIENDS  OF  FREEDOM 

The  undersigned,  whose  individual  means  were  exceed 
ingly  limited  when  he  first  engaged  in  the  struggle  for  liberty 
in  Kansas,  being  now  still  more  destitute,  and  no  less  anxious 

220  Sanborn,   501. 

221  Mason  Report,  229. 

222  Villard,  614. 

223  Sanborn,  379. 


HYPOCRISY  201 

than  in  time  past  to  continue  his  efforts  to  sustain  that  cause, 
is  induced  to  make  this  earnest  appeal  to  the  friends  of  free 
dom  throughout  the  United  States,  in  the  firm  belief  that  his 
call  will  not  go  unheeded.  I  ask  all  honest  lovers  of  liberty 
and  human  rights,  both  male  and  female,  to  hold  up  my 
hands  by  contributions  of  pecuniary  aid,  either  as  counties, 
cities,  towns,  villages,  societies,  churches,  or  individuals. 
I  will  endeavor  to  make  a  judicious  and  faithful  application 
of  all  such  means  as  I  may  be  supplied  with.  Contributions 
may  be  sent  in  drafts  to  W.  H.  D.  Callender,  cashier  State 
Bank,  Hartford,  Conn.  It  is  my  intention  to  visit  as  many 
places  as  I  can  during  my  stay  in  the  states,  provided  I  am 
first  informed  of  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  to  aid  me 
in  my  efforts  as  well  as  to  receive  my  visit.  Information 
may  be  communicated  to  me  (care  of  the  Massasoit  House) 
Springfield,  Mass.  Will  editors  of  newspapers  friendly  to 
the  cause  kindly  second  the  measure,  and  also  give  this  some 
half  dozen  insertions?  Will  either  gentlemen  or  ladies,  or 
both,  who  love  the  cause,  volunteer  to  take  up  the  business  ? 
It  is  with  no  little  sacrifice  of  personal  feeling  that  I  appear 
in  this  manner  before  the  public. 

At  Hartford  and  Canton,  Connecticut,  he  used  a  similar  ap 
peal  : 

I  am  trying  to  raise  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  in  the  free  States,  to  enable  me  to  continue  my  efforts 
in  the  cause  of  freedom.  Will  the  people  of  Connecticut, 
my  native  state,  afford  me  some  aid  in  this  undertaking? 
Will  the  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  Hartford,  where  I  make  my 
first  appeal  in  this  State,  set  the  example  of  an  earnest  effort  ? 
Will  some  gentleman  or  lady  take  hold  and  try  what  can  be 
done  by  small  contributions  from  counties,  cities,  towns, 
societies,  or  churches,  or  in  some  other  way?  I  think  the 
little  beggar-children  in  the  streets  are  sufficiently  interested 
to  warrant  their  contributing,  if  there  was  any  need  of  it,  to 
secure  the  object.224 
224  Sanborn,  379. 


202  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

February  19th  Mr.  Lawrence  sent  Brown  a  check  for  seventy 
dollars  which  had  been  contributed  to  the  Massachusetts  Com 
pany  by  John  Conant,  of  New  Hampshire.  About  this  time 
Mr.  Lawrence  published  an  offer  to  be  "one  of  ten,  or  a  smaller 
number,  to  pay  a  thousand  dollars  per  annum  till  the  admission 
of  Kansas  into  the  Union,  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  John 
Brown's  family  and  keeping  the  proposed  company  in  the  field." 
Since 'he  did  not  intend  to  have  any  company  in  Kansas,  Brown 
took  up  this  proposal  promptly  and  pressed  tenaciously  to  com 
mute  it  for  a  thousand  dollars,  cash.  On  March  19th,  he  wrote 
Mr.  Lawrence  from  New  Haven,  as  follows : 22S 

The  offer  you  so  kindly  made  through  the  Telegraph 
some  time  since,  emboldens  me  to  propose  the  following  for 
your  consideration :  For  One  Thousand  Dollars  cash  I  am 
offered  an  improved  piece  of  land  which  with  a  little  improve 
ment  I  now  have,  might  enable  my  family,  consisting  of  a 
Wife  &  Five  minor  children  (the  youngest  not  yet  Three 
years  old)  to  procure  a  Subsistence  should  I  never  return  to 
them;  my  Wife  being  a  good  economist,  &  a  real  old  fash 
ioned  business  woman.  She  has  gone  through  the  Two  past 
winters  in  our  open  cold  house ;  unfinished  outside ;  &  not 
plastered.  I  have  no  other  income  or  means  for  their  sup 
port.  I  have  never  hinted  to  any  one  else  that  I  had  a 
thought  of  asking  for  any  help  to  provide  in  any  such  way 
for  my  family ;  &  SHOULD  NOT  TO  YOU,  but  for  your 
own  suggestion.  I  fully  believe  I  shall  get  the  help  I  need  to 
operate  with  West.  Last  Night  a  private  meeting  of  some 
gentlemen  here ;  voted  to  raise  one  Thousand  Dollars  in  New 
Haven  for  that  purpose.  If  you  feel  at  all  inclined  to  en 
courage  me  in  the  measure  I  have  proposed,  I  shall  be  grate 
ful  to  get  a  line  from  you ;  Care  Massasoit  House,  Spring 
field,  Mass ;  &  will  call  when  I  come  again  to  Boston.  I  do 
not  feel  disposed  to  weary  you  with  my  oft  repeated  visita 
tions.  I  believe  I  am  indebted  to  you  as  the  UNKNOWN 
279. 


HYPOCRISY  203 

GIVER  of  One  share  of  Emigrant  aid  stock ;  as  I  can  think 
of  no  other  so  likely  to  have  done  it.  IS  MY  APPEAL 
RIGHT? 

M<r.  Lawrence  replied  March  20th  that  he  had  just  sent  nearly 
fourteen  thousand  dollars  to  Kansas  to  establish  a  school  fund 
there,  and  was  short  of  money,  but  assured  him  that  if  his  life 
were  shortened  while  engaged  in  the  great  cause,  "the  family  of 
'Captain  John  Brown  of  Osawatomie'  will  not  be  turned  out  to 
starve  in  this  country,  until  Liberty  herself  is  driven  out."  Mr. 
Lawrence  and  Mr.  Stearns  afterward  agreed  to  raise  the  thou 
sand  dollars,  but  as  the  payment  lagged,  Brown  "pressed 
to  close  quarters/'  May  13th  he  wrote  quite  peremptorily  to 
Mr.  Stearns: 

I  must  ask  to  have  the  $1000  made  up  at  once ;  &  forwarded 
to  Gerrit  Smith.  I  did  not  start  the  measure  of  getting  up 
any  subscription  for  me;  (although  I  was  sufficiently  needy 
as  God  knows)  ;  nor  had  I  any  thought  of  further  burdening 
either  of  my  dear  friends  Stearns  or  Lawrence.  .  .  . 228 

The  amount  was  made  up  and  paid  late  in  August,  Mr.  Law 
rence  paying  $310  of  it  and  Mr.  Stearns  $260. 

It  will  never  be  known  how  much  money  Brown  secured  dur-  :>1  w 
ing  this  raid  through  the  East.     Mr.  Villard  estimates  his  cash    f  \ 
collections  at  $4,000.     The  money  value  of  the  clothing  and  " 
war  material  given  to  him  was  about  $13,000.     In  addition  to 
this  Mr.  Stearns  gave  him  a  cash  credit  of  $7,000  against  which 
he  could  draw  from  time  to  time  "as  it  might  be  needed  to  sub 
sist  his  company  after  they  entered  upon  active  service."     He 
also  had  to  his  credit  with  the  National  Kansas  Committee  the 
$5,500  it  had  voted  him.     His  total  collections  and  subscrip 
tions  amounted  therefore  to  about  $30,000.     A  valuable  asset 
in  his  collection  of  arms  was  two  hundred  revolvers,  which  the 
Massachusetts   Arms    Company,    at   Chicopee   Falls,    agreed, 
through  Mr.  Thayer,  to  sell  to  him  for  $1,300,  fifty  per  cent 

226  Villard,  281. 


f 


204  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  the  regular  price.  Brown  notified  Mr.  Stearns  of  the  offer, 
who  promptly  placed  the  order,  agreeing  to  pay  for  the  arms 
by  his  personal  note,  in  four  months  from  date  of  delivery.  In 
his  letter,  notifying  Brown  that  he  would  purchase  the  revolvers 
for  him,  M.r.  Stearns  remarked  incidentally: 

I  think  you  ought  to  go  to  Kansas  as  soon  as  possible,  and 
give  Robinson  and  the  rest  some  back  bone. 

Also  on  May  llth  he  said: 

I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  are  on  your  way  to  Kansas : 
the  free  State  leaders  need  somebody  to  talk  to  them.  I  hope 
you  will  see  Conway  very  soon  after  your  arrival.  I  did  not 
expect  you  to  return,  or  hold  pledged  to  me,  any  arms  you 
use  in  Kansas,  but  only  such  as  were  not  used. 

Yours  truly,  GEORGE  L.  STEARNS. 

Encouraged  by  the  success  of  his  deceptions  —  "the  greedy 
swallowing  every  where  of  what  I  have  told,"  —  and  flattered 
by  the  notoriety  he  had  gained,  Brown  began  to  take  his  per 
sonal  criticisms  of  the  Kansas  leaders  seriously.  During  the 
latter  part  of  March  he  became  so  impressed  by  his  dissatisfac 
tion  with  their  "incompetence,"  and,  what  was  worse,  with 
their  "unwillingness  to  fight,"  that  he  decided  to  take  things 
into  his  own  hands  and  displace  them  altogether.  He  would 
put  abler  men  in  charge  of  Territorial  affairs.  With  this  pur 
pose  in  view,  he  modestly  requested  young  Mr.  Sanborn,  and 
Martin  F.  Conway,  to  meet  him  in  conference  at  the  Metro 
politan  Hotel,  in  New  York.  From  there  the  trio  went  to 
Easton,  Pennsylvania,  where  they  formally  offered  the  leader 
ship  of  the  Free-State  cause  to  ex-Governor  Reeder,  which  the 
latter  declined,  with  appropriate  thanks.  However,  the  mis 
sion  was  not  wholly  without  results.  Mr.  Villard  informs  us 
that  the  ex-Governor  was  "so  heartily  in  sympathy  with 
Brown's  plan,  that  the  latter  wrote  to  him  for  aid,  on  his  return 
to  Springfield,  explaining  that  the  only  difference  between  them 
was  as  to  the  number  of  men  needed,  and  hoping  that  Mr.  Reed- 


HYPOCRISY  205 

er  would  soon  discover  the  necessity  of  going  out  to  Kansas  this 
spring."  227 

The  coming  of  spring  was  a  serious  matter  in  Brown's  af 
fairs.  His  "sagacious"  forecast  called  for  a  renewal  of  pro- 
slavery  aggressions  in  Kansas,  and  he  was  not  there  to  resist 
them,  if  they  arrived.  His  admirers  had  responded  to  his  ap 
peals  for  arms  and  money ;  and  in  return,  they  expected  him  to 
do  something  creditable ;  something  worthy  of  his  pretensions. 
Naturally  they  wanted  their  hero  to  be  at  the  front ;  they  wanted 
to  see  him  at  the  post  of  honor,  and,  if  need  be,  at  the  post  of 
danger.  Spring  came,  but  Brown  was  not  ready  to  go  —  "not 
yet,  but  soon."  He  had  not  got  enough  of  the  kind  of  money 
he  wanted  —  "Money  without  questions  asked."  Mr.  Villard 
says :  "April  was  for  Brown  another  month  of  active  solicita 
tion  of  funds."  He  realized  that  he  had  to  go,  and  began  mak 
ing  the  necessary  preparations  with  reluctance,  and  in  a  state  of 
despondence  wholly  inconsistent  with  heroism ;  but  true  — 
strictly  true  —  of  the  shamming  mendicant.  April  16th  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Eli  Thayer : 

I  am  advised  that  one  of  "Uncle  Sam's  hounds  is  on  my 
track;"  and  I  have  kept  myself  hid  for  a  few  days  to  let  my 
track  get  cold.  I  have  no  idea  of  being  taken,  and  intend 
(if  God  will)  to  go  back  with  irons  in,  rather  than  upon  my 
hands.  ...  I  got  a  fine  list  in  Boston  the  other  day, 
and  hope  Worcester  will  not  be  entirely  behind.  I  do  not 
mean  you  or  Mr.  Allen  &  Co.228 

At  this  time  Brown  heard,  or  pretended  that  he  had  heard, 
a  rumor  that  a  United  States  marshal  had  passed  through 
Cleveland  on  his  way  East  to  arrest  him  for  "high  treason." 
In  consequence  of  this  he  sought  and  obtained  a  hiding  place  in 
the  home  of  Judge  and  Mrs.  Russell,  in  Boston,  where  he  re 
mained  concealed  several  days.  Here  he  indulged  in  several 
spectacular  effects,  for  the  benefit  of  the  Judge  and  his  wonder- 

~^Villard,  282. 
^  Villard,  287. 


206  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

ing  wife.     Some  of  his  performances  were  related  by  Judge 

Russell,  as  follows  : 

He  used  to  take  out  his  two  revolvers,  and  repeater,  every 
night  before  going  to  bed,  to  make  sure  of  their  loads,  say 
ing,  "Here  are  eighteen  lives."  To  Mrs.  Russell  he  once 
said,  "If  you  hear  a  noise  at  night,  put  the  baby  under  the 
pillow.  I  should  hate  to  spoil  these  carpets,  too,  but  you 
know  I  cannot  be  taken  alive."  Giving  an  account  one  day 
of  his  son  Frederick's  death,  who  was  shot  by  Martin 
White,  Mrs.  Russell  broke  out,  "If  I  were  you,  Mr.  Brown, 
I  would  fight  those  ruffians  as  long  as  I  lived."  "That,"  he 
replied,  "is  not  a  Christian  spirit.  If  I  thought  I  had  one  bit 
of  the  spirit  of  revenge  I  would  never  lift  my  hand ;  I  do  not 
make  war  on  slaveholders,  even  when  I  fight  them,  but  on 
slavery."  He  would  hold  up  Mrs.  Russell's  little  girl,  less 
than  two  years  old,  and  tell  her,  "When  I  am  hung  for  trea- 

X.         ^^ 

son,  you  can  say  that  you  used  to  stand  on  Captain  Brown's 
hand."  229 

Brown  had  not  been  charged  with  treason  in  Kansas,  nor 
was  he  even  under  suspicion  for  "constructive"  treason.  But 
Kansas  treason  was  then  a  fashionable  offense  in  the  North, 
and  Brown,  of  course,  worked  it  with  fine  effect  upon  his  listen 
ers.  The  Rev.  Theodore  Parker  suggested  to  Judge  Russell  a 
\  way  of  escape  for  Brown.  He  wrote  : 

MY  DEAR  JUDGE  —  If  John  Brown  falls  into  the  hands  of 
the  marshal  from  Kansas,  he  is  sure  either  of  the  gallows  or 
of  something  yet  worse.  If  I  were  in  his  position,  I  should 
shoot  dead  any  man  who  attempted  to  arrest  me  for  those  al 
leged  crimes ;  then  I  should  be  tried  by  a  Massachusetts  jury 
and  be  acquitted.230 

Brown  at  one  time  expressed  his  contempt  for  the  gullible 
people  upon  whom  he  imposed.  It  was  when  he  was  in  Kansas 
in  1858,  and  intended  to  write  a  book.  He  thought  the  story 

229  Sanborn,  512. 

230  Ibid. 


HYPOCRISY  207 

of  his  life,  as  he  would  write  it,  would  be  a  good  "seller."    The 
title  was  to  be  "catchy,"  if  there  be  such  a  word.     It  read  : 

A  brief  history  of  John  Brown,  otherwise  (Old  B.)  and 
his  family:  as  connected  with  Kansas',  By  one  who  knows. 

It  was  to  be  "sold  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  of  my  family 
or  to  promote  the  cause  of  Freedom  as  may  hereafter  appear." 
There  was  a  mutuality  of  interest  or  a  unity  of  Brown  and  the 
cause  of  Freedom.  Whatever  he  did  for  the  cause  was  done 
for  the  benefit  of  the  family.  In  writing  to  his  son  about  this 
venture  he  said: 

I  am  certain,  from  the  manner  in  which  I  have  been  pressed 

to  narrate,  and  the  greedy  swallowing  everywhere  of  what 

I  have  told,  and  complaints  of  the  newspapers  voluntarily 

made  of  my  backwardness  to  gratify  the  public,  that  the 

book  would  find  a  ready  sale.  231 

But  his  sons  —  John  and  Jason  —  disapproved  of  the  ven 
ture  :  they  were  reactionaries  ;  they  thought  it  best  to  leave  well 
enough  alone,  and  shied  at  a  proposal  to  skate  upon  ice  so 
treacherous  as  they  knew  this  departure  to  be.  John  said  :  232 
"But  many  a  man  has  committed  his  greatest  blunder  when  try 
ing  to  write  a  book." 

While  at  the  Russell  home  Brown  evolved  a  scheme,  charac 
teristic  of  his  craftiness,  which  he  launched  in  a  highly  dramatic 
and  effective  manner.  The  paper  was  named  : 


OLD  BROWNS 

To  the  Plymouth  Rocks,  Bunker  Hill  Monuments,  Charter 
Oaks,  and,  Uncle  Tom's  Cabbins. 

Having  prepared  the  paper  for  the  specific  purpose  of  im 
posing  upon  Mrs.  Stearns,  rather  than  upon  Mr.  Parker's  con 
gregation,  he  paid  that  lady  the  flattering  compliment  of  desir 
ing  to  consult  her  about  "a  plan  he  had,"  asking  her  to  call  on 

231  Villard,  86. 

232  Villard,  630,  note  20. 


208  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

him  at  the  Russell  home.     Her  interesting  statement  of  what 

happened  is  as  follows : 

.  As  the  address  states,  Brown  was  keeping  very 
quiet  at  Judge  Russell's  house  in  Boston,  partly  on  account 
of  a  warrant  issued  in  Kansas  for  his  arrest  for  high  treason, 
and  partly  because  he  was  ill  with  fever  and  ague,  a  chronic 
form  which  had  been  induced  by  his  exposures  in  Kansas. 
It  was  in  April,  1857,  and  a  chilling  easterly  storm  had  pre 
vailed  for  many  days.  Mr.  Stearns  went  frequently  to  visit 
him,  and  on  Saturday  preceding  the  Sunday  morning  men 
tioned  by  Judge  Russell,  Captain  Brown  expressed  a  wish 
that  I  should  go  to  see  him,  as  he  could  not  venture  in  such 
weather  on  a  trip  to  Medford  —  emphasizing  the  request  by 
saying  that  he  wished  to  consult  me  about  a  plan  he  had,  and 
that  I  might  come  soon.  Mr.  Stearns  gave  me  his  message 
at  dinner,  and  I  drove  at  once  to  Judge  Russell's  house. 
As  soon  as  my  name  was  announced  Brown  appeared,  and 
thanking  me  for  the  promptness  of  my  visit,  proceeded  to 
say  that  he  had  been  "amusing  himself"  by  preparing  a  little 
address  for  Theodore  Parker  to  read  to  his  congregation  the 
next  (Sunday)  morning;  and  that  he  would  feel  obliged  to 
me  for  expressing  my  honest  opinion  about  the  propriety  of 
this.  He  then  went  upstairs,  and  returned  with  a  paper, 
which  proved,  in  reading,  to  be  "Old  Brown's  Farewell." 
The  emphasis  of  his  tone  and  manner  I  shall  never  forget, 
and  wish  I  could  picture  him  as  he  sat  and  read,  lifting  his 
eyes  to  mine  now  and  then  to  see  how  it  impressed  me.  When 
he  finished,  he  said :  "Well,  now,  what  do  you  think?  Shall 
I  send  it  to  Mr.  Parker?"  "Certainly;  by  all  means  send  it. 
He  will  appreciate  every  word  you  have  written,  for  it  rings 
the  metal  he  likes.  But  I  have  my  doubts  about  reading  it 
to  his  congregation.  A  few  of  them  would  understand  its 
significance,  but  the  majority,  I  fear,  would  not.  Send  it  to 
Mr.  Parker,  and  he  will  do  what  is  best  about  it."  In  reply 
he  thanked  me,  and  said  I  had  confirmed  his  own  judgment, 
had  cleared  his  mind,  and  conferred  the  favor  he  desired. 
Then,  I  told  him,  he  must  give  me  a  copy  to  preserve  among 


HYPOCRISY  209 

my  relics.  He  replied :  "I  would  give  you  this,  but  it  is  not 
fit.  I  had  such  an  ague  while  writing  that  I  could  not  keep 
my  pen  steady;  but  you  shall  have  a  fair  copy."  In  a  few 
days  he  sent  the  copy  I  now  have,  by  the  hand  of  Mr. 
Stearns.  It  will  be  forwarded  with  other  memorials  to  the 
Kansas  Historical  Society. 

This  matter  being  settled,  Brown  began  talking  upon  the 
subject  always  uppermost  in  his  thought,  and,  I  may  add, 
action  also.  Those  who  remember  the  power  of  his  moral 
magnetism  will  understand  how  surely  and  readily  he  lifted 
his  listener  to  the  level  of  his  own  devotion ;  so  that  it  sud 
denly  seemed  mean  and  unworthy  —  not  to  say  wicked  —  to 
be  living  in  luxury  while  such  a  man  was  struggling  for  a 
few  thousands  to  carry  out  his  cherished  plan.  "Oh,"  said 
he,  "if  I  could  have  the  money  that  is  smoked  away  during 
a  single  day  in  Boston,  I  could  strike  a  blow  which  would 
make  slavery  totter  from  its  foundation."  As  he  said  these 
words,  his  look  and  manner  left  no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  he 
was  quite  capable  of  accomplishing  his  purpose.  To-day  all 
sane  men  everywhere  acknowledge  its  truth.  Well,  I  bade 
him  adieu  and  drove  home,  thinking  many  thoughts  —  of  the 
power  of  a  mighty  purpose  lodged  in  a  deeply  religious  soul ; 
of  only  one  man  with  God  on  his  side.  The  splendor  of 
spring  sunshine  filled  the  room  when  I  awoke  the  next  morn 
ing;  numberless  birds,  rejoicing  in  the  returning  warmth 
filled  all  the  air  with  melody ;  dandelions  sparkled  in  the  vivid 
grass ;  everything  was  so  beautiful,  that  the  wish  rose  warm 
in  my  heart  to  comfort  and  aid  John  Brown.  It  seemed  not 
much  to  do  to  sell  our  estate  and  give  the  proceeds  to  him 
for  his  sublime  purpose.  What  if  another  home  were  not  as 
beautiful!  When  Mr.  Stearns  awoke,  I  told  him  my  morn-  ' 
ing  thoughts.  Reflecting  a  while,  he  said :  "Perhaps  it 
would  not  be  just  right  to  the  children  to  do  what  you  sug 
gest;  but  I  will  do  all  I  can  in  justice  to  them  and  you." 
When  breakfast  was  over,  he  drove  to  the  residence  of  Judge 
Russell  and  handed  Captain  Brown  his  check  for  seven 


210  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

thousand  dollars.     But  this  fact  was  not  known  at  that  time 
and  only  made  public  after  the  death  of  Mr.   Stearns.233 

The  historical  Farewell,  referred  to,  is  herein  reproduced : 

He  has  left  for  Kansas ;  has  been  trying  since  he  came  out 
of  the  Territory  to  secure  an  outfit,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
means  of  arming  and  thoroughly  equipping  his  regular  min 
ute-men,  who  are  mixed  up  with  the  people  of  Kansas.  And 
he  leaves  the  States  with  a  feeling  of  deepest  sadness,  that 
after  having  exhausted  his  own  small  means  and  with  his 
family  and  his  brave  men  suffered  hunger,  cold,  nakedness, 
and  some  of  them  sickness,  wounds,  imprisonment  in  irons 
with  extreme  cruel  treatment,  and  others,  death;  that  after 
lying  on  the  ground  for  months  in  the  most  sickly,  unwhole 
some,  and  uncomfortable  places,  some  of  the  time  with  sick 
and  wounded,  destitute  of  any  shelter,  hunted  like  wolves, 
and  sustained  in  part,  by  Indians ;  that  after  all  this,  in  order 
to  sustain  a  cause  which  every  citizen  of  this  "glorious  re 
public"  is  under  equal  moral  obligation  to  do,  and  for  the 
neglect  of  which  he  will  be  held  accountable  by  God  —  a 
cause  in  which  every  man,  woman,  and  child  of  the  entire 
human  family  has  a  deep  and  awful  interest  —  that  when  no 
wages  are  asked  or  expected,  he  cannot  secure,  amid  all  the 
wealth,  luxury,  and  extravagance  of  this  "heaven-exalted" 
people,  even  the  necessary  supplies  of  the  common  soldier. 
"How  are  the  mighty  fallen  ?" 

I  am  destitute  of  horses,  baggage-wagons,  tents,  harness, 
saddles,  bridles,  holsters,  spurs,  and  belts;  camp  equipage, 
such  as  cooking  and  eating  utensils,  blankets,  knapsacks,  in- 
trenching-tools,  axes,  shovels,  spades,  mattocks,  crowbars; 
have  not  a  supply  of  ammunition ;  have  not  money  sufficient 
to  pay  freight  and  travelling  expenses;  and  left  my  family 
poorly  supplied  with  common  necessaries.234 
In  a  letter  to  Brown  of  April  17th,  Mr.  Thayer  proposed  a 

name  for  Brown's  prospective  company,  as  follows : 

233  Sanborn,  509-510. 

234  Sanborn,  508. 


HYPOCRISY  211 

.  .  .  Will  you  allow  me  to  suggest  a  name  for  your 
company  ?  I  should  call  them,  "The  Neighbors,"  from  Luke 
tenth  chapter:  "Which  thinkest  thou  was  neighbor  to  him 
who  fell  among  thieves." 

What  Brown's  thoughts  were  when  he  read  this  friendly  sug 
gestion  can  not  well  be  imagined.  The  association  of  the  word 
"neighbors"  with  the  phrase  "falling  among  thieves"  may  have 
caused  him  to  suspect  that  Thayer  held  the  secret  of  his  dis 
honor;  and  that  his  guilt,  hypocrisy,  and  mendacity  might  be 
on  the  verge  of  exposure.  At  any  rate  the  effect  of  the  com 
bination  of  these  words  must  have  sunk  deep  into  his  heart. 
They  could  not  but  call  up  afresh,  and  vividly,  a  mental  vision 
of  the  scenes  on  the  Pottawatomie,  when  he  and  his  band  of 
thieves  fell  among,  and  upon,  their  neighbors,  at  midnight,  and 
murdered  and  robbed  them. 

Brown's  trouble  now  lay  in  the  fact  that  he  had  to  leave  the 
East  and  there  was  nothing  which  he  could  do  in  the  West. 
The  Free-State  cause  under  the  direction  of  Robinson,  and  his 
co-laborers:  Goodin,  Roberts,  Holliday,  Lane,  Crawford, 
Brown,  Deitzler,  Parrott,  Brooks,  Dudley,  Emery,  Wood 
ward,  Learnard,  Phillips,  Conway,  Wood,  and  many  others, 
was  progressing  in  an  orderly  and  satisfactory  manner  toward 
a  decisive  victory  at  the  polls. 

Acknowledging  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Stearns's  suggestions  that 
he  should  go  to  Kansas  immediately,  Brown  wrote  him  on  the 
13th :  "I  leave  for  the  West  to-day."  It  will  be  observed  that 
he  put  off  no  fire-works,  nor  indulged  in  any  exhibition  in  he 
roics  on  the  occasion  of  his  going  to  his,  pretended,  field  of 
achievement.  To  William  Barnes,  of  Albany,  he  wrote  April 
3d: 

I  expect  soon  to  return  West ;  &  to  go  back  without  even 
securing  an  outfit.  I  go  with  a  sad  heart,  having  failed  to  se 
cure  even  the  means  of  equipping ;  to  say  nothing  of  feeding 
men.  I  had  when  I  returned,  no  more  than  I  could  peril; 


212  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

and  could  make  no  further  sacrifice,  except  to  go  about  in 

the  attitude  of  a  beggar :  &  that  I  have  done,  humiliating  as 

it  is. 

Proceeding  slowly  westward,  almost  aimlessly,  with  two 
wagons  driven  by  himself  and  his  son  Owen,  he  worked  the 
country  he  passed  through  for  all  the  money  and  "supplies"  he 
could  secure.  It  was  not  until  August  7th,  that  he  arrived  at 
Tabor,  Iowa.  "I  was  obliged,"  he  said,235  "to  stop  at  different 
points  on  the  way,  and  to  go  to  others  off  the  route  to  solicit 
help." 

While  thus  engaged,  he  wrote  the  "Autobiography" ;  a 
paper  held  in  adoration  by  his  biographers.  It  is  in  the  form 
of  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Stearns's  twelve  year  old  son,  who 
had  obtained  "permission  from  his  father  to  give  all  his  pocket 
money  to  Captain  Brown."  It  contains  nothing  that  was  un 
usual  or  extraordinary  in  the  lives  of  those  who  wrestled  with 
V  the  problems  and  the  privations  which  were  incident  to  border- 
;^/life  during  the  period  of  Brown's  youth.  The  paper  was  writ 
ten  for  a  special  purpose  and  is  valuable  as  an  exhibit  of  his 
scheming  to  finance  the  operations  he  then  intended  to  under 
take  in  Virginia.236 

John  Brown  was  not  a  weakling,  nor  was  he  wasting  any  of 
his  time  trifling  with  sentiment  when  he  wrote  this  letter.  In 
his  brain  surged  the  hopes  for  success,  and  the  fears  of  a  mis 
carriage,  for  lack  of  funds,  of  a  secret  purpose  of  transcendant 
importance.  The  parents  of  young  Stearns  were  the  most  val 
uable  of  his  fiscal  and  moral  supporters.  Also  he  carried  in 
his  pocket  the  father's  check  for  $7,000.  Further,  he  knew 
that  Mr.  Stearns  was  seeking  to  have  the  State  of  New  York 
appropriate  $100,000  to  put  in  his  hands  for  use  in  his  Kansas 
operations.  Though  still  masquerading  under  cover  of  the 
deception  which  he  practiced  upon  these  people,  he  had  definite 

235  Sanborn,  418. 

23«  See  Appendix  IV. 


HYPOCRISY  213 

plans  in  view,  which  were  not  a  pretense ;  they  were  secret ;  he 
could  not  unfold  them;  but  they  were  none  the  less  real.  He 
intended  to  ask  Mr.  Stearns,  and  others,  to  finance  his  new 
project;  and  to  do  so  without  inquiring  too  closely  into  the 
nature  of  the  details  that  would  be  involved  in  the  execution  of 
it.  He  wanted  to  retain  the  confidence  which  these  friends 
reposed  in  him,  and  under  these  circumstances  wrote  the  letter 
or  autobiography,  for  the  purpose  of  confirming  their  faith  in 
his  sincerity;  and  to  encourage  a  belief  in  their  minds  that  he 
was  well  equipped  by  heredity  and  training,  to  accomplish  what 
he  intended  to  undertake,  and  that  he  would  with  certainty 
succeed. 

The  problem  of  accounting  for  the  impending  failure  of  his 
Kansas  pretentions  was  also  a  serious  matter.  Mr.  Stearns 
confidently  expected  that  upon  his  arrival  in  Kansas,  Brown 
would  promptly  take  up  the  subject  of  public  affairs  with 
Governor  Robinson  et  al.,  and  tell  them,  sharply,  what  should 
be  done.  As  he  had  derived  it  from  Brown,  these  leaders 
needed  a  leader:  one  with  courage  and  energy;  and  without  a 
suspicion  that  he  had  been  deceived  in  the  premises,  he  thought 
Brown  was  equipped  for  the  job,  and  that  he  was  eager  to  give 
the  Free-State  leaders  an  effective  stimulant  for  "back-bone." 

To  keep  up  the  pretense  that  his  destination  was  Kansas,  and 
that  his  going  there  had  some  political  significance,  Brown 
sought  to  have  some  responsible  people  meet  him  at  Tabor  for 
consultation  about  Kansas  matters.  He  accordingly  wrote  to 
Colonel  Phillips,  June  9th,  asking  him  to  come,  designating 
others  whom  he  desired  to  meet.  Also  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Wattles 
and  to  Holmes,  and  probably  to  Cook.  Phillips  answered  his 
letter  June  24th,  informing  him  that  none  of  the  men  whom  he 
hoped  would  meet  him  in  the  "most  quiet  way,"  for  a  confer 
ence  about  "very  important  matters,"  in  relation  to  which  there 
were  to  be  "no  words,"  was  sufficiently  impressed  with  the  im 
portance  of  his  coming  to  put  in  an  appearance.  He  also  told 


214  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

him,  what  he  already  knew,  that  there  was  no  necessity  for 
military  operations. 

Whether  Brown  entered  Kansas  at  all,  would  depend  solely 
upon  whether  or  not  conditions  there  were  favorable  for  an 
other  "sudden  coup  to  restore  his  fortunes."  Upon  this  subject 
he  was  in  correspondence  with  "Captain"  James  H.  Holmes  of 
\Osawatomie  fame.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Holmes  had 
been  "promptly  and  properly  indicted  and  long  pursued  by  the 
Kansas  and  Missouri  authorities  for  "carrying  the  war  into 
.Africa"-  -stealing  horses  and  other  property.  Holmes  must 
have  been  a  very  daring  and  efficient  thief,  for  Brown  greatly 
admired  him  and  "used  to  call  him  'my  little  hornet.' ' 237  One 
of  the  Little  Hornet's  men  had  been  stung.  To  this  Holmes  re 
ferred  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Brown  April  30th.  He 
said : 238 

You  will  hear  of  me  either  at  Lawrence,  through  J.  E. 
Cook,  of  the  firm  of  Bacon,  Cook,  &  Co.,  or  I  may  be  at  Em- 
poria,  where  I  have  taken  a  claim  and  make  it  my  home.  At 
any  rate,  Cook  can  tell  you  where  I  may  be.  A  case  has  re 
cently  occurred  of  kidnapping  a  Free-State  man,  which  is 
this :  Archibald  Kendall  was  some  two  weeks  since,  enticed 
out,  under  pretense  of  trading  horses,  by  four  men,  and  ab- 
d|UCted  into  Missouri.  Archy  was  in  my  company  and  is  a 
good  brave  fellow. 

In  answer  to  a  letter  from  Brown,  Holmes  replied  August 
16th: 

I  do  not  know  what  you  would  have  me  infer  by 
business ;  I  presume  though,  by  the  word  being  emphasized, 
that  you  refer  to  the  business  for  which  I  learn  that  you  have 
a  stock  of  material  with  you.  If  you  mean  this,  I  think 
quite  strongly  of  a  good  opening  for  this  business  about  the 
first  Monday  of  Oct.  next.  If  you  wish  other  employments, 
I  presume  you  will  find  just  as  profitable  ones.239 

227  Sanborn,  392. 
238  Ibid. 
'  239  Sanborn,  396. 


HYPOCRISY  215 

The  "Little  Hornet"  did  not  recommend,  as  profitable,  the 
business  that  might  be  had  on  election-day  —  October  5th ;  that 
opportunity  foreshadowed  the  possibility  of  real  resistance 
against  pro-slavery  aggressions;  but  other  profitable  employ 
ments  could  be  had,  by  the  act  of  undertaking  them,  at  any 
time.  These  thieves  understood  each  other.  The  "profitable 
employments"  meant  stealing  horses. 

With  his  arrival  at  Tabor,  August  7th,  Brown  reached  the 
limit  of  his  possibilities.  The  next  day  he  thus  reported  his 
arrival  to  Mr.  Stearns :  24° 

In  consequence  of  ill-health  and  other  hindrances  too  nu 
merous  and  unpleasant  to  write  about,  the  least  of  which 
has  not  been  the  lack  of  sufficient  means  for  freight  bills  and 
other  expenses,  I  have  never  as  yet  returned  to  Kansas. 
This  has  been  unavoidable,  unless  I  returned  without  secur 
ing  the  principal  object  for  which  I  came  back  from  the  Ter 
ritory  ;  and  I  am  now  waiting  for  teams  and  means  to  come 
from  there  to  enable  me  to  go  on.  I  obtained  two  teams 
and  wagons,  as  I  talked  of,  at  a  cost  of  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-six  dollars,  but  was  obliged  to  hire  a  teamster,241  and 
to  drive  one  team  myself.  This  unexpected  increase  of  la 
bor,  together  with  being  much  of  the  time  quite  unwell  and 
depressed  with  disappointments  and  delays,  has  prevented  my 
writing  sooner.  Indeed,  I  had  pretty  much  determined  not  to 
write  till  I  should  do  it  from  Kansas.  I  will  tell  you  some  of 
my  disappointments.  I  was  flattered  with  the  expectation  of 
getting  one  thousand  dollars  from  Hartford  City  and  also 
one  thousand  dollars  from  New  Haven.  From  Hartford  I 
did  get  about  two  hundred  and  sixty  dollars,  and  a  little 
over  in  some  repair  of  arms.  From  New  Haven  I  got 
twenty-five  dollars ;  at  any  rate,  that  is  all  I  can  get  any 
advice  of.  Gerrit  Smith  supplied  me  with  three  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars,  or  I  could  not  have  reached  this  place. 
He  also  loaned  me  one  hundred  and  ten  dollars  to  pay 

240Sanborn,  411. 

241  His  son  Owen  was  the  teamster  herein  referred  to. 


216  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

to  the  Thompsons  who  were  disappointed  of  getting  their 
money  for  the  farm  I  had  agreed  for  and  got  possession  of 
for  use.  I  have  been  continually  hearing  from  them  that  I 
have  not  fulfilled,  and  I  told  them  I  should  not  leave  the 
country  till  the  thing  was  completed.  This  has  exceedingly 
mortified  me.  I  could  tell  you  much  more  had  I  room  and 
time.  Have  not  given  up.  Will  write  more  when  I  get  to 
Kansas.  Your  friend, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

He  now  had  at  Tabor  and  at  Nebraska  City,  five  wagon  loads 
of  stuff  242  which  was  wholly  useless  for  any  purpose  relating  to 
Kansas.  He  had  been  posing,  for  nearly  a  year,  as  a  hero 
charged  with  the  responsibility  of  saving  Kansas  to  freedom, 
and  had  finally  come  to  the  end  of  his  rope.  To  Mr.  Sanborn 
he  wrote,  August  13th  : 243 

I  am  now,  at  last,  within  a  kind  of  hailing  distance  of  our 

Free-State  friends  in  Kansas.     ...     I  am  now  waiting  to 

know  what  is  best  to  do  next. 

Four  days  later  he  wrote  to  his  wife  these  significant  words  : 

Should  no  disturbance  occur,  we  may  possibly  think  best 
to  work  back  eastward.244 

To  Mr.  Adair  he  wrote : 

I  have  been  trying  all  season  to  get  to  Kansas ;  but  have 
failed  as  yet,  through  ill  health,  want  of  means  to  pay 
Freights,  travelling  expenses,  etc.  How  to  act  now ;  I  do  not 
know. 245 

There  was  nothing  more  that  Brown  could  do.  The  failure 
of  his  pretensions  was  almost  complete.  Only  his  vocabulary 
had  survived  the  general  wreck.  It  was  still  intact  and  in  work 
ing  order.  Drawing  upon  that  inexhaustible  resource  of  the 
charlatan,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Sanborn,  October  1st: 

242  Sanborn,  411. 

243  Sanborn,  412. 

244  Sanborn,  414. 
2«  Villard,  303. 


HYPOCRISY  217 

I  am  now  so  far  recovered  from  my  hurt,  as  to  be  able  to 
do  a  little ;  and  foggy  as  it  is,  "we  do  not  give  up  the  ship." 
I  will  not  say  that  Kansas,  watered  by  the  tears  and  blood  of 
my  children,  shall  yet  be  free  or  I  fall. 246 

A  comparison  of  Brown's  correspondence  at  this  time,  with 
what  his  eulogists  have  put  forth  concerning  it,  discloses  a  wide 
divergence  between  the  facts  therein  stated,  and  the  biograph 
ical  fiction  relating  thereto.  Referring  to  Brown's  irrelevant 
reference  to  the  tears  and  blood  of  his  children,  Mr.  Villard 
says: 

Brave  as  this  sentiment  is,  it  only  increases  the  mystery  of 
Brown's  delaying  at  Tabor.  .  .  .  Obviously,  Brown, 
grim,  self-willed,  resolute  chieftain  that  he  generally  was, 
appeared  baffled  here  and  lacking  wholly  in  a  determination 
to  reach  the  scene  of  action  at  any  cost.  ...  It  will  be 
seen  that,  when  he  finally  reached  Kansas,  he  stayed  but  a 
few  days,  was  practically  in  hiding,  .  .  .  247 

Only  editorial  fiction  mystifies  the  cause  of  his  delay  at  Ta 
bor.  The  "grim,  self-willed,  resolute  chieftain"  had  a  clear  and 
unalterable  purpose  in  view,  when  he  was  delaying  there.  It 
was  to  attempt  the  conquest  of  the  Southern  States.  If  he  en 
tered  Kansas,  it  would  be  merely  an  incident  in  the  promotion 
of  that  scheme.  His  attitude  was  pivotal  but  not  enigmatic; 
if  a  "disturbance"  occurred  in  Kansas,  he  intended  to  proceed 
thither,  and  under  cover  of  it,  execute  such  purposes  as  he  had 
in  view;  otherwise,  he  would  "work  back  eastward." 

One,  at  least,  of  his  Eastern  admirers,  Mr.  Thomas  Went- 
worth  Higginson,  became  impatient  because  of  this  delaying. 
After  nursing  his  disappointment  a  few  months,  he  protested 
Brown's  procrastination,  which  evoked  the  following  instruc 
tive  reply  from  Mr.  Sanborn : 248 

.     .     .     You  do  not  understand  Brown's  circumstances. 

246  Sanborn,  400. 
™  Villard,  202. 
2«  Villard,  303. 


218  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

.  .  .  He  is  as  ready  for  a  revolution  as  any  other  man, 
and  is  now  on  the  borders  of  Kansas,  safe  from  arrest,  but 
prepared  for  action,  but  he  needs  money  for  his  present  ex 
penses  and  active  support.  I  believe  he  is  the  best  Disunion 
champion  you  can  find,  and  with  his  hundred  men,  when  he 
is  put  where  he  can  raise  them,  and  drill  them  (for  he  has  an 
expert  drill  officer  with  him)  he  will  do  more  to  split  the 
Union  than  a  list  of  50,000  names,  for  your  convention,  good 
as  that  is. 

What  I  am  trying  to  hint  at  is  that  the  friends  of  Kansas 
are  looking  with  strange  apathy  at  a  movement  which  has  all 
the  elements  of  fitness  and  success  —  a  good  plan,  a  tried 
leader,  and  a  radical  purpose.  If  you  can  do  anything  for  it 
now,  in  God's  name  do  it  —  and  the  ill  result  of  the  new  pol 
icy  in  Kansas  may  be  prevented. 

On  August  13th,  the  "Cromwellian  Trooper"  wrote  Mr.  San- 
born  a  long  letter,249  which  he  intended  "as  a  kind  of  report  of 
my  progress  and  success,  as  much  for  your  committee  or  my 
friend  Stearns  as  yourself."  The  letter  has  no  public  signifi 
cance.  It  is  a  prolonged  whine  because  he  had  not  received 
all  the  money  that  had  been  promised  him ;  also  it  incidentally 
but  artistically  put  Mr.  Stearns  and  M,r.  Lawrence  in  a  position 
that  practically  compelled  them  to  make  good  the  thousand  dol 
lars  which  he  had  theretofore  pressed  Mr.  Lawrence  for.250 
He  said : 

It  was  the  poor  condition  of  my  noble-hearted 
wife  and  her  young  children  that  made  me  follow  up  that  en 
couragement  with  a  tenacity  that  disgusted  him  and  com 
pletely  exhausted  his  patience.  But  after  such  repeated  as 
surances  from  friends  I  so  much  respected  that  I  could  not 
suspect  they  would  trifle  with  my  feelings,  I  made  a  positive 
bargain  for  the  farm ;  and  when  I  found  nothing  for  me  at 
Peterboro',  I  borrowed  one  hundred  and  ten  dollars  of  Mr. 
Smith  for  the  men  who  occupied  the  farm,  telling  him  it 

2«Sanborn,   412-414. 
230  Ante,  note  226. 


HYPOCRISY  219 

would  certainly  be  refunded,  and  the  others  that  they  would 
get  all  their  money  very  soon,  and  even  before  I  left  the 
country.  This  has  brought  me  only  extreme  mortification 
and  depression  of  feeling;  for  all  my  letters  from  home,  up 
to  the  last,  say  not  a  dime  has  been  paid  in  to  Mr.  Smith. 
Friends  who  never  knew  the  lack  of  a  sumptuous  dinner  little 
comprehend  the  value  of  such  trifling  matters  to  persons  cir 
cumstanced  as  I  am.  But,  my  noble-hearted  friend,  I  am 
"though  faint,  yet  pursuing."  .  .  . 

Brown's  hope  for  a  "disturbance"  in  Kansas  was  nourished 
by  the  reports  that  he  received  from  General  Lane,  which,  doubt 
less,  encouraged  him  to  prolong  his  stay  at  Tabor.  Concern 
ing  this,  Mr.  Villard  says : 251 

Only  the  erratic  Lane,  who  was  then  the  sole  person  trying 
to  stir  up  strife  in  Kansas,  and  is  accused  by  respectable  wit 
nesses,  of  planning  schemes  of  wholesale  massacre  of  pro- 
slavery  men  through  a  secret  order ;  was  on  fire  for  Brown's 
presence  in  the  Territory,  but  it  was  the  Tabor  arms,  rather 
than  their  owner,  he  really  desired. 

Lane  wrote  Brown,  confidentially,  September  7th,  as  fol 
lows  : 252 

SIR:  (Private) 

We  are  earnestly  engaged  in  perfecting  an  organization 
for  the  protection  of  the  ballot-box  at  the  October  election 
(first  Monday).  Whitman  and  Abbott  have  been  East  after 
money  &  arms,  for  a  month  past,  they  write  encouragingly, 
&  will  be  back  in  a  few  days.  We  want  you  with  all  the  ma 
terials  you  have.  I  see  no  objections  to  your  coming  into 
Kansas  publicly.  I  can  furnish  you  just  such  a  force  as  you 
may  deem  necessary  for  your  protection  here  &  after  you  ar 
rive.  I  went  up  to  see  you  but  failed. 

Now  what  is  wanted  is  this  —  write  me  concisely  what 
transportation  you  require,  how  much  money  &  the  number 


251  Villard,  300. 

252  Sanborn,  401. 


220  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  men  to  escort  you  into  the  Territory  safely  &  if  you  desire 
it,  I  will  come  up  with  them. 

To  this  letter  Brown  replied  September  16th : 

I  suppose  that  three  good  teams  with  well  covered  wag 
ons,  and  ten  really  ingenious,  industrious  (not  gassy)  men, 
with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  in  cash,  could  bring 
it  about  in  the  course  of  eight  or  ten  days. 

Lane,  hoping  to  make  his  proposition  more  attractive,  ap 
pointed  Brown  Brigadier-General,  Second  Brigade,  First  Divi 
sion.  But  not  until  the  29th,  did  he  send  his  Quartermaster- 
General,  Mr.  Jamison,  to  Brown,  for  the  arms.  In  a  letter  ad 
dressed  to  "General  John  Brown"  Lane  said  that  it  was  "all 
important  to  Kansas,  that  your  things  should  be  in  at  the  earli 
est  possible  moment,  and  that  you  should  be  much  nearer  than 
you  are."  He  also  enclosed  fifty  dollars,  "all  the  money  I 
have,"  but  said  that  Jamison  "had  some  more."  Naturally 
Lane's  proposal  failed  to  interest  Brown.  He  replied  that  he 
could  not  go  to  Lawrence  on  such  short  notice  and  returned  the 
fifty  dollars.253  The  election,  however,  passed  off  quietly  and 
resulted  in  a  complete  victory  for  the  Free-State  men.  They 
elected  their  delegate  to  Congress,  and  thirty-three  of  the  fifty- 
two  members  of  the  Legislature. 

Another  of  Lane's  schemes  served  to  keep  Brown  at  Tabor 
a  month  longer:  a  project  for  "the  wholesale  assassination  of 
pro-slavery  men  through  a  secret  order"  called  Danites.  This 
time  Mr.  Whitman  ably  seconded  Lane's  efforts  to  interest 
Brown.  He  borrowed  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  which  he 
enclosed  with  a  letter  to  him  and  sent  it  by  Mr.  Charles  P.  Tidd, 
saying:  "General  Lane  will  send  teams  from  Falls  City  so 
that  you  may  get  your  goods  all  in.  Leave  none  behind. 
Come  direct  to  this  place,  and  see  me  before  you  make  any  dis 
position  of  your  plunder.  .  .  Make  the  money  I  send  an 
swer  to  get  here,  and  I  hope  by  that  time  to  have  more  for  you. 

253  Sanborn,  402. 


HYPOCRISY  221 

Mr.  Tidd  will  explain  all."  254  That  this  messenger  gave 
Brown  inside  information  concerning  the  prospective  assassina 
tions,  there  can  be  little  doubt. 

.October  25th,  Mr.  Whitman  reported  to  Mr.  Stearns  255  that 
Brown  would  be  at  Lawrence  November  3d,  "at  a  very  im 
portant  council:  Free-State  Central  Com.,  Executive  Com., 
Vigilance  Committee  of  52,  Generals  and  Capts.  of  the  entire 
organization."  Such  a  "disturbance"  as  this  promised  to  be, 
could  not  otherwise  than  interest  Brown.  Regarding  the  money 
he  received  from  Whitman  as  money  due  him  from  the  Na 
tional  Kansas  Committee,  he  kept  it ;  and  disregarding  the  in 
structions  concerning  the  arms,  he  proceeded  personally  to 
Kansas,  arriving  at  Mr.  Whitman's  home  about  November 
5th :  too  late,  it  will  be  observed,  for  him  to  participate  in  the 
important  council  meeting  of  the  3d;  but  not  too  late  to  take 
advantage  of  any  public  disturbance  that  might  arise  as  a  result 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  council.  By  messenger  Tidd,  Brown 
received  one  hundred  dollars  from  Mr.  Adair,  and  upon  his  ar 
rival  at  Lawrence,  he  received  from  Mr.  Whitman  five  hundred 
dollars  for  account  of  the  Massachusetts  Kansas  Committee. 

All  the  prospects  for  "trouble"  in  Kansas  having  vanished, 
Brown  promptly  decided  to  "move  eastward."  Mr.  Villard 
states  that  he  "remained  two  days  with  Mr.  Whitman,  obtain 
ing  tents  and  bedding."  From  Topeka,  when  en  route  to  the 
East,  on  the  16th,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Stearns  that  he  had  "been  in 
Kansas  for  more  than  a  week;"  that  he  had  "found  matters 
quite  unsettled;"  but  was  "decidedly  of  the  opinion  that  there 
will  be  no  use  for  arms  or  ammunition  before  another  Spring;" 
that  he  had  them  all  safe  and  meant  "to  keep  them  so."  Also 
that  he  meant  "to  be  busily;  but  very  quietly  engaged  in  per 
fecting  his  arrangements  during  the  Winter."  He  further 
said :  "Before  getting  your  letter  saying  to  me  not  to  draw  on 

•^  Sanborn,  404. 
255  Villard,  304. 


222  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

you  for  the  $7,000  (by  Mr.  Whitman)  I  had  fully  determined 
not  to  do  so  unless  driven  to  the  last  extremity."  In  a  post 
script  he  said :  "If  I  do  not  use  the  arms  and  ammunition  in 
actual  service ;  I  intend  to  restore  them  unharmed ;  but  you  must 
not  flatter  yourself  on  that  score  too  soon." 

It  will  be  observed  that  Brown  did  not  call  upon  Governor 
Robinson,  or  make  any  recommendations  concerning  Terri 
torial  affairs.  To  Mr.  Adair  he  wrote  on  the  17th:  "I  have 
been  for  some  days  in  the  territory  but  keeping  very  quiet  and 
looking  about  to  see  how  the  land  lies.  I  do  not  wish  to 

have  any  noise  about  me  at  present ;  as  I  do  not  mean  to  'trouble 
Israel.'  I  may  find  it  best  to  go  back  to  Iowa."  256 

The  "failure"  of  Brown's  plans  to  "trouble  Israel,"  or  the 
failure  of  his  hope  for  another  opportunity  to  plunder  Kansas 
settlers  on  a  large  scale,  lay  in  the  simple  fact  that  at  the  time 
he  arrived  at  Tabor,  August  7,  1857,  the  Free-State  leaders  had 
worked  out  the  Free-State  problem,  and  were  then  in  position 
to  make  official  declaration  of  the  fact  at  the  polls ;  and  to  take 
over,  into  their  own  hands,  by  right  of  the  law  of  Squatter 
Sovereignty,  the  control  of  the  Territorial  government.  They 
had  almost  accomplished  their  mighty  undertaking.  Also,  they 
had  established  conditions  of  order,  and  security  from  violence, 
that  afforded  neither  encouragement  nor  opportunity  for  or 
ganized  bands  of  thieves,  of  the  Brown  type,  to  prey  upon  the 
settlements.  The  activities  of  the  marauder  and  his  "Little 
Hornet"  were  barred. 


258  Villard,  306. 


CHAPTER  IX 

A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE 

He  was  the  mildest  manner'd  man  that  ever  scuttled  ship 
or  cut  a  throat.  —  DON  JUAN 

AT  Collinsville,  Connecticut,  about  March  1,  1857,  John  Brown 
gave  out  the  first  evidence  that  he  contemplated  inciting  an  in 
surrection  in  the  Southern  States.  He  was  there  making  his 
usual  appeal  for  money.  To  a  group  of  citizens,  among  whom 
was  a  Mr.  Charles  Blair,  he  told  the  story  of  Black  Jack ;  and, 
as  was  his  custom  in  such  recitals,  he  drew  from  his  boot  a 
trophy  of  the  fight  —  a  two-edged  dirk-knife  with  a  blade  about 
eight  inches  long  —  which  he  had  taken  from  Captain  Pate ; 
and  said,  that  if  he  "had  a  lot  of  those  things  to  attach  to  poles 
about  six  feet  long,  they  would  be  a  capital  weapon  of  defense 
for  the  settlers  of  Kansas  to  keep  in  their  log  cabins  to  defend 
themselves  against  any  sudden  attack  that  might  be  made  upon 
them."  And  then  turning  to  Blair,  whom  he  knew  to  be  an  edge- 
tool  maker,  asked  him  what  it  would  "cost  to  make  five  hundred 
or  a  thousand  of  those  things"  as  he  described  them.  To  this 
Blair  replied  that  he  would  make  "five  hundred  for  a  dollar  and 
a  quarter  apiece;  or  if  he  wanted  a  thousand,  they  might  be 
made  for  a  dollar  apiece."  To  this  Brown  replied  that  he  would 
want  them  made.  March  30th,  a  contract  for  the  thousand 
spears  was  signed,  Brown  agreeing  to  pay  five  hundred  dollars 
within  ten  days.  At  the  time  agreed  upon  he  paid  three  hun 
dred  dollars ;  but  April  25th,  he  remitted  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  more.  This  amount  Blair  expended  in  purchasing  ma 
terial,  and  in  making  a  part  of  the  order ;  after  which  he  suspend 
ed  work  on  it  until  such  time  as  Brown  would  advance  addition- 


224  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

al  funds.  There  was  some  correspondence  between  the  parties 
in  February  and  March,  1858,  but  nothing  further  was  done  in 
the  matter  until  June  3,  1859,  when  Brown  again  called  upon 
Blair  and  made  satisfactory  arrangements  for  payment  of  the 
remaining  four  hundred  and  fifty  dollars ;  whereupon  Blair  re 
newed  work  upon  the  order,  and,  on  September  17th,  delivered 
the  spears  complete,  at  Chambersburg,  Pennsylvania.257 
/^  In  New  York  City,  Brown  made  the  acquaintance  of  an  Eng- 
/  lishman  who  entered  into  his  life  more  largely,  and  gave  greater 
I  direction  to  his  actions,  than  his  biographers  have  acknowledg- 
\ed.  This,  man  was^Colonel"  Hugh  Forbes.  Brown  called  upon 
him,  it  is  said,  with  a  letter  of  introduction  from  the  Rev.  Joshua 
Leavitt.  The  date  of  their  meeting  is  not  given;  but,  since 
Brown  is  not  reported  as  being  in  that  city  during  1857,  after 
his  visit  there,  January  23d-26th,258  it  may  be  assumed  that  they 
met  upon  that  occasion,  and  together  planned  to  precipitate  a 
revolution  in  the  South,  through  an  insurrection  of  the  slave 
population.  Forbes  was  a  practical  as  well  as  a  professional 
revolutionist.  He  had  served  with  Garibaldi.  Mr.  Villard  re 
fers  to  him  as  "a  suave  adventurer  of  considerable  ability." 
To  Mr.  Horace  Greeley  he  was  "fanatical  and  mercenary  and 
wholly  wanting  in  common  sense."  Gerrit  Smith  described 
him  as  a  "handsome,  soldierly-looking  man,  skillful  in  the 
sword-exercise,  and  with  some  military  experience  picked  up 
under  Garibaldi."  Before  entering  the  latter's  service  he  had 
been  a  "silk  merchant  at  Sienna."  In  Mr.  Sanborn's  opinion 
he  was  a  "brave,  vainglorious,  undisciplined  person,  with  little 
discretion,  and  quite  wanting  in  qualities  that  would  fit  him  to 
be  a  leader  of  American  soldiers.  Yet  he  was  ambitious,  eager 
to  head  a  crusade  against  slavery."  In  New  York  he  taught 
fencing,  and  did  some  work  on  the  Tribune  as  reporter  and 
translator. 

257  Mason  Report,  123-125.     Testimony  of  Charles  Blair. 

258  Villard,  674. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  225 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  these  two  adventurers  should  meet 
and  unite  their  fortunes  in  a  revolutionary  venture.  Also,  there 
was  some  similarity  in  their  lives.  Both  were  "typical  of  the 
human  flotsam  and  jetsam  washed  up  by  every  revolutionary 
movement."  Forbes  had  been  washed  up  by  Garibaldi's  "revo 
lution"  in  Italy,  and  Brown  had  been  washed  up  by  Robinson's 
revolution  in  Kansas.  Forbes  was  looking  for  an  adventure, 
and  Brown  had  a  make-believe  one  on  hand,  which,  if  prudently 
handled,  might  be  made  to  serve  the  purposes  of  their  mutual 
ambitions.  The  suave  adventurer  was  the  stronger  character. 
He  impressed  Brown  with  his  knowledge  of  military  science, 
and  with  the  value  his  services  would  be  in  their  undertaking, 
and  so  fascinated  the  "grim,  self-willed,  resolute  chieftain" 
that  he  engaged  his  services  at  one  hundred  dollars  per  month, 
and  paid  him  six  months'  salary  in  advance.  Mr.  Villard .) 
says : 259 

John  Brown,  the  reticent  and  self-contained,  unbosomed       , 
himself  to  this  man  as  he  had  not  to  his  Massachusetts    [  ( 
friends  who  advanced  the  money  upon  which  he  lived  and 
plotted. 
In  relation  to  this  Mr.  Sanbora  says :  26° 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Brown  made  the  unlucky  ac 
quaintance  of  Hugh  Forbes,  was  pleased  with  him,  and  en 
gaged  him  to  drill  his  soldiers  at  a  salary  of  one  hundred  dol 
lars  a  month,  even  going  so  far  as  to  pay  him  six  hundred 
dollars  in  advance. 

Both  of  these  major  transactions  —  the  placing  of  the  order 
for  the  spears,  and  the  employment  of  Forbes,  as  stated  —  are 
so  discreditable  to  ordinary  intelligence,  that  they  impeach 
Brown's  sanity,  except  upon  the  sole  hypothesis,  that  these  two 
men  had,  at  that  time,  so  matured  their  plans  for  attempting 
a  revolution,  through  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves,  that  Brown 
felt  justified  in  placing  the  order  for  the  spears,  and  in  engaging 

25!>  Villard,  285. 
260  Sanborn,  398. 


226  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  services  of  a  man  capable  of  directing  large  military  opera 
tions.  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  Brown  contemplated  giv 
ing  up  a  thousand  dollars  for  a  purpose  so  tame  and  absurd  as 
the  distribution  of  a  thousand  spears  among  the  Free-State  set 
tlers  of  Kansas.  They  were  already  well  armed  with  modern 
weapons  —  fire-arms  —  and  knew  how  to  use  them ;  while  the 
proposal  to  employ  a  "drill-master"  at  such  a  salary,  in  view  of 
the  state  of  his  treasury,  to  drill  such  a  lot  of  nightriders 
as  he  could  use  in  Kansas,  is  quite  as  preposterous.  If  Brown 
needed  the  services  of  a  drill-master,  he  knew  where  one  could 
be  had  for  less  money.  There  were  plenty  of  men  available 
who  had  served  in  the  volunteer  army  in  Mexico,  or  had  been 
discharged,  or  had  deserted  from  the  regular  army  —  men  of 
the  Aaron  D.  Stevens  class  —  who  were  competent  to  com 
mand  as  well  as  to  drill.  He  also  knew  that  many  such  men 
were  ready  and  anxious  to  engage  in  adventures  in  the  Kansas 
field,  who  would  serve  without  compensation,  other  than  a  share 
of  the  prospective  plunder. 

From  the  time  of  his  alliance  with  Forbes,  Brown  pressed 
forward  steadily,  with  a  single  definite  ultimate  purpose.  The 
conquest  of  the  Southern  States  was  on ;  and  the  Osawatomie 
Guerrilla  had  become  the  Soldier  of  Fortune. 

Brown  and  Forbes  moved  upon  the  theory  that  the  slaves 
were  the  rightful  owners  of  their  masters'  property.  They  be 
lieved  that  every  slave  regarded  his  master  as  an  enemy,  who 
denied  him  a  right  to  his  family,  and  appropriated  to  himself 
the  fruits  of  his  labor ;  that  freedom  was  the  hope  and  the  dream 
of  every  slave;  that  each  lived  in  a  state  of  expectancy,  await 
ing  the  coming  of  a  "Liberator"  who  would  lead  them  in  a  cru 
sade  for  liberty.  Also,  they  believed  that  every  slave  would 
fight  for  his  freedom.  Self-constituting  themselves  "Libera 
tors,"  they  regarded  each  slave  as  already  enrolled  in  their  ser 
vice.  The  problems  before  them  were  how  to  arouse  these 
units  of  energy ;  how  to  incite  the  slaves  to  simultaneous  activ- 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  227 

ity,  and  how  to  organize  and  direct  them  as  an  operating  force. 
The  man  who  had  killed  his  friendly  neighbors  with  nonchal 
ance,  and  had  taken  their  horses,  could  not  understand  why  an 
other  man,  a  slave,  should  hesitate  to  kill  an  enemy,  such  as  has 
been  described,  and  take  his  horses  and  lands,  and  be  further 
rewarded  by  the  benefaction  of  liberty. 

As  results  of  their  plotting,  and  planning,  and  scheming,  they 
seem  to  have  figured  out  to  their  entire  satisfaction,  how  they 
could  destroy  the  slave-holding  population  of  the  Southern 
States  and  confiscate  their  property;  and  then,  with  the  aid  of 
their  negro  allies,  thus  liberated  from  slavery,  and  with  the  as 
sistance  of  the  non-slave-holding  whites  in  the  South  and  the 
ambitious  and  daring  in  the  North,  who  would  be  lured  to  join 
them,  they  could  create  an  army ;  invade  the  South ;  take  pos 
session  of  the  several  State  governments,  and  reorganize  them 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  Provisional  Government. 

Brown  was  a  disunionist,261  and  believed  his  revolution 
would  result  in  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  His  friends  — 
Redpath,  Sanborn,  Higginson,  Smith  et  aL,  were  disuniojii^ts, 
and  he  lived  in  an  atmosphere  saturated  with  the  toxin  of  dis- 
union  sentiment.  Also,  he  was  an  optimist,  and  believed  that 
while  he  ravaged  the  South  with  his  bloody  scourge,  the  dis 
union  propaganda  m  the  North  would  assert  itself  to  his  ad-^ 
vantage,  and  create  such  a  diversion  in  his  favor,  as  would 
leave  him  and  Forbes  free  to  deal  with  the  South  and  its  prob- 
lems  in  their  own  way.  Only  under  such  conditions  could  he 
hope  to  seize  the  property  of  slaveholders,  "personal  and  real, 
wherever  and  whenever  it  may  be  found  in  either  Free  or  Slave 
^States."  From  their  point  of  view,  or  as  they  hoped  to  make 
it  appear,  their  revolution  was  to  be  an  affair  between  the  citi 
zens  of  a  blnrk  of  snvprpign  States,  in  the  result  of  whirh  the 

Federal  Government  would  not  be  especially  concerned.    The^ 
would  act  within  the  limits  of  the  States  involved  for  revolu- 
261Villard,  303. 


228  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

tionary  purposes,  and  not  in  unnecessarily  aggressive  hostility 
\_  toward  the  United  States.  At  the  same  time,  these  adventurers 
well  understood  that  no  matter  how  successful  they  might  be  in 
starting  their  revolution,  there  would  probably  come  a  time 
when  the  Federal  army  would  have  to  be  reckoned  with;  that 
the  General  Government  would  attempt  to  intervene  in  behalf  of 
local  order,  at  least,  and  might  seriously  embarrass  their  op 
erations  or  wholly  defeat  them.  This  visible  menace  they  not 
only  planned  to  overcome,  or  eliminate  from  the  problem,  but 
actually  to  turn  it  into  a  valuable  asset,  by  transposing  it  bodily 
to  their  side  of  the  military  equation.  They  planned,  in  ap 
parent  sincerity  of  purpose,  to  accomplish  what  appears  to  be 
the  most  colossal  of  all  imaginable  absurdities :  to  have  the  men 
of  the  United  States  army  abandon  their  colors  and  accept  ser 
vice  in  their  army;  or,  as  Brown  expressed  it,  to  make  an 
"actual  exchange  of  service  from  that  of  Satan  to  the  service 
of  God." 

To  poison  the  minds  of  the  soldiery  of  the  Union  and  to  ripen 
them  for  revolt  against  their  colors,  they  planned  to  begin  a 
campaign  of  education ;  to  publish  and  distribute  in  the  army,  a 
series  of  tracts,  for  the  instruction  of  the  officers  and  enlisted 
men  in  public  morals  and  in  patriotism.  In  the  division  of  their 
labors,  to  Forbes  was  assigned  the  Department  of  Literature. 
In  pursuance  of  his  duties,  he  proceeded  to  prepare  a  "Manual 
of  the  Patriotic  Volunteer,"  and  a  tract,  which  was  the  first  of 
what  was  to  be  a  series  of  tracts,  entitled  "The  Duty  of  the 
Soldier."  262  The  tract  was  headed  in  small  type :  "Presented 
with  respectful  and  kind  feelings,  to  the  Officers  and  Soldiers 
of  the  United  States  Army  in  ^Kansas."  Mr.  Villard  says  263 
the  object  of  the  tract  was  to  win  them  from  their  allegiance 
to  their  colors.  That  it  does  this  indirectly  by  asking  whether 
the  "Soldiers  of  the  Republic"  should  be  "vile  living  machines 

262  Hinton,  John  Brown  and  His  Men,  615. 

263  Villard,  297. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  229 

and  thus  sustain  Wrong  against  Right."  That  it  contained 
"three  printed  pages  of  rambling  and  discursive  discussion  of 
the  soldiery  of  the  ancient  Republics  and  of  the  princes  of  An 
tiquity,  and  a  consideration  of  Authority,  legitimate  and  ille 
gitimate  —  as  ill-fitted  as  possible  an  appeal  to  the  regular  sol 
dier  of  1857."  Appended  to  the  copy  in  his  possession  is  a 
closing  remark  in  Brown's  handwriting  as  follows : 

It  is  as  much  the  duty  of  the  common  soldier  of  the  U.  S. 
Army  according  to  his  ability  and  opportunity,  to  be  in 
formed  upon  all  subjects  in  any  way  affecting  the  political 
or  general  welfare  of  his  country;  and  to  watch  with  jealous 
vigilance,  the  course  and  management  of  all  public  function 
aries  both  civil  and  miltary:  and  to  govern  his  actions  as  a 
citizen  Soldier  accordingly:  as  though  he  were  President  of 
the  United  States.  Respectfully  yours, 

A  SOLDIER. 

To  one  person  at  least,  this  literary  performance  was  a  seri 
ous  matter.  In  the  promotion  of  it,  John  Brown  was  deeply, 
deadly  in  earnest.  The  statement  that  "Forbes  and  not  Brown, 
was  the  author  of  the  tract"  264  is  not  correct,  and  to  character 
ize  the  paper  as  Forbes's  attempt  to  seduce  the  soldiery  of  the 
Union,265  is  equally  misleading.  The  scheme  originated  with 
Brown;  he  furnished  the  subject.  To  Forbes  he  assigned  the 
duty  of  preparing  the  text  for  publication.  Writing  to  Rev. 
Theodore  Parker>xfrom  Boston,  March  7,  1858,  he  said : 

.  .  .  I  _want  you  to  undertake  to  provide  a  substitute 
for  an  address  you  saw  last  season,  directed  to  the  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  United  States  Army.  The  ideas  con 
tained  in  that  address  I,  of  course,  like  for  I  furnished  the 
skeleton.  I  never  had  the  ability  to  clothe  those  ideas  in 
language  at  all,  to  satisfy  myself.  ...  In  the  first  place 
it  must  be  short  or  it  will  not  be  generally  read.  It  must  be 
in  the  simplest  or  plainest  language,  without  the  least  affec- 

264Villard,  297. 
2G5Villard,  298. 


\ 


230  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

tation  of  the  scholar  about  it,  and  yet  be  worded  with  great 
clearness  and  power.  .  .  .  The  address  should  be  ap 
propriate,  and  particularly  adapted  to  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  we  anticipate,  and  should  look  to  the  actual  change  of 
service  from  that  of  Satan  to  the  service  of  God.  It  should  be 
in  short,  a  most  earnest  and  powerful  appeal  to  men's  sense  of 
right  and  to  their  feelings  of  humanity.  Soldiers  are  men, 
and  no  man  can  certainly  calculate  the  value  and  importance 
of  getting  a  single  "nail  into  old  Captain  Kidd's  chest."  It 
should  be  provided  beforehand,  and  be  ready  in  advance  to 
distribute  by  all  persons,  male  and  female,  who  may  be  dis 
posed  to  favor  the  right.  .  .  .  Now,  my  dear  sir,  I  have 
told  you  about  as  well  as  I  know  how,  what  I  am  anxious 
at  once  to  secure.  Will  you  write  the  tracts,  or  get  them 
written,  so  that  I  may  commence  colporteur?266 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Brown  placed  a  high  estimate 
upon  the  value  of  this  tract,  but  we  know  from  the  postscript 
thereto,  that,  although  the  tract  was  dedicated  to  the  "Officers 
and  Soldiers"  of  the  army,  it  was  the  "common  soldier"  that  he 
hoped  to  arouse  and  incite.  His  effort  to  convert  the  army  to 
his  service,  by  means  of  a  tract,  may  be  called  madness,  hut  it 
may  also  be  said  there  was  "method"  in  the  madness.  /If  he 
had  been  criticised  in  relation  to  this  matter,  he  would  probably 
have  said  in  reply  what  he  said  to  Mr.  Sanborn,  defending  his 
action  in  ordering  the  thousand  spears :  "Wise  men  may  rid 
icule  the  idea;  but  I  take  the  whole  responsibility  of  that  job;" 
which  was  equivalent  to  saying :  "You  do  not  comprehend  the 
scope  of  my  scheme,  or  the  use  which  I  intend  to  make  of  these 
spears.  When  they  have  accomplished  their  silent  but  deadly 
work,  the  wisdom  of  my  conduct  concerning  them  will  ap 
pear."  The  trouble  in  this  case  was  how  to  obtain  an  op 
portunity  to  inject  the  virus  of  revolt  into  the  ranks  of  the  army 
—  how  to  start  the  contagion  —  how  to  get  his  proposition  be 
fore  the  troops,  and  to  explain  what  he  intended  to  do;  and 

266  Sanborn,  448. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  231 

what  he  would  have  at  his  disposal  to  offer  in  the  way  of  re 
wards  for  services  in  his  army,  without  putting  himself  and  his 
plans  in  peril.  How  he  intended  to  use  the  tract  can  only  be 
surmised.  But  the  fact  remains  that  he  had  to  begin  this  all 
important  move  somehow  or  somewhere,  and  the  tract  was, 
probably,  evolved  from  his  inner  consciousness  to  meet  that  ne 
cessity.  It  may  therefore  be  assumed  that,  under  cover  of  dis 
cussing  the  generalities  contained  in  the  tract,  Brown  hoped  to 
make  acquaintances  among  the  enlisted  men  of  the  army  in 
whom  he  could  confide,  and  who  would  serve  his  purpose  by 
fomenting  the  revolt. 

In  projecting  his  campaign,  Brown  was  a  law  unto  himself, 
untrammelled  by  the  accepted  usages  of  war.  The  excess  of 
his  ardor  and  enthusiasm  led  him  to  believe  that  he  could  cor 
rupt  the  rank  and  file  of  the  army.  /In  his  philosophy,  the  dar 
ing,  dangerous,  adventurous  men  who  largely  composed  the  en 
listed  men  of  the  army  at  that  time,  having  no  hope  of  promo 
tion  in  the  service,  would  become  eager  listeners  to  his 
proposal.  Before  them,  he  would  throw  open  the  storehouses 
of  his  prospective  empire,  that  they  might  behold  the  volume  of 
his  treasures,  and  select  that  which  they  desired.  His  army 
was  to  be  created ;  he  had  the  men  in  view  —  the  slaves  whom 
he  would  set  free  —  but  not  the  officers  to  command  them.  If 
the  enlisted  men  would  desert  from  their  service  singly  or  en 
masse,  and  thus  temporarily  paralyze  the  United  States  forces, 
and  join  him,  they  could  immediately  become  commissioned 
officers  in  his  army  and  share  with  him  the  honors,  the  booty, 
and  the  beauty  of  the  rich  country  he  intended  to  ravage.  By 
means  of  these  "mighty  and  soul  satisfying  rewards"  he  hoped 
to  "seduce  the  soldiery  of  the  Union."  The  campaign  of  edu 
cation  was  a  stratagem. 

It  is  not  apparent  that  Forbes,  at  any  time,  showed  a  desire 
to  quit  Brown's  service,  or  any  disinclination  to  follow  him 
westward.  It  is  true  that  he  was  in  arrears  at  one  time  with 


u 


5 


232  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

his  literary  work,  but  that  was  due  to  an  incidental  diversion  of 
his  activities  in  other  directions  —  soliciting  contributions  and 
collecting  money  from  various  benevolent  persons,  including 
Mr.  Greeley  and  Mr.  Gerrit  Smith.  Forbes  also  had  been  mak 
ing  necessary  arrangements  for  the  comfort  of  his  family  —  a 
wife  and  a  daughter.  The  former  being  in  Paris,  and  the  lat 
ter  in  New  York,  he  wisely  decided,  in  view  of  the  character  of 
the  pending  military  operations,  to  have  the  latter  return  to  the 
care  of  her  mother.  Brown,  who  was  paying  the  price,  re 
quired  results  rather  than  explanations.  It  appears  that  Forbes 
had  not  prepared  the  "Manual"  within  the  time  in  which  he  had 
led  his  impetuous  chief  to  believe  it  would  be  forthcoming ;  and 
this  had  aroused  an  unwarranted  suspicion  in  his  mind  that  his 
subordinate  was  lagging.  It  is  also  true  that  Forbes  had  been  in 
discreet  from  a  "military"  point  of  view.  He  had  talked,  as 
one  having  authority,  or  knowingly,  about  the  situation  in  Kan 
sas,  and  had  committed  the  very  serious  mistake  of  expressing 
a  doubt  that  their  services  would  be  needed  there  before  winter, 
which  would  have  a  tendency  to  discourage  contributions  to 
the  "cause  of  freedom."  In  addition  to  all  this,  Brown  became 
suspicious  that  the  "Colonel"  was  ambitious,  and  aspired  to 
supersede  him  in  command ;  or,  it  may  be  that  he  became  jealous 
because  of  his  subordinate's  brilliant  accomplishments  —  his 
"military  bearing"  and  qualifications.  Mr.  Sanborn  confirmed 
Brown's  distrust  of  him.  He  says  that  "Forbes  was  ambitious 
and  apparently  desirous  of  taking  Brown's  place  in  command." 
It  may,  however,  be  nearer  the  truth  to  assume  that  the  de 
pleted  condition  of  the  exchequer  had  much  to  do  with  Brown's 
"dissatisfaction"  with  Forbes. 

There  is  no  apparent  reason  why  Forbes  should  have  pre 
ceded  Brown  into  Kansas,  and  the  fact  that  he  arrived  at  Tabor 
August  9th,  two  days  after  the  arrival  of  his  chief,  is  proof  of 
commendable  alacrity  on  his  part  to  take  up  and  continue  his 
duties.  Besides,  Forbes  brought  with  him  copies  of  the  "Man- 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  233 

ual,"  and  copies  of  Brown's  specialty:  "The  Duty  of  the  Sol 
dier."  With  these  evidences  of  his  ability,  fidelity,  and  loyalty, 
the  shadows  of  distrust  were  all  dispelled,  and  Forbes's  restora 
tion  to  Brown's  confidence  and  favor  resulted  immediately.  The 
next  day  Brown  was  in  a  hopeful  mood,  and  wrote  very  en 
couragingly  to  Mr.  Stearns,  sending  him  copies  of  the  tracts 
and,  incidentally,  impressing  upon  his  attention  the  important 
fact  that  he  was  "in  immediate  want  of  Five  Hundred  to  One 
Thousand  Dollars  for  secret  service  and  no  questions  asked." 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  in  their  poverty,  but  dreamfng  of 
the  splendors  of  war,  of  marching  armies,  and  the  possibilities 
of  empire,  these  two  bankrupt  but  hopeful  speculators  in  des 
tiny  gazed  wistfully  upon  the  order  for  the  seven  thousand  dol 
lars  that  Stearns  had  given  to  Brown  after  his  "Farewell  to  the 
Plymouth  Rocks"  effort.  The  question  was,  how  to  get  some 
of  it.  Unfortunately  for  their  purpose,  Mars  was  not  doing  a 
thing  for  them ;  they  were  unable  to  detect  even  so  much  as  a 
trace  of  a  war-cloud  upon  the  Kansas  sky ;  and  the  $7,000  could 
only  be  used  for  the  subsistence  of  the  make-believe  troopers 
when  in  "active  service."  Under  these  circumstances  they  did 
the  best  they  could ;  they  made  as  much  as  possible  out  of  noth 
ing.  They  wrote  Mr.  Stearns  what  he  already  knew;  that 
there  was  no  fighting  in  Kansas  "just  then" ;  and,  that  while 
"Rather  interesting  times  were  expected,  no  great  excitement  is 
reported."  But  "Our  next  advices  may  entirely  change  the  as 
pect  of  things."  From  this,  Mr.  Stearns  was  to  be  led  to  infer 
that  imminent  danger  to  the  Free-State  cause  was  lurking 
somewhere,  and  that  the  sagacious  leader  was  already  upon  the 
trail  of  it.  Also,  the  hope  that  Brown  earnestly  expressed  that 
the  "Friends  of  Freedom"  would  respond  to  his  call  and  "prove 
me  now  herewith,"  was  intended  to  move  Mr.  Stearns  to  au 
thorize  Brown  to  draw  upon  him  for  a  part  of  the  seven  thou 
sand  dollars  for  their  immediate  necessities.  But,  althougrV 
the  request  was  wisely  framed  and  neatly  but  urgently  pressed, 


234  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

it  failed  to  raise  any  money.  To  Theodore  Parker  Brown  wrote 
September  llth:267 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Please  find  on  other  side,  first  number  of 
a  series  of  tracts  lately  gotten  up  here.  I  need  not  say  I  did 
not  prepare  it ;  but  I  would  be  glad  to  know  what  you  think 
of  it,  and  much  obliged  for  any  suggestions  you  see  proper 
to  make.  My  particular  object  in  writing  is  to  say,  that  I 
am  in  immediate  want  of  some  five  hundred  or  one  thousand 
dollars  for  secret  service,  and  no  questions  asked.  I  want  the 
friends  of  freedom  to  "prove  me  now  herewith."  .  .  Have 
no  news  to  send  by  letter. 

Stranded  at  Tabor,  without  means  to  go  anywhere,  or  with 
which  to  do  anything,  the  two  leaders  of  the  revolution  had 
abundant  leisure  to  compare  their  respective  plans  of  operation, 
and  their  views  upon  methods  of  procedure,  as  well  as  to  formu 
late  and  agree  upon  final  plans  for  the  invasion  and  conquest. 
^Forbes,  later,  disclaimed  any  intention  to  participate  in 
"Brown's"  purpose  to  overthrow  the  State  Governments,  and 
^establish  a  provisional  government;  but  that  disclaimer  came 
as  an  incident  in  his  effort  to  supersede  Brown,  after  his  name 
f  had  been  dropped  from  the  muster  and  pay-roll.  )  November 
1st,  the  financial  embargo  was  raised  by  the  receipt  of  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  dollars :  one  hundred  and  fifty  from  Lane,  and 
one  hundred  from  Mr.  Adair.  It  was  not  a  large  sum  of 
money,  when  compared  with  the  expenses  usually  incurred  in 
"mobilizing"  even  a  small  army,  or,  as  compared  with  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  operations  they  intended  to  inaugurate;  but  it 
was  large  enough  to  enable  the  filibusters  to  start  doing  some 
thing. 

In  their  dreams  of  the  Provisional  Government  and  in 
their  planning  for  the  Provisional  army,  they  decided  to  open 
a  school  for  instruction  in  the  science  of  war  and  in  the  science 
of  civil  government,  at  some  point  convenient  to  the  scene  of 
the  prospective  conflict ;  whereat  the  persons  whom  Brown  had 
267  Sanborn,  422. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  235 

in  view  for  his  subordinate  commanders  —  general  officers, 
division  and  military  district  commanders  —  could  be  swiftly 
educated  and  fitted  for  ther  respective  duties  and  responsibil 
ities.  Forbes,  whose  position  was  that  of  a  chief  of  staff,  was 
to  have  charge  of  the  school.  November  2d,  he  took  passage 
from  Nebraska  City  for  the  East  to  find  a  suitable  location,  in 
Ashtabula  County,  Ohio,  for  the  War  College  which  was  to  be 
improvised ;  and  Brown,  as  we  have  seen,  proceeded  to  Kansas 
to  further  finance  their  venture  if  local  conditions  —  "disturb 
ances"  —  became  favorable  for  fiscal  operations ;  and  to  matric 
ulate  the  tyros. 

He  had  been  in  correspondence  with  Holmes  —  the  "Little 
Hornet"  —  and  other  adventurers  whom  he  thought  would  en 
gage  in  his  enterprises.  Cook  agreed  to  join  him  and  recom 
mended  others  —  Richard  Realf,  Luke  F.  Parsons,  and  Richard 
J.  Hinton.268  On  Sunday,  November  8th,  Brown  met  Cook  ^ 
and  Parsons,  near  Lawrence,  and  came  to  an  understanding 
with  them  for  organizing  a  party  to  steal  some  horses;  or,  as 
Mr.  Villard  puts  it :  "To  organize  a  company  for  the  purpose 
of  putting  a  stop  to  the  aggressions  of  the  pro-slavery  forces." 
A  few  days  later  he  notified  the  members  of  the  party  to  meet 
at  the  appointed  rendezvous.  Cook  met  him  on  the  16th,  at 
Mrs.  Sheridan's,  near  TtDpeka.  The  next  day  Aaron  D.  Ste 
vens,  Charles  W.  Moffet,  and  John  H.  Kagi  joined  them,  and 
the  party  set  out  on  the  contemplated  expedition. 

In  their  camp  north  of  Topeka  that  evening,  Brown  took  the 
men  into  his  confidence,  and  disclosed  to  them  his  intention  to  y^ 
attempt  the  conquest  of  the  Southern  States.269  "Here,"  says 
Cook  in  his  confession,  "for  the  first  time  I  learned  that  we 
were  to  leave  Kansas  to  attend  a  military  school  during  the 
winter."  It  is  for  the  reader  to  decide  for  himself  whether  or 
not  the  party  stole  any  horses  that  night,  or  what  other  steps 
they  took,  if  any,  to  put  "a  stop  to  the  aggressions  of  the  pro- 

268  Villard,  308. 

269  Ibid. 


236  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

slavery  forces."  Their  destination  was  Tabor,  Iowa;  they 
were  horse  thieves,  and  were  in  a  secret  camp,  north  of  To- 
peka.  Continuing  his  narrative  Cook  says :  ''Next  morning 
I  was  sent  back  to  Lawrence  to  get  a  draft  of  $80  cashed,  and 
to  get  Parsons,  Realf  and  Hinton,  to  go  back  with  me."  He 
relates  how  he  with  Realf  and  Parsons,  made  the  trip  to  Tabor ; 
but  the  route  traveled  by  Brown,  Stevens,  Moffet,  and  Kagi, 
and  the  incidents  of  their  journey,  if  any,  are  not  given. 

December  2d,  there  were  assembled  at  Tabor,  John  Brown, 
Owen  Brown,  A.  D.  Stevens,  Charles  W.  Moffett,  C.  P.  Tidd, 
John  H.  Kagi,  Richard  Realf,  Luke  F.  Parsons,  John  E.  Cook, 
and  W.  M.  Leeman ;  also  Richard  Richardson,  a  runaway  slave 
whom  Brown  had  picked  up  at  Tabor.  "Here,"  Cook  says, 
"we  found  that  Captain  Brown's  ultimate  destination  was  the 
State  of  Virginia" ;  and  these  were  the  men  he  had  selected  for 
his  commanders  in  the  Army  of  the  Invasion.  They  were  not 
a  coterie  of  humanitarians  or  sentimentalists  whom  he  had 
picked  up,  mooning  about  in  Kansas;  but  a  lot  of  care-free, 
reckless,  ambitious  young  men  who  had  parted  their  moorings 
to  an  orderly  life.  Of  them  Senator  Doolittle,  speaking  for  the 
minority  of  the  Mason  Committee  said :  "It  was  from  such 
elements  [lawless]  that  John  Brown  concocted  his  conspiracy 
consisting  of  young  men  and  boys  over  whom  he  had  entire 
control,  many  of  them  foreigners  and  none  of  substance  or  posi 
tion  in  the  country."  27°  It  is  not  in  the  "dominating  spirit  of 
John  Brown  himself  must  be  found  the  true  reason  for  their 
readiness  to  join  in  so  desperate  a  venture  as  Brown  outlined  to 
them  or  because  of  their  readiness  to  go  any  lengths  to  under 
mine  slavery."271  Cook  knew  Brown's  career  from  the  Pot- 
tawatomie  to  Osawatomie,  and  approved  of  his  system  for 
undermining  things.  Parsons  was  with  him  in  the  Osawat 
omie  cattle  raid.  Stevens  had  graduated  from  a  volunteer  in 

270  Mason  Report, 

271  Villard,  310. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  237 

the  Mexican  War,  to  a  private  in  the  First  Dragoons,  United 
States  army.  He  was  insubordinate,  and  had  been  tried  for 
mutiny  and  for  assaulting  an  officer  —  Major  George  A.  H. 
Blake,  First  Dragoons  —  and  sentenced  to  death.  The  sen 
tence  had  been  commuted  to  confinement,  for  three  years  at 
hard  labor,  in  the  military  prison  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  from 
which  he  escaped  and  joined  the  Free-State  forces  in  Kansas. 
He  became  colonel  of  the  Second  Regiment  in  the  Free-State 
army  under  the  name  of  Charles  Whipple.  It  was  not  Brown 
and  his  magnetism  or  any  insipid  nonsense  about  "philanthropy 
or  love  for  the  slave"  that  appealed  to  these  adventurers,  but 
the  scheme  which  he  unfolded  before  them.  It  was  the  charm 
of  the  glittering  expanse  of  opportunity  which  he  pressed  upon 
their  mental  conceptions,  that  won,  and  enlisted  them  in  the 
venture. 

On  December  4th,  with  their  plunder,  ordnance  stores  and 
camp  and  garrison  equipment,  Brown  and  his  staff  set  out  from 
Tabor  for  Ashtabula.  There  had  been  argument,  disagree 
ment,  and  some  wrangling  at  Tabor  about  the  practicability  of 
the  undertaking;  but  yielding  to  the  force  of  Brown's  exposi 
tion  of  it,  opposition  was  silenced  and  confidence  of  success  sup 
planted  doubt  in  the  minds  of  all.  Of  the  march  across  Iowa 
to  Iowa  City  and  Springdale,  Mr.  Villard,  quoting  from  frag 
ments  of  Owen  Brown's  diary,  that  survived  the  wreck  at  Har 
per's  Ferry,  says :  "Progress  was  slow,  for  all  of  the 
men  walked  and  the  weather  was  bitter  cold.  On  De 
cember  8,  the  entry  reads :  'Cold,  wet  and  snowy ;  hot  discus-  / 
sion  about  the  Bible  and  war  —  warm  argument  about  the  / 
effects  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  upon  the  Southern  States, 
Northern  States  Commerce  and  manufactures,  also  upon  the 
British  provinces  and  the  civilized  world ;  whence  came  our 
civilization  and  origin?  Talk  about  prejudices  against  color; 
question  proposed  for  debate,  —  greatest  general,  Washington 
or  Napoleon.'  '  The  party  arrived  at  Springdale,  Iowa,  on 


238  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  28th  or  29th  of  December.  Early  in  January,  1858,  Brown 
changed  his  plans  about  going  to  Ashtabula  County,  and  for 
opening  there  the  School  of  Instruction.  On  January  llth,  he 
located  his  men  for  the  winter  at  the  home  of  Mr.  William  Max- 
son,  the  latter  agreeing  to  take  the  wagons  and  horses  from 
Brown  on  account  for  boarding.  The  War  College  was  then 
opened  at  Springdale,  instead  of  in  Ashtabula  County  ;  and  with 
Stevens  in  charge  instead  of  Forbes.  Continuing  his  narrative 
aBout  the  doings  of  the  school,  Mr.  Villard  says  :  272  "On  the  12th 
(February)  there  was  'talk  about  our  adventures  and  plans.' 
In  the  main,  discussion  ranged  from  theology  and  spiritualism 
to  caloric  engines,  and  covered  every  imaginable  subject  be 
tween  them.  Much  talk  of  war  and  fighting  there  was,  and 
drilling  with  wooden  swords.  Stevens,  by  reason  of  his  ser 
vice  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  subsequently  in  the  United  States 
Dragoons,  was  drill-master  in  default  of  Forbes.  Sometimes 
they  went  into  the  woods  to  look  for  natural  fortifications  ; 
again  they  discussed  dislodging  the  enemy  from  a  hill-top  by 
means  of  zig-zag  trenches.  Forbes  manual  was  diligently 
perused."  Also  they  organized  a  "moot  legislature  and  be 
guiled  the  long  winter  evenings,  drafting  laws  for  an  ideal 
'State  of  Topeka.'  It  followed  the  regulation  procedure  with 
its  bills  and  debates."  The  curriculum  in  this  school  is  evi 
dence  of  the  character  of  the  duties  the  students  therein  were 
being  fitted  to  perform  ;  they  were  being  instructed  in  the  higher 
strategy  of  war,  in  the  command  of  troops  and  in  the  science 
pf  government.  Writing  to  Mr.  Sanborn  from  Brooklyn, 
February  26th,  Brown  said  :  273 

I  want  to  put  into  the  hands  of  my  young  men,  copies  of 
Plutarch's  "Lives,"  Irving's  "Life  of  Washington,"  the  best 
written  Life  of  Napoleon,  and  other  similar  books,  together 
with  maps  and  statistics  of  States.  .  .  I  also  want  to  get 
a  quantity  of  best  white  cotton  drilling  —  some  hundred 


,  315. 
273  Sanborn,   443. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  239 

pieces,  if  I  can  get  it.     The  use  of  this  article  I  will  explain 

hereafter. 

About  January  1st,  the  two  Soldiers  of  Fortune  —  Brown 
and  Forbes  —  arrived  at  the  parting  of  their  ways.  They 
seem  to  have  been  in  agreement  and  in  full  sympathy  with  each 
other  when  they  separated  November  2d;  for  Brown  at  that 
time  gave  Forbes  a  letter  to  Mr.  Frederick  Douglass,  com 
mending  him  to  his  confidence  and  asking  Douglass  to  assist 
him.  The  letter  Forbes  lost  no  time  in  presenting.  He 
stopped  at  Rochester,  as  he  went  east,  and  got  what  money  he 
could.  Mr.  Douglass  says  274  that  he  was  not  favorably  im 
pressed  with  Forbes  at  first,  but  took  him  to  a  hotel  and  paid 
his  board  while  he  remained,  and  gave  him  some  money  for  his 
family  in  Europe,  then  in  destitute  circumstances.  He  intro 
duced  him  to  some  of  his  German  friends  whom  Forbes  "soon 
wore  out  with  his  endless  begging." 

Failing  to  collect  money  for  the  cause,  as  fast  as  he  thought 
he  was  entitled  to,  or  as  fast  as  he  needed  it,  Forbes  began  to 
try  to  force  contributions  from  Brown's  friends,  claiming  that 
he  had  been  employed  by  him,  and  that  sums  of  money  were 
due  him  on  account  of  arrears  of  salary.  Later  he  threatened 
to  expose  Brown's  plans  of  invasion,  believing,  or  assuming  to 
believe,  that  such  plans  were  a  part  of  a  general  conspiracy, 
among  the  northern  Abolitionists,  to  overthrow  slavery.  In 
formation  relating  to  his  conduct  was  received  by  Brown  at 
Springdale,  and  caused  him  to  halt  there  until  he  could  ascer 
tain  the  extent  of  Forbes's  defection.  Upon  confirmation  of 
his  advices,  and  being  unable  to  pay  Forbes's  salary,  he  dropped 
him;  refused  to  answer  his  letters,  and  changed  his  plans  of 
procedure.  Pressed  by  his  necessities,  Forbes  became  aggres 
sive,  and,  carrying  his  case  to  Mr.  Charles  Sumner  and  to  Mr. 
Henry  Wilson,  and  to  Mr.  William  H.  Seward,  denounced 
Brown  as  "reckless,  unreliable  and  vicious."  He  approached 

274Sanborn,  431. 


240  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Mr.  Wilson  in  the  Senate  chamber  at  Washington  and  de 
manded  that  Brown  and  his  men  be  disarmed. 

While  Forbes  caused  Brown  no  end  of  trouble,  the  case  was 
not  nearly  so  serious  as  it  would  have  been,  if  his  eastern 
patrons  had  known  what  Forbes  was  talking  about.  Brown, 
whose  "sincerity  of  purpose  was  above  suspicion,"  and  who 
"was  so  transparent  that  all  men  can  see  him  through,"  had 
led  them,  throughout  the  whole  extent  of  their  intercourse,  to 
think  and  believe  that  his  operations  were  to  be  undertaken 
solely  for  the  defense  of  the  Free-State  settlers  in  Kansas; 
they  knew  nothing  about  his  plans  for  operations  in  Virginia. 
In  the  face  of  this  condition  of  affairs,  Forbes  could  make  no 
progress,  by  means  of  his  threats  to  make  exposures,  and  was 
immediately  discredited;  for,  as  Mr.  Douglass  said,  "Nobody 
believed  him  although  the  scoundrel  told  the  truth."  He  was 
discreet  however,  in  his  controversy  with  Brown  and  in  his 
denunciation  of  him,  in  this  respect :  he  was  careful  not  to 
give  his  troubles  publicity,  or  to  do  anything  that  would  other 
wise  imperil  or  wreck  the  general  proposition. 

Forbes  did  not,  at  first,  comprehend  Brown's  autocracy  in 
the  scheme  —  that  he  had  no  associates  —  and,  that  while  he 
depended  upon  his  generous  friends  to  finance  the  enterprise, 
he  had  not  taken  them  into  his  confidence,  but  was  in  reality 
practicing  a  deception  upon  them.  When  the  facts  of  the  situa 
tion  finally  became  apparent  to  his  understanding,  he  then 
sought  to  discredit  Brown  and  his  plans,  and  to  ingratiate  him 
self  with  his  clientage,  so  as  to  supersede  him  in  leadership,  and 
in  control  of  any  general  plan  of  action,  in  relation  to  slavery, 
that  might  thereafter  be  agreed  upon  and  undertaken.  With 
this  purpose  in  view,  Forbes  addressed  a  letter  to  Dr.  Samuel  G. 
Howe,  M#y  14,  1858,  submitting  to  him  a  very  weak  statement 
of  the  violent  and  dangerous  things  which  Brown  intended  to  do, 
for  comparison  with  a  statement  of  the  safe  and  sane  things,  that, 
in  his  judgment,  could  be  done ;  claiming  that  he  had  urged  his 


A  SOLDIER  OF  FORTUNE  241 

plan  upon  Brown,  and  that  he  had,  at  one  time,  succeeded  in 
obtaining  Brown's  consent  thereto ;  and  that  it  had  been  adopted 
by  them  under  the  name  of  "The  Well-Matured  Plan."  Ex 
tracts  from  this  letter  are  published  by  Mr.  Villard  on  pages 
313-314.  Forbes,  setting  up  a  straw  man  for  the  purpose  of 
knocking  him  down,  stated  that  Brown  proposed,  with  from 
twenty-five  to  fifty  colored  and  white  men,  well  armed  and 
taking  with  them  a  quantity  of  spare  arms,  "to  beat  up  a  slave 
quarter  in  Virginia."  To  this  Forbes  offered  objections  as 
follows :  "No  preparatory  notice  having  been  given  to  the 
slaves  [no  notice  could  go  or  with  prudence  be  given  to  them] 
the  invitation  to  rise  might,  unless  they  were  already  in  a  state 
of  agitation,  meet  with  no  response  or  a  feeble  one."  To  this 
Brown  had  replied,  that  he  "was  sure  of  a  response."  He  calcu 
lated  that  he  could  get  "on  the  first  night  from  200  to  500.  Half, 
or  thereabouts,  of  this  first  lot,  he  proposed  to  keep  with  him, 
amounting  to  a  hundred  or  so  of  them,  and  make  a  dash  at  the 
Harper's  Ferry  manufactory,  destroying  what  he  could  not 
carry  off.  The  other  men,  not  of  this  party,  were  to  be  sub 
divided  into  three,  four,  or  five  distinct  parties,  each  under  two 
or  three  of  the  original  band,  and  would  beat  up  other  slave 
quarters  whence  more  men  would  be  sent  to  join  him."  "He 
[Brown]  argued  that  were  he  pressed  by  the  U.  S.  Troops, 
which,  after  a  few  weeks,  might  concentrate,  he  could  easily 
maintain  himself  in  the  Alleghenies  and  that  his  New  England 
partisans  would  in  the  meantime,  call  a  Northern  Convention, 
restore  tranquility  and  overthrow  the  pro-slavery  administra 
tion."  This,  Forbes  contended,  could  at  most  be  "a  mere  local 
explosion.  A  slave  insurrection,  being  from  the  very  nature 
of  things  deficient  in  men  of  education  and  experience,  would 
under  such  a  system  as  B.  proposed,  be  either  a  flash  in  the  pan 
or  would  leap  beyond  his  control,  or  any  control,  when  it  would 
become  a  scene  of  anarchy  and  would  assuredly  be  suppressed." 
On  the  other  hand  Brown  considered  "foreign  intervention  as 


242  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

not  impossible."  As  to  the  dream  of  a  Northern  convention, 
Forbes  "considered  it  as  a  settled  fallacy.  Brown's  New  Eng 
land  friends  would  not  have  courage  to  show  themselves  as  long 
as  the  issue  was  doubtful,"  and  added :  "see  my  letter  to  J.  B. 
dated  23rd  February." 

Since  Forbes's  letters  to  Brown  deal  directly,  and  without 
dissimulation,  with  the  matters  under  consideration,  it  is  ex 
ceedingly  regrettable  that  they  have  been  withheld  from  pub 
lication.  They  would  expose  the  flimsy  fictions  which  have 
been  put  forth  concerning  the  fictitious  company  of  "volun 
teer-regulars"  ;  and  that  Forbes  had  been  employed  as  a  drill- 
master  for  it.  Also,  it  is  especially  regrettable  that  his  let 
ter  of  February  23d  has  been  suppressed.  For  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  it  would  disclose  their  plans  for  the  invasion ; 
the  means  they  relied  upon  for  success,  and  the  broad  lines 
which  they  expected  to  operate  upon.  It  contained,  in  all  prob 
ability,  a  discussion,  from  Forbes's  point  of  view,  of  the  insur 
rection  ;  of  armies  and  conquest ;  of  government,  and  relations 
with  foreign  States;  of  northern  conventions,  and  of  interna 
tional  complications.  This  correspondence  was  suppressed, 
doubtless,  because  the  publication  of  it  would  dissipate  the 
theory  that  it  was  an  altruistic  "Foray  into  Virginia"  that 
Brown  had  in  view,  or  an  illogical  guerrilla  "raid." 

The  passing  of  Forbes  came  with  an  "adroit  and  stinging" 
reply  from  Dr.  Howe  to  his  letter  of  May  14th,  who,  among 
other  things  said :  "I  infer  from  your  language  that  you  have 
obtained  (in  confidence)  some  information  concerning  an  ex 
pedition  which  you  think  to  be  commendable,  provided  you 
could  manage  it,  but  which  you  will  betray  and  denounce  if 
he  does  not  give  it  up !  You  are,  sir,  the  guardian  of  your  own 
honor  —  but  I  trust  that  for  your  children's  sake,  at  least,  you 
will  never  let  your  passion  lead  you  to  a  course  that  might 
make  them  blush."  275 

275  Mason  Report,  176. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT 

Fear  made  the  Gods;  audacity,  has  made  kings. 

—  CREBILLON 

BEFORE  leaving  Springdale  for  the  East,  Brown  forwarded 
the  ordnance  stores  to  his  son  John,  at  Conneaut,  Ohio,  who 
carefully  concealed  them.  Proceeding  to  Rochester,  New 
York,  he  stopped  at  the  home  of  Mr.  Douglass,  where  he  re 
mained  until  February  15th.  From  there  he  commenced  his 
correspondence  with  the  men  whom  he  hoped  he  could  induce 
to  advance  the  necessary  money  to  float,  or  to  initiate,  the  rev 
olution;  and  it  was  at  the  Douglass  home  that  he  wrote  and 
revised  the  constitution  for  the  Provisional  Government  which 
he  intended  to  attempt  to  set  up  in  the  Southern  States.  Mr. 
Douglass  stated  to  Mr.  Sanborn  276  that  he  had  a  copy  of  this 
Constitution  in  Brown's  own  hand  writing,  "prepared  by  him 
self  at  my  house." 

February  2d,  he  wrote  to  the  Rev.  Theodore  Parker  that  he 
had  nearly  perfected  arrangements  for  carrying  out  an  import 
ant  measure  in  which  the  "world  had  a  deep  interest,  as  well  as 
Kansas,"  and  that  he  only  lacked  from  five  hundred  to  eight 
hundred  dollars  to  enable  him  "to  do  it."  Also  that  it  was  the 
"same  object  for  which  he  had  asked  for  secret  service  money 
last  fall" ;  that  he  had  written  to  some  of  their  mutual  friends 
concerning  the  matter  but  that  none  of  them  understood  his 
"views  as  well  as  you  do" ;  and  that  he  could  not  explain  them 
without  their  committing  themselves  further  than  he  knew  of 
their  doing,  closing  with  the  question,  "Do  you  know  some 

276  Sanborn,  434. 


244  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

parties  whom  you  could  induce  to  give  their  abolition  the 
ories  a  thoroughly  practical  shape  ?  .  Do  you  think  any 
of  my  Garrisonian  friends  at  Boston,  Worcester,  or  any  other 
place,  can  be  induced  to  supply  a  little  'straw'  if  I  will  abso 
lutely  make  'bricks'  ?"  2T7 

He  wrote  letters  in  a  similar  vein  to  Gerrit  Smith,  to  Mr. 
Stearns,  to  Mr.  Sanborn,  and  to  Mr.  Higginson,  and  sought  to 
have  a  meeting  with  these  gentlemen  at  Mr.  Smith's  home  on 
February  23d,  at  which  he  intended  to  submit  to  them  as  much 
of  his  plans  as  he  thought  it  advisable  for  them  to  know,  for  their 
consideration  and  approval.  Mr.  Sanborn  alone  responded  to 
his  call ;  he  arrived  at  Peterboro  on  Monday  evening,  February 
22d.  Brown  had  arrived  there  on  the  preceding  Thursday,  and 
had  gone  over  the  scheme  with  Mr.  Smith.  During  the  night 
of  the  22d,  Mr.  Sanborn  says,  the  whole  outline  of  the  cam 
paign  in  Virginia  was  laid  before  the  little  council.  "In  aston 
ishment  and  almost  in  dismay,"  they  listened  to  the  reading  of 
the  constitution  that  he  had  prepared  for  the  government  of  the 
territory  which  he  proposed  to  conquer ;  and  to  a  recital  of  the 
details  of  the  hazardous  adventure.  In  the  discussion,  he  ex 
plained  his  "plan  of  organization,  of  fortification,  of  occupation, 
and  of  settlement  in  the  South"  and  of  his  "retreat  through  the 
North,"  if  retreat  became  necessary.  He  had  foreseen  every 
difficulty  they  could  suggest,  and  had  provided  for  it  "in  some 
manner."  And  then  he  had  "God  on  his  side."  "If  God  be 
for  us  who  can  be  against  us."  All  he  asked  for,  in  addition 
to  the  equipment  which  he  then  had,  was  "but  eight  hundred 
dollars,  and  would  think  himself  rich  with  a  thousand."  With 
that  he  would  open  his  campaign  in  the  spring,  and  he  had  no 
doubt  that  the  enterprise  "would  pay"  as  he  said.278 

The  next  day  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Sanborn  took  up  Brown's 
proposition  for  final  consideration  and  agreed  to  sustain  him 
in  it.  They  reasoned  in  this  way : 

277  Sanborn,  434. 

278  Sanborn,  439. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          245 

To  withhold  aid  would  only  delay,  not  prevent  him ;  noth 
ing  short  of  betraying  him  to  the  enemy  would  do  that.  Mr. 
Smith  restated  in  his  eloquent  way  the  daring  propositions 
of  Brown,  the  import  of  w'hich  he  understood  fully ;  and1 
then  said  in  substance :  "You  see  how  it  is ;  our  dear  old 
friend  has  made  up  his  mind  to  this  course  and  cannot  be 
turned  from  it.  We  cannot  give  him  up  to  die  alone ;  we 
must  support  him.  I  will  raise  so  many  hundred  dollars  for 
him ;  you  must  lay  the  case  before  your  friends  in  Massachu 
setts,  and  perhaps  they  will  do  the  same.  I  see  no  other 
way."  279  For  myself  I  had  reached  the  same  conclusion,  and 
engaged  to  bring  the  scheme  at  once  to  the  attention  of  the 
three  Massachusetts  men  to  whom  Brown  had  written,  and 
also  to  Dr.  S.  G.  Howe,  who  had  sometimes  favored  action 
almost  as  extreme  as  this  proposed  by  Brown. 

As  to  Mr.  Smith,  he  had  approved  of  Colonel  Forbes,  to 
whom  he  gave  one  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  and  thought  that 
he  would  "make  himself  very  useful  in  our  sacred  Kansas 
work."     He  approved  of  Brown's  "effort  to  seduce  the  soldiers    v' 
of  the  Union"  and  thought  his  tract,  "The  Duty  of  the  Soldier,'^ 
very  well  written.     After  his  declaration  to  Thaddeus  Hyatt  :28f 
"We  must  not  shrink  from  fighting  for  Liberty  —  &  if  the 
Federal  troops  fight  against  her  we  must  fight  against  them,'* 
he  had  not  far  to  go  to  approve  of  the  insurrection  and  in 
vasion  which  Brown  now  contemplated. 

The  outcome  of  the  Peterboro  conference  was  satisfactory. 
Brown  skillfully  put  his  public  affairs  in  the  hands  of  a  com 
mittee  —  a  war  committee,  composed  of  friends  who,  he  had 
reason  to  believe,  would  finance  his  adventure.  He  therefore 
directed  his  energies  to  the  task  of  strengthening  his  organiza 
tion  for  the  work  before  him.  Among  those  whom  he  sought 
to  enlist  under  his  banner  was  Mr.  Sanborn.  To  him  he  wrote 
from  Peterboro  February  24th : 281 

2™  Sanborn,  439. 

280  Villard,  287. 

281  Sanborn,  444-445. 


246  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  Mr.  Morton  282  has  taken  the  liberty  of 
saying  to  me  that  you  felt  half  inclined  to  make  a  common 
cause  with  me.  I  greatly  rejoiced  for  I  believe  when  you 
come  to  look  at  the  ample  field  I  labor  in,  and  the  rich  harvest 
which  not  only  this  entire  country  but  the  whole  world  dur 
ing  the  present  and  future  generations  may  reap  from  its 
successful  cultivation,  you  will  feel  that  you  are  out  of  your 
element  until  you  find  that  you  are  in  it,  an  entire  unit.  What 
an  inconceivable  amount  of  good  you  might  so  effect  by  your 
counsel,  your  example,  your  encouragement,  your  natural 
and  acquired  ability  for  active  service !  And  then  how  very 
little  we  can  possibly  lose!  Certainly  the  cause  is  enough 
to  live  for,  if  not  to  —  for.  I  have  only  had  this  one  oppor 
tunity,  in  a  life  of  nearly  sixty  years;  and  could  I  be  con 
tinued  ten  times  as  long  again,  I  might  not  have  again  an 
equal  opportunity.  God  has  honored  but  comparatively  a 
very  small  part  of  mankind  with  any  possible  chance  for  such 
mighty  and  soul  satisfying  rewards.  But  my  dear  friend  if 
you  should  make  up  your  mind  to  do  so,  I  trust  it  will  be 
wholly  from  the  prompting  of  your  own  spirit  after  you  have 
thoroughly  counted  the  cost.  I  would  flatter  no  man  into 
such  a  measure,  if  I  could  do  so  ever  so  easily. 

I  expect  nothing  but  to  "endure  hardness" ;  but  I  expect  to 
effect  a  mighty  conquest,  even  though  it  be  like  the  last^ 
victory  of  Samson.  I  felt  for  a  number  of  years  in  earlier 
life,  a  steady,  strong  desire  to  die ;  but  since  I  saw  any  pros 
pect  of  becoming  a  reaper  in  the  great  harvest,  I  have  not 
only  felt  quite  willing  to  live,  but  have  enjoyed  life  much ; 
and  am  now  rather  anxious  to  live  for  a  few  years  more. 

It  is  inconsistent  with  the  tenor  of  this  letter,  to  draw  from 
it  the  conclusion  that  the  "mighty  conquest"  was  a  profitless 
"foray,"  or  a  "raid,"  that  Brown  thus  invited  Mr.  Sanborn  to 
engage  in ;  nor  did  the  latter  so  understand  it.  On  the  contrary 
he  took  the  proposal  seriously,  and  was  deeply  impressed  with 

282  Mr.  Morton  was  Mr.  Smith's  secretary.  He  and  Mr.  Sanborn  had 
been  classmates  at  Harvard. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          247 

the  broad  significance  of  the  undertaking  herein  dimly  fore 
shadowed.     Commenting  thereon  he,  consistently,  said  : 

Till  I  follow  my  noble  friend  to  the  other  world,  on  which 
his  hopes  were  fixed,  I  can  never  read  this  letter  without 
emotion.  Yet  it  did  not  persuade  me  to  comply  with  his 
wish.  Long  accustomed  to  guide  my  life  by  leadings  and 
omens  from  that  shrine  whose  oracles  may  destroy  but  can 
never  deceive,  I  listened  in  vain,  through  months  of  doubt 
and  anxiety,  for  a  clear  and  certain  call.  But  it  was  re 
vealed  to  me  that  no  confidence  could  be  too  great,  no  trust 
or  affection  too  extreme  toward  this  aged,  poor  man  whom 
the  Lord  had  chosen  as  his  champion. 

One  might  venture  to  suggest,  in  this  connection,  that  Mr. 
Sanborn's  failure  to  catch  any  note  of  a  "clear  and  certain  call" 
during  his  months  of  doubt  and  anxiety,  might  be  due,  possibly, 
to  facts  or  conditions  existing  in  the  Omnipotent  economy. 
God,  "whose  mercy  endureth  forever,"  may  not  have  desired 
that  a  "generation  should  pass  off  the  face  of  the  earth,"  at  that 
time,  "by  a  violent  death."  Also,  the  absence  of  any  evidence 
of  the  Divine  approval  of  Brown's  scheme,  raises  a  question  of 
doubt,  that  the  Lord  had  really  appointed  "this  aged  poor  man 
as  his  chosen  champion."  While,  on  the  other  hand,  the  la 
mentable  failure  of  the  expedition  undertaken  in  the  accom 
plishment  of  this  enterprise ;  and  the  overwhelming  wreck  and 
ruin  of  those  who  engaged  in  it,  point  to  the  theory  that  God,  if 
he  took  any  active  participation  in  the  matter  at  all,  was  opposed 
to  Brown  —  that  he  was  on  the  other  side  —  on  the  side  of  the 
generation  of  men,  women,  and  children,  who,  trusting  in  His 
mercy,  lived  in  innocent  ignorance  of  Brown's  plot  to  destroy 
them. 

Leaving  Peterboro  on  the  24th,  Brown  began  a  tour  among 
the  colored  people  to  unite  them  in  support  of  his  campaign. 
February  26th,  to  March  3d,  he  was  at  Brooklyn  at  the  home 
of  Dr.  and  Mrs.  J.  N.  Gloucester,  wealthy  colored  people,  and 


248  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

| sought  their  assistance.  From  Brooklyn  he  went  to  Boston. 
iFrom  there,  March  4th,  he  wrote  to  his  son  John : 283  "As  it 
pay  require  some  time  to  hunt  out  friends  at  Bedford,  Cham- 
foersburg,  Gettysburg,  Hagerstown,  Md.  or  even  Harper's  Ferry, 
Va.,  I  would  like  to  have  you  arrange  your  business  so  as  to  set 
put  very  soon."  March  6th,  he  was  again  at  Boston,  and  on  the 
115th,  at  Philadelphia  again,  where  he  met  Rev.  Stephen  Smith, 
Frederick  Douglass,  Rev.  Henry  H.  Garnett,  William  Sill,  and 
other  colored  men.  His  son  John  met  him  there  by  appoint 
ment  and  thence  they  went  to  New  York,  New  Haven,  and 
to  North  Elba,  where  they  arrived  March  23d.  April  2d,  they 
were  at  Peterboro  for  consultation  with  Gerrit  Smith,  and  from 
there  they  went  to  Rochester,  where  they  separated.  From 
Rochester,  Brown  went  to  St.  Catherine,  Canada,  in  company 
with  a  colored  man  —  J.  W.  Loguen  —  where  they  met,  by 
appointment,  Mrs.  Harriet  Tubman,  colored,  known  as  the 
"Moses  of  her  People."  Brown  was  cordially  received  by  the 
Canadian  negroes.  They  listened  to  his  statement  of  the  things 
that  he  intended  to  do  for  their  race,  and  gave  him  encourage 
ment  to  believe  that  many  of  them  would  enter  his  service. 

Believing  the  money  which  had  been  pledged  would  be 
promptly  furnished,  Brown  launched  his  enterprise,  and  called 
a  constitutional  convention  to  meet  at  Chatham,  Canada,  to 
formally  adopt  a  "Provisional  Constitution  and  Ordinances,  for 
the  people  of  the  United  States."  He  then  proceeded  to  Spring- 
dale  to  report  the  situation  to  his  captains. 

The  war  party  left  Springdale  April  27th,  and  arrived  at 
Chatham  on  the  29th,  Brown  stopping  at  the  home  of  James  M. 
Bell,  a  colored  man.  Notices  calling  the  convention  were  imme 
diately  sent  out ;  the  form,  as  drawn  by  Cook,  was  as  follows  : 

Chatham,  May  -  -  1859. 
Mr.  -        — . ;  Dear  Sir:  —  We  have  issued  a  call  for  a 

very  quiet  Convention  at  this  place,  to  which  we  shall  be  very 

28'3  Sanborn,  451. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          249 

happy  to  see  any  true  friends  of  freedom  and  to  which  you 

are  most  earnestly  invited  to  give  your  attendance. 

Yours  respectfully,  JOHN  BROWN. 

The  convention  was  represented,  at  Chatham,  as  being  a  meet 
ing  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  a  Masonic  (colored)  lodge  ;  it 
met  May  8th,  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.  Only  Brown's  party  and  thir 
ty-four  colored  men  were  present.  Richard  Realf,  in  his  testi 
mony  before  the  Mason  Committee,  said  that  Brown  opened  the 
convention  with  an  explanation  of  the  purposes  for  which  it  had 
been  called.  That  he  spoke  of  the  manner  in  which  he  had 
qualified  himself  for  leadership  —  by  a  tour  of  the  European 
continent,  inspecting  all  fortifications,  especially  all  earthwork 
forts,  that  he  could  find,  intending  to  apply  such  knowledge,  with 
modifications  and  inventions  of  his  own,  to  the  warfare  he  now 
proposed  to  undertake.  "He  spoke  of  his  studies  of  Roman 
warfare,  and  of  Schamyal  the  Circassian  chief,  and  of  his  knowl 
edge  of  conditions  in  Hayti,  and  of  Toussaint  L'Ouverture." 
He  said  that  he  expected  all  the  free  negroes  in  the  Northern 
States  to  flock  to  his  standard,  as  well  as  the  negroes  of  the 
Southern  States.  Mr.  Realf  further  stated  that  "no  salaries 
were  to  be  paid  to  the  officers"  under  this  constitution.  That 
it  was  "purely  out  of  that  which  we  supposed  to  be  philanthropy 
-  love  for  the  slave."  284 

After  the  address  Brown  produced  a  copy  of  the  "Provisional 
Constitution."  The  articles  were  read  and  adopted  unanimous 
ly.  Each  person  present  then  signed  the  constitution,  and  swore 
allegiance  to  the  Provisional  Government.285  The  nature  and 
purposes  of  Brown's  invasion  of  Virginia,  in  October,  1859,  are 
disclosed  in  the  forty-eight  articles  contained  in  this  remarkable 
historical  document.286 

At  a  meeting  held  in  the  evening,  John  Brown  was  elected 
commander-in-chief  and  John  H.  Kagi,  secretary  of  war.  The 

284  Mason  Report,  96. 

285  Redpath,  251. 

286  Mason  Report,  48.     See   Appendix  III. 


250  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

balloting  for  offices  was  continued  on  Monday,  May  10th,  and 
Richard  Realf  was  elected  secretary  of  state,  George  B.  Gill, 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  Owen  Brown,  treasurer,  and  Osborn 
P.  Anderson  and  Alfred  M.  Ellsworth,  colored,  were  elected 
members  of  Congress. 

Article  I,  of  the  constitution,  provides  for  qualification  of 
membership,  and  includes  "all  persons  of  mature  age  whether 
proscribed,  oppressed,  and  enslaved  citizens,  or  of  proscribed 
and  oppressed  races  of  the  United  States,  who  shall  agree  to 
sustain  and  enforce  the  Provisional  Constitution  and  ordinances 
of  organization,  together  with  all  minor  children  of  such  per 
sons,  shall  be  held  to  be  fully  entitled  to  protection  under  the 
same."  Articles  II,  III,  IV,  and  V  relate  to  the  branches  of 
government:  Legislative,  executive  and  judicial.  A  num 
ber  of  articles  relate  to  the  trial  of  officers,  impeachment,  or 
recall  of  judges,  army  appointments,  etc.,  etc.  Article  XXVIII 
treats  of  "Property."  It  recites  that  "All  captured  or  confiscat 
ed  property,  and  all  property  the  product  of  the  labor  of  those 
belonging  to  this  organization  and  of  their  families,  shall  be 
held  as  the  property  of  the  whole,  equally,  without  distinction 
and  may  be  used  for  the  common  benefit,  or  disposed  of  for  the 
same  object."  Article  XXXVI  is  especially  instructive.  It 
reads  as  follows : 

"The  entire  personal  and  real  property  of  all  persons  known 
to  be  acting,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  with  or  for  the  enemy, 
or  found  in  arms  with  them,  or  found  willfully  holding  slaves, 
shall  be  confiscated  and  taken  whenever  and  wherever  it  may  be 
found,  in  either  Free  or  Slave  States." 

Mr.  Sanborn  says  this  constitution  will  be  found  "well  suited 
to  its  purpose  —  the  government  of  a  territory  in  revolt,  of 
which  the  chief  occupants  should  be  escaped  slaves,"  an  opinion 
which  assumes  that  the  white  population  had,  in  some  manner, 
been  eliminated  from  the  "territory  in  revolt." 
\  The  plan  of  government  was  written  by  Brown,  and  was 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          251 

( ? ' 

adopted  in  a  solemn  manner  by  sane  men,  who  signed  it ;  and 

copies  of  this  Constitution  and  Ordinances,  Brown  took  with  him 
to  Harper's  Ferry ;  and  on  the  18th  of  October,  1859,  personally 
referred  to  it  as  an  exhibit  of  his  purposes  for  being  there ;  and 
stated  that  it  had  been  his  intention  to  have  a  large  number  of 
copies  of  it  printed,  and  distributed  "at  large,"  so  that  all  might 
know  the  character  of  his  invasion.  And  yet,  after  the  lapse 
of  fifty  years,  comes  an  oracular  disquisitor,  who,  with  an 
assurance  de  luxe,  asserts  that  Brown  and  his  followers  did  not 
intend  to  establish  a  Provisional  Government  in  the  South,  or 
to  do  any  of  the  things  provided  for  in  this  infallible  utterance ; 
that  his  invasion  of  Virginia  was  not  an  invasion,  but  a  "raid" 
to  carry  off  some  slaves,  which,  if  successful,  would  be  followed 
by  further  guerrilla  warfare  in  the  mountains  of  Virginia. 

Referring,  with  undisguised  impatience,  to  the  irrelation  of 
the  "Constitution  and  Ordinances"  to  his  conception  of  what 
Brown's  purposes  were,  or  to  what  he  desires  the  historian  to 
declare  Brown's  purposes  to  have  been,  he  says,  that  "it  actually 
contemplates  not  merely  the  government  of  forces  in  armed 
insurrection  against  sovereign  States,"  but  that  it  "actually 
goes  so  far  as  to  establish  courts,  a  regular  judiciary  and  a 
Congress."  And,  "as  if  that  were  not  enough  it  provides 
for"  such  heresies  in  guerrilla  warfare  as  "schools  for  that 
same  training  of  the  freed  slaves  in  manual  labor  which  is  to-day 
so  widely  hailed  as  the  readiest  solution  of  the  negro  problem. 
Churches  too  were  to  be  'established  as  soon  as  may  be'  —  as  if 
anything  could  be  more  inconsistent  with  his  fundamental  plan"  ; 
which  Mr.  Villard  then  magisterially  states  was  to  "break  his 
forces  up  into  small  bands  hidden  in  mountain  fastnesses,  sub 
sisting  as  well  as  possible  off  the  land,  and  probably  unable  to 
communicate  with  each  other.  At  this  and  at  other  points," 
he  says,  "the  whole  scheme  forbids  discussion  as  a  practical 
plan  of  government  for  such  an  uprising  as  was  to  be  carried 
out  by  a  handful  of  whites  and  droves  of  utterly  illiterate  and 


252  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

ignorant  blacks,  and  may  stand  as  a  chief  indictment  of  Brown's 
saneness  of  judgment  and  of  his  reasoning  powers" ;  admitting 
however,  that  "as  a  chart  for  the  course  of  a  State  about  to 
secede  from  the  Union  and  to  maintain  itself  during  a  regular 
revolution,  the  document  was  also  not  without  its  admirable 
features." 

Commenting  upon  the  condition  of  Brown's  mind  at  the  time 
he  wrote  this  paper,  Mr.  Villard  says  that  it  was  "fanatical,  con 
centrated  on  one  idea  to  the  danger  point,  but  still  it  remained  a 
mind  capable  of  expressing  itself  with  rare  clearness  and  force, 
focussing  itself  with  intense  vigor  on  the  business  in  hand  and 
going  straight  to  the  end  in  view."  287 

The  preceding  clause  is  in  itself  a  refutation  of  the  author's 
•  criticism.  If  it  be  true  that  when  Brown  drew  up  this  paper 
"his  mind  was  capable  of  expressing  itself  with  clearness,  focus 
sing  itself  with  vigor  on  the  business  in  hand  and  of  going 
straight  to  the  end  in  view,"  then  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
document  which  he  penned  was  not  intended  to  serve  a  purpose 
so  trifling  as  a  raid,  but  that  it  was  what  it  purported  to  be  —  a 
form  of  government  or  charter  for  a  state  during  a  period  of 
revolution. 

It  will  be  observed  that  it  is  not  the  practicability  of  a  revolu 
tion,  such  as  the  provisions  of  this  document  would  be  consistent 
with,  that  constitutes  the  indictment  of  Brown's  saneness  and 
reasoning  powers ;  but  the  fact  that  the  provisions  of  the  con 
stitution  are  inconsistent  with  this  author's  invention  of  what 
Brown's  plans  were :  "A  plan  of  government  for  small  forces 
of  whites  and  runaway  sTaveg  acting  ^epnrntPly  nn  -grrr rrilln 
bancls  in  mountain  fastnesses."  It  is  strictly  true  that  the  pro 
visions  oftne  constitution  are  so  inconsistent  with  this  fiction  as 
to  forbid  discussion ;  but  that  fact  should  not  constitute  an  in 
dictment  of  Brown's  sanity.  (It  merely  emphasizes  the  fact  that 
there  is  disagreement  between  John  Brown  and  his  biographer 

2"  Villard,  335-336. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          253 

of  fifty  years  after,  concerning  the  purpose  for  which  Brown 
wrote  the  provisional  constitution  and  ordinances,  and  sug 
gests,  as  a  bare  possibility  of  the  case,  that  the  assumptions  of  the 
biographer  as  to  what  that  purpose  was  may  be  inconsistent  with 
the  tenor  of  the  constitution.  If  this  biographer  had  been  less 
eager  to  confirm  in  history  the  theory  that  it  was  a  foray  or 
raid  that  Brown  sought  to  execute  at  Harper's  Ferry,  he  would 
have  discovered  that  Brown  intended  to  organize  a  thorough 
going  army  there,288  instead  of  sporadic  guerrilla  bands ;  anc 
that  he  intended  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Provisional^ 

Government  over  the  State  of  Virginia  and  the  South.  \ 

It  was  Brown's  intention  to  begin  his  campaign  at  once,  May 
15th  being  the  date  named;  and  something,  probably,  would 
have  happened  if  he  had  received  the  one  thousand  dollars 
promptly,  that  had  been  pledged  in  his  support.  Realf,  on  his 
arrival  at  Chatham,  wrote  that  they  would  remain  there  until 
they  had  perfected  their  plans,  "which  will  be  in  about  ten  days 
or  two  weeks,"  after  which  they  would  "start  for  China."  289 
Cook  also  had  something  to  say.  He  wrote  to  some  young 
ladies  at  Springdale : 

....  I  long  for  the  10th  of  May  to  come.  I  am  anxious 
to  leave  this  place,  to  have  my  mind  occupied  with  the 
great  work  of  our  mission.  .  .  Through  the  dark  gloom 
of  the  future,  I  fancy  I  can  almost  see  the  dawning  of  light 
of  Freedom.  .  .  That  I  can  almost  hear  the  swelling  An 
them  of  Liberty  rising  from  the  millions  who  have  but  just 
cast  aside  the  fetters  and  the  shackles  that  bound  them.  But 
ere  that  day  arrives,  I  fear  that  we  shall  hear  the  crash  of  the 
battle  shock  and  see  the  red  gleaming  of  the  cannon's  light 
ning.290 

The  seance  closed  abruptly  on  the  10th,  owing  to  a  collapse  of 
the  exchequer;  whereupon  the  cabinet  officials  and  officers  of 

288  Mason  Report,  59-60. 
28°  Villard,  330. 
290  Ibid. 


254  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  general  staff  were  furloughed,  without  pay,  until  such  time 
as  they  would  be  called  upon  to  report  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  for  service.  They  went  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  it  is 
said  that  some  of  them  chafed  under  the  hardships  and  incon 
veniences  of  earning  a  living;  with  the  result  that  a  spasm  of 
"philanthropy  and  love  for  the  slave"  became  imminent  among 
them.  So  pronounced  were  the  symptoms  that  the  honorable 
secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Realf,  on  May  23d,  in  an  official  note  to 
the  commander-in-chief,  declared  that  unless  "relief"  were  pro 
vided  speedily,  those  affected  might  be  so  inspired  by  philan 
thropy  and  love  for  the  slave  as  to  "go  South  and  raid  by  them 
selves."  291 

The  failure  to  finance  the '"Provisional  Government  was  a  re 
sult  of  a  flurry  on  the  bourse,  that  had  its  origin  in  the  activities 
of  Colonel  Forbes.  He  was  threatening  the  rear  of  Brown's 
communications.  About  the  last  of  April,  he  wrote  from  Wash 
ington  to  Mr.  Sanborn  and  to  Dr.  Howe,  declaring  his  inten 
tion  to  give  publicity  to  Brown's  scheme.  A  "hurry  call"  was 
accordingly  sent  out  for  a  meeting  of  the  war  committee.  At 
a  conference,  May  2d,  Mr.  Parker  and  Mr.  Stearns  thought  "the 
plan"  should  be  "deferred  till  another  year."  Dr.  Howe  thought 
differently,  while  Mr.  Sanborn,  whose  mind  was  not  \vorking 
forcefully,  was  in  a  state  of  doubt,  which  he  expressed,  May  5th, 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Higginson.292  Gerrit  Smith  voted  with 
Stearns  and  Parker.  He  wrote  May  7th:  "It  seems  to  me 
that  in  these  circumstances  Brown  must  go  no  further ;  and  I  so 
write  him."  293  May  9th,  Higginson  voted  with  Howe.  He 
wrote :  "I  regard  any  postponement  as  simply  abandoning  the 
project."  A  letter  of  the  9th  from  Hon.  Henry  Wilson  to  Dr. 
Howe,  settled  the  question.  He  went  into  the  matter  a  little 
deeper,  and  suggested  that  their  actions  might  involve  others. 
He  pointed  out  that  if  the  arms  in  Brown's  possession  were 

291  Sanborn,  470;  also  Villard,  338. 

292  Sanborn,  458. 

293  Ibid. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          255 

used  for  any  other  purpose  than  to  ''arm  some  force  in  Kansas 
for  defense,  it  might  be  of  disadvantage  to  the  men  who  were 
induced  to  contribute  to  that  very  foolish  movement" ;  and  ad 
vised  them  to  "get  the  arms  out  of  Brown's  control,  and  keep 
clear  of  him,  at  least  for  the  present."  294  To  this  letter  Dr. 
Howe  replied  on  the  12th  : 

I  understand  perfectly  your  meaning.  No  countenance 
has  been  given  Brown  for  any  operations  outside  of  Kansas 
by  the  Kansas  Committee.  I  had  occasion  a  few  days  ago  to 
send  him  an  earnest  message  from  his  friends  here,  urging 
him  at  once  to  go  to  Kansas  and  take  part  in  the  coming 
election,  and  throw  the  weight  of  his  influence  upon  the  side 
of  right.  .  .  There  is  in  Washington  a  disappointed  and 
malicious  man  working  with  all  the  activity  which  hate  and 
revenge  can  inspire  to  harm  Brown,  and  to  cast  odium  upon 
the  friends  of  Kansas  in  Massachusetts.  You  probably 
know  him.  He  has  been  to  see  Mr.  Seward.  Mr.  Hale 
also  can  tell  you  something  about  him.  God  speed  the 
right.295 

May  15th,  he  wrote  Mr.  Wilson,  relating  to  the  arms,  that 
"prompt  measures  have  been  taken  and  will  be  resolutely  fol 
lowed  up  to  prevent  any  such  monstrous  perversion  of  a  trust 
as  would  be  the  application  of  means  raised  for  the  defense  of 
Kansas,  to  a  purpose  which  the  subscribers  of  the  fund  would 
disapprove  and  violently  condemn."  296 

Because  of  these  letters  Dr.  Howe  has  been  severely  criticised ; 
and  by  Rear  Admiral  Chadwick  unjustly  charged  with  "gross 
prevarication."  297  But,  in  a  time  of  war,  would  the  distin 
guished  admiral  hesitate  to  deceive  the  enemy  in  a  similar  man 
ner  ?  The  things  which  the  Doctor  said  were,  of  course,  untrue, 
but  in  saying  them  he  did  not  intend  to  wrong  the  Senator  or  to 
deceive  him  to  his  disadvantage.  The  correspondence  was  not 

294  Mason  Report,  176. 

295  Ibid. 

296  Ibid. 

297  Rear  Admiral  Chadwick,  Causes  of  the  Civil  War,  75-76. 


256  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

personal ;  Senator  Wilson  was  an  intermediary,  or  a  medium  of 
communication  between  Colonel  Forbes  and  Brown's  war  com 
mittee.  Howe,  acting  for  the  committee,  had  the  right  to  de 
ceive  the  enemy  —  Forbes  —  in  this  manner.  The  letters  he 
wrote  were  a  stratagem  of  the  war  it  was  promoting.  Brown 
would  have  disposed  of  Forbes  in  a  more  heroic  manner.  He 
wrote  from  Chatham:  "We  have  those  who  are  thoroughly 
posted  up"  (professional  assassins)  "to  put  upon  his  track  and 
we  beg  to  be  allowed  to  do  so."  29S 

On  May  14th,  Mr.  Stearns  wrote  to  Brown  enclosing  a  copy 
of  Senator  Wilson's  letter,  also  notifying  him  officially,  as 
chairman  of  the  Massachusetts  State  Kansas  Committee,  that 
the  arms  in  his  care  belonging  to  the  committee  must  not  be 
used  for  any  other  purpose  than  for  the  defense  of  Kansas.29' 
He  then  forestalled  any  possibility  of  future  complication  re 
lating  to  the  arms  by  foreclosing  a  lien,  which  he  is  said  to  have 
held,  on  all  the  property  of  the  committee ;  and  having  thus  ob 
tained  the  title  to  the  arms,  he  placed  them  in  Brown's  posses 
sion  as  his  personal  agent.  By  this  arrangement,  Mr.  Sanborn 
says, 

The  business  of  the  Kansas  Committee  was  put  in  such 
shape  that  its  responsibility  for  the  arms  in  Brown's  pos 
session  should  no  longer  fetter  his  friends  in  aiding  his  main 
design. 

But  as  to  the  character  of  the  transaction  he  was  not  quite 
assured.  "It  is  still  a  little  difficult,"  he  said,  "to  explain  this 
transaction  without  leaving  a  suspicion  that  there  was  some 
where  a  breach  of  trust."  It  was  also  agreed  between  them 
that  Brown  should  not  further  inform  the  members  of  the  war 
committee  of  his  plans  in  detail,  nor  "burden  them  with  knowl 
edge  that  would  be  to  them  both  needless  and  inconvenient."  30° 
May  15th,  Mr.  Stearns  wrote  to  Brown  asking  him  to  come  to 

29*  Sanborn,  456. 

299  Mason  Report,  231. 

300  Sanborn,  465-466. 


THE  PROVISIONAL  GOVERNMENT          257 

New  York  during  the  next  week  for  consultation ;  but  for  rea 
sons  that  have  not  been  stated  the  meeting  did  not  take  place ; 
it  was  probably  called  off  because  arrangements  were  made  for 
a  more  interesting  function. 

Then  as  now,  there  was  a  Peace  Society  in  existence.  Mr. 
Gerrit  Smith  was  coming  to  Boston  to  deliver  an  address  at  its 
anniversary ;  and  it  was  decided  to  take  advantage  of  his  pres 
ence  in  the  city,  to  have  a  full  meeting  of  the  secret  war  com 
mittee  which,  Mr.  Sanborn  says,  had  been  organized  in  March, 
and  consisted  of  Gerrit  Smith,  Theodore  Parker,  Doctor  Howe, 
T.  W.  Higginson,  George  L.  Stearns,  and  himself.  Mr.  Smith 
arrived  and  took  lodgings  at  the  Revere  House,  The  commit 
tee  held  its  meeting,  at  his  rooms,  on  the  24th  of  May.  At  this 
council  it  was  finally  decided  to  postpone  the  campaign  until  the 
winter  or  spring  of  1859,  when  the  committee  would  raise  for 
Brown  "two  or  three  thousand  dollars."  301 

Mr.  Smith,  because  of  his  great  zeal  in  the  promotion  of 
peace,  had  the  honor  of  being  chosen  to  deliver  the  address  at 
the  anniversary  of  the  Peace  Society,  and,  because  of  a  similar 
zeal  in  the  promotion  of  war,  he  had  the  honor  of  being  chosen 
to  preside,  as  chairman,  over  the  Revere  House  deliberations  of 
the  war  committee.  It  may  be  assumed,  because  of  his  versa 
tility,  that  he  acquitted  himself  creditably  in  both  of  these  posi 
tions. 

The  impossibility  of  harmonizing  the  public  professions  of 
these  apostles  of  peace,  with  their  secret  undertakings  as  min 
isters  of  war,  discourages  analyzation  of  their  philosophy ;  and 
for  the  same  reason,  discussion  of  questions  of  moral  obliquity, 
or  of  commercial  irregularity  in  their  actions  or  in  the  actions  of 
any  of  them,  in  juggling  with  the  liability  for  Brown's  war 
equipment,  and  in  financing  an  assault  upon  a  State  of  this 
Union,  may  be  dismissed  as  being  without  profit. 

May  31st,  Brown  returned  to  Boston  full  of  regret  because  of 

301  Sanborn,  464. 


258  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  postponement  of  the  invasion;  but  with  the  arms  securely 
in  his  possession  and  with  the  $500  in  gold  in  his  pockets,  which 
his  committee  gave  him  as  a  salve  to  soothe  his  wounded  hope ; 
and  with  the  decision  of  the  Revere  House  council  to  raise  "two 
or  three  thousand  dollars"  for  his  campaign  the  next  spring, 
his  spirits  rose,  and  he  left  Boston  for  North  Elba  well  satisfied 
with  the  outcome  of  the  flurry. 

June  20th,  he  went  to  Cleveland  and  disposed  of  the  staff,  di 
viding  with  them  the  $500,  and  making  such  arrangements  for 
them  as  circumstances  permitted.  Cook  was  sent  to  Harper's 
Ferry,  to  reconnoiter  the  field,  and  obtain  statistics  and  other  in 
formation.  It  is  also  probable  that  Brown  would  have  joined 
him  and  begun  the  work  of  agitating  the  slaves  for  the  coming 
revolt,  if  the  news  from  Kansas  had  not  offered  an  opportunity 
for  "other  occupations."  The  "disturbances"  there,  culmin 
ating  in  the  tragedy  on  the  Marias  des  Cygnes,  May  19th,  ap 
pealed  to  him  with  irresistible  force.  They  "were  the  immedi 
ate  cause  of  his  return  to  Kansas."  302 


302  Redpath,  237. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY 

The  angel  wings  were  so  dim  and  shadoivy  as  to  be  scarce 
ly  visible.  -  GEORGE  B.  GILL 

IN  company  with  Kagi  and  Tidd,  Brown  arrived  at  Lawrence 
on  the  night  of  June  27th,  and,  under  the  name  of  "Shubel  Mor 
gan"  left  the  next  day  for  the  zone  of  opportunity.  The  polit 
ical  situation  in  Kansas,  or  the  progress  which  the  Free-State 
cause  was  making  at  that  time,  was  no  part  of  his  concern ;  and 
to  so  much  as  mention  his  name  in  connection  therewith,  is  to 
trifle  with  history.  Writing  to  Mr.  Sanborn  from  Lawrence  on 
the  28th,  announcing  his  arrival  in  the  Territory,  he  sent  a  quick 
delivery  order  for  some  whistles.  He  said : 303 

Can  you  send  me  by  Express ;  Care  of  E.  B.  Whit 
man,  Esqr.  half  a  Doz ;  or  a  full  Doz  whistles  such  as  I  de 
scribed?  at  once? 

The  above  is  the  sole  reference  to  Territorial  affairs  contained\ 
in  this  letter ;  it  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  an  epitome  of  his     > 
interest  therein ;  it  is  also  an  index  to  the  character  of  the  opera 
tions  he  intended  to  engage  in. 

On  July  9th,  he  wrote  to  his  son  John  that  he  was  now  in  the 
log  cabin  of  the  "notorious  James  Montgomery"  whom  he 
deemed  a  very  "brave  and  talented  officer."  Montgomery  was 
the  author  of  the  recrudescence,  in  Linn  and  Bourbon  counties, 
of  the  lawlessness  of  1856.  Disapproving  of  the  election,  Jan 
uary  4,  1858,  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution,  he  destroyed 
the  ballot  boxes  in  his  district.  His  political  relations  with  the 
pro-slavery  settlers  in  Linn  County  becoming  strained,  he  served 

3°3~Villard,  353. 


17 


260  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

notice  on  them  to  leave  the  Territory,  and  compelled  them  to 
seek  refuge  in  Missouri.  A  troop  of  cavalry  being  sent  to  ar 
rest  him,  he,  with  seven  others,  opened  fire  upon  it  from  the 
timber,  killing  one  enlisted  man  and  wounding  the  captain  - 
George  T.  Anderson,  First  United  States  Cavalry  —  and  two 
others. 

While  the  Free-State  men  greatly  admired  Montgomery's 
prowess,  they  balked  at  the  retaliatory  operations  his  actions 
provoked.  The  deliberate  killing  of  five  Free-State  men  and 
the  wounding  of  five  more  on  the  Marias  des  Cygnes  May  19th, 
by  Charles  A.  Hamilton,  caused  them  to  reflect,  seriously,  upon 
the  situation.  Even  if  Montgomery  had  succeeded  in  burning 
Fort  Scott,  in  retaliation  for  these  murders,  it  could  not  have 
brought  the  dead  back  to  life.  The  settlers  therefore,  re 
gardless  of  political  sentiment,  united  in  an  effort  to  tran- 
quilize  matters.  Governor  Denver  appeared  upon  the  scene  in 
company  with  Charles  Robinson  and  Judge  J.  W.  Wright,  in 
an  earnest  effort  to  secure  a  general  pacification.  June  14th,  at 
a  mass-meeting  held  at  Fort  Scott,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  nego 
tiated.  It  was  called  the  Denver  Treaty.  It  provided  that  "by 
gones  should  be  by-gones"  as  far  as  possible ;  that  the  Federal 
troops  at  Fort  Scott  should  be  removed ;  that  militia  should  be 
stationed  along  the  border,  to  prevent  further  invasions  from 
Missouri ;  and  that  all  other  armed  companies  should  withdraw 
from  the  field.  "This  compact  was  religiously  adhered  to  dur 
ing  the  summer  and  fall."  30* 

Brown  found  upon  his  arrival  in  the  recently  distracted  dis- 
:  trict  that  the  Free-State  settlers  desired  peace,  and  had  so  pub 
licly  declared,  and  that  in  response  to  their  wishes  Montgomery 
had  disbanded  his  band  of  raiders.  But  with  the  Free-State 
settlers'  wishes,  and  with  their  material  and  political  welfare 
Brown  had  no  concern.  His  interests  were  distinct  from  theirs. 
He  came  not  to  serve  them,  nor  to  serve  the  Free-State  cause,  but 
",  349. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     261 

to  use  them  and  the  Free-State  sentiment,  as  a  shield  to  protect 
him  from  violence  while  in  pursuit  of  the  criminal  operations 
in  which  he  intended  to  engage.  It  was  a  continuation  of  the 
graft,  upon  the  Free-State  cause,  which  he  was  professionally 
working.  Stealthily  and  in  disguise  he  came  into  this  settle 
ment,  and  by  stealth  he  proceeded  to  execute  the  purposes  for 
which  he  came. 

Disregarding  the  settlers'  peace  treaty  and  Montgomery's 
example,  Brown  proceeded  to  organize  a  company,  or  pre 
tended  that  he  organized  one,  and  drew  up  a  paper  entitled 
"Articles  of  Agreement"  for  Shubel  Morgan's  Company. 
However,  in  view  of  the  character  of  some  of  the  men  whose 
names  appear  upon  the  roll  of  its  membership,  and  because  of 
the  nature  of  the  business  which  Brown  actually  engaged  in 
thereafter,  as  well  as  the  personality  of  the  men  whom  he  really 
directed,  it  probably  was  merely  a  paper  organization  gotten  up 
for  the  delectation  of  his  Eastern  friends,  male  and  female. 
The  articles  are  as  follows : 

We,  the  undersigned  members  of  Shubel  Morgan's  Com 
pany,  hereby  agree  to  be  governed  by  the  following  Rules : 

1.  A  gentlemanly  and  respectful  deportment  shall  at  all 
times  and  places  be  maintained  toward  all  persons ;  and  all 
profane  or  indecent  language  shall  be  avoided  in  all  cases. 

2.  No  intoxicating  drinks  shall  be  used  as  a  beverage  by 
any  member  or  be  suffered  in  camp  for  such  purpose. 

3.  No  member  shall  leave  camp  without  leave  of  the 
Commander. 

4.  All  property  captured  in  any  manner  shall  be  subjected 
to  equal  distribution  among  the  members. 

5.  All  acts  of  petty  or  other  thefts  shall  be  promptly  and 
properly  punished,  and  restitution  made  as  far  as  possible. 

6.  All  members  shall,  so  far  as  able,  contribute  equally  to 
all  necessary  labor  in  or  out  of  camp. 

7.  All  prisoners  who  shall  properly  demean  themselves 
shall  be  treated  with  kindness  and  respect,  and  shall  be  pun- 


262  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

ished  for  crime  only  after  trial  and  conviction,  being  allowed 
a  hearing  in  defense. 

8.  Implicit  obedience  shall  be  yielded  to  all  proper  orders 
of  the  commander  or  other  superior  officer. 

9.  All  arms,  ammunition,  etc.,  not  strictly  private  proper 
ty  shall  ever  be  subject  to,  and  delivered  up,  on  the  order  of 
the  commander. 

Names  Date  1858 

Shubel  Morgan  July  12 

C.  P.  Tidd  "     12 

J.  H.  Kagi  "     12 

A.  Wattles  "     12 

Samuelson  Stevenson  12 

J.  Montgomery  "     12 

T.  Homyr  "     12 

Simon  Snyder  14 

E.  W.  Snyder  "     15 

Elias  Snyder  "     15 

John  H.  Snyder  "     15 

Adam  Bishop  "     15 

William  Hairgrove  15 

John  Mikel  "     15 

William  Partridge  "     15 

After  his  arrival,  Brown  spent  some  time  upon  the  tract  of 

land  upon  which  the  Hamilton  massacre  had  taken  place.     It 

belonged  to  Mr.  Eli  Snyder,  a  blacksmith,  and  Brown  entered 

into  negotiations  with  him  to  purchase  his  claim  to  it.     Nothing 

came  of  the  dealings,  and  it  is  not  probable  that  Brown  was 

very  much  in  earnest  upon  the  subject.     While  he  remained 

with  Snyder  he  made  a  reconnoissance  into  Missouri  for  the 

purpose  of  obtaining  information  that  would  be  of  use  to  him 

in  his  planning  for  future  operations.305 

In  the  meantime,  Stevens  and  Gill  reported  for  duty.     The 
following  named   persons   then   comprised   his  band :      Kagi, 
Tidd,  Owen  Brown,  Gill,  and  Stevens;  Albert  Hazlett  and  Jere 
miah  G.  Anderson  joined  later. 
357. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     263 

* — -. 
Just  what  Brown  and  his  captains  did  during  the  first  five 

months  of  their  sojourn  in  the  Territory  has  not  been  made  pub- 
lice.  M.any  pages  of  very  irrelevant  matter,  containing 
very  few  facts,  have  been  put  forth  upon  the  subject;  but  from 
the  scraps  of  evidence  occurring  in  the  garbled  accounts  that 
have  been  published  concerning  their  doings,  they  seem  to  have 
been  engaged  in  stealing  horses ;  but  no  big  robbery  was  under 
taken  until  in  December. 

On  July  20th,  Brown  began  a  letter  to  Mr.  Sanborn  which  he 
completed  August  6th,  in  which  he  said  30°  that  they  would  soon 
be  in  want  of  a  small  amount  of  money  "to  feed  us.  We  can 
not,"  he  said,  "  work  for  wages;  &  provisions  are  not  easily  ob 
tained  on  the  frontier."  He  also  gave  out  the  information 
that  a  portion  of  his  men  were  "in  other  neighborhoods."  In 
response  to  this  request  for  money,  Mr.  Sanborn,  on  August 
25th,  sent  him  Gerrit  Smith's  check  for  fifty  dollars.  This 
check  Brown  enclosed  to  his  wife,  endorsed  to  Watson  Brown, 
in  a  letter  to  her  September  17th.307  Because  Brown  returned 
this  money  to  the  East,  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  urgency  for 
money  had  been  tided  over;  that  the  crisis  had  passed  by  the 
time  Mr.  Sanborn's  letter  with  the  check  arrived;  that  money 
had  been  received  from  some  other  source,  and  that  he  did  not 
need  it  then,  "to  feed  us."  It  is  also  noticeable  that  his  men, 
who  were  "in  other  neighborhoods,"  and  could  "not  work  for 
wages,"  managed  to  obtain  a  sufficient  amount  of  money  to 
supply  their  personal  needs  in  some  other  way.  The  exact 
character  of  these  pursuits  has  not  been  stated,  but  the  condi 
tions  under  which  they  acquired  their  living  have  been  made 
public,  in  an  incidental  way,  and  they  were  by  no  means  ideal. 
They  seem  to  have  worked  the  Territory  in  pairs.  Mr.  Gill, 
speaking  for  himself  and  Mr.  Kagi,  said,308  equivocally: 
"Sometimes  one  had  the  ague,  sometimes  both.  Sometimes 

306  Villard,  354. 
3°f  Sanborn,  478. 
308  Villard,  363. 


264  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

we  fished,  sometimes  we  had  our  supper  and  beds;  at  other 
times  we  went  supperless  and  took  the  prairie  for  our  bed  with 
the  blue  arch  for  our  covering." 

It  would  perhaps  be  called  harshness  to  say,  at  this  time,  that 
John  Brown  and  his  men  were  a  band  of  horse  thieves,  al 
though  Mr.  Villard  does  say  that  one  of  them,  "Pickles,  was  a 
well  known  horse  thief;"  and  it  has  been  more  than  intimated, 
within  the  writer's  hearing,  that  Charles  Jennison,  who  joined 
the  band  temporarily,  while  indulging  a  penchant  for  horses 
generally,  was  neither  solicitous  about  his  title  to  them,  nor 
about  the  manner  of  getting  possession  of  them.  As  a  story 
tells  it,  one  of  the  "psalms"  sung  by  these  humanitarians  had 
special  reference  to  Jennison ;  it  ran  in  this  way  : 

Am  I  soldier  of  the  boss  — 
A  follower  of  Jim  Lane? 

And  shall  I  fear  to  steal  a  hoss 
Or  blush  to  ride  the  same? 

We  are  also  told  that  Mr.  Albert  Hazlett  "picked  up  a  fine 
stallion  down  in  Missouri."  309  And  Mr.  Gill,  in  a  letter  to 
Colonel  Hinton,310  speaks  of  a  trip  which  he  and  Brown  were 
on  during  several  days,  but  does  not  state  the  nature  of  their 
adventures.  Brown  was  ill  a  part  of  the  summer;  and  for  sev 
eral  weeks  was  seriously  so,  in  the  home  of  Mr.  Adair  at  Osa- 
watomie,  where  he  was  cared  for  by  the  faithful  Kagi.  The 
latter  wrote  to  his  sister  that  he  was  compelled  to  "lay  off"  at 
Osawatomie,  for  a  month,  on  account  of  this.  He  laid  off 
from  "fishing,"  and  from  sleeping  on  the  prairie,  with  the  "blue 
arch  for  a  covering."  It  seems,  however,  that  before  Brown 
was  taken  ill,  he  had  been  doing  some  of  this  speculative  or 
professional  business  himself;  in  fact  he  attributed  his  illness 
to  the  exposure  which  he  had  been  subjected  to,  while  engaged 
in  it,  whatever  it  may  have  been  —  "fishing"  or  other  employ 
ment.  He  related  to  Mr.  Sanborn,  in  his  letter  of  July  20th- 

3°9  Villard,  634,   note  98. 
310  Ante,  note  156. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     265 

August  6th :  "Have  been  down  with  ague  since  last  date,  and 
had  no  safe  way  to  get  off  my  letter.  I  had  lain  every  night 
without  shelter,  suffering  from  cold  rains  and  heavy  dews,  to 
gether  with  the  oppressive  heat  of  the  day."  It  appears,  from 
this  statement,  that  Brown  also  had  had  engagements  in  other 
neighborhoods,  for,  in  his  own  neighborhood,  "deserted  farms 
and  dwellings  lay  in  all  directions  for  some  miles,"  l  and  he 
could  easily  have  taken  shelter  in  some  of  them.  It  is  evident, 
too,  that  wherever  he  may  have  been,  his  circumstances  were 
such  that  he  could  not  call  upon  the  settlers,  in  such  neighbor 
hoods,  and  ask  for  shelter  and  accept  from  them  such  hospital 
ity  and  entertainment  as  settlers  are  wont  to  give,  or  he  would 
have  done  so.  His  condition  seems  to  have  been  similar  to  the 
condition  which  horse  thieves  are  in,  when  they  have  stolen 
horses  in  their  possession  :  they  cannot  safely  ask  for  shelter  and 
other  entertainment  and  have  to  lie  out  at  night,  and  suffer 
from  cold  rains,  if  there  happen  to  be  any,  and  from  heavy  dews. 
It  is  to  be  regretted  that  Brown's  later  biographer  did  not 
secure  from  Salmon  Brown  a  statement  concerning  the  doings 
of  Brown  and  his  captains,  while  they  were  operating  in  Kan 
sas.  It  transpired,  however,  that  Brown  encouraged  horse 
stealing  by  his  subordinates.  Reference  has  been  made  to  the 
fine  stallion  which  Hazlett  had  "picked  up"  down  in  Missouri. 
Mr.  Gill,  in  his  narrative  about  this  matter,  states  that  Brown 
bought  this  fine  horse  from  Hazlett;  giving  him,  in  exchange 
for  it,  a  United  States  land  warrant  for  forty  acres  of  land, 
that  had  been  donated  to  Brown  by  Gerrit  Smith ;  and  that  he 
afterward  sold  the  horse,  by  auction,  at  Cleveland. 

After  recovering  from  his  illness,  Brown  made  a  number  of 
trips  to  Lawrence,  where  he  had  some  controversy  with  the 
Natonal  Kansas  Committee,  for  which  he  assumed  to  act  as 
agent ;  not  only  without  authority  from  it  to  do  so,  but  in  op 
position  to  its  expressed  wishes.  The  committee,  through  its 
agent,  Mr.  E.  B.  Whitman,  at  Lawrence,  had  made  advances, 

s11  Villard,  354. 


266  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

for  necessary  supplies,  to  many  Kansas  settlers,  taking  their 
notes  for  account  of  the  same.  Some  of  these  notes  had  been 
given  to  Mr.  Stearns,  as  security  for  money  which  he  had  ad 
vanced  to  the  committee,  and  Stearns  had  given  them  to  Brown, 
or  sent  them  to  him,  for  collection.  It  appears  that  the  notes 
had  not  been  endorsed  and  made  payable  to  Mr.  Stearns,  and 
that  the  ownership  of  them  was  still  in  the  committee.  But 
Brown,  when  surrendering  the  notes  to  the  makers,  upon  pay 
ment  to  him,  cured  that  defect  and  extinguished  the  commit 
tee's  title  by  acknowledging  payment  to  him,  as  its  agent.  Octo 
ber  26th,  Mr.  H.  B.  Hurd  repudiated  Brown's  agency  in  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Whitman.  He  said:  "Capt  John  Brown  has  no  au 
thority  to  take,  receive,  collect  or  transfer  any  notes  or  accounts 
belonging  to  the  National  Kansas  Committee,  nor  ever  has  had, 
nor  will  such  dealings  be  recognized  or  sanctioned  by  our  com 
mittee."  312  Of  course,  Brown  kept  the  money  he  thus  col 
lected.  He  had  an  offset  against  the  committee.  He  claimed 
that  it  owed  him  five  thousand  dollars.  Under  its  resolution 
of  January  24,  1857,  it  had  "voted  $5000  in  aid  of  Capt.  John 
Brown  in  any  defensive  measures  that  become  necessary"  in 
Kansas.  Brown  was  then  engaged  in  "defensive"  measures  or 
operations,  as  has  been  related,  and  from  his  point  of  view  he 
had  earned  the  right  to  claim  this  money. 

During  the  latter  part  of  October,  Montgomery  again  made 
things  interesting  for  his  neighborhood.  Alleging  violation 
of  the  Denver  Peace  Treaty,  he  entered  the  court-house  at  Fort 
Scott,  while  the  grand  jury  was  in  session,  took  possession  of 
the  papers  it  was  considering,  destroyed  them,  and  compelled 
it  to  adjourn.  On  the  night  of  October  30th,  a  very  weak  at 
tempt,  or  an  alleged  attempt,  was  made  to  assassinate  Mont 
gomery  ;  a  party,  supposed  to  be  pro-slavery  men  firing  a  volley 
into  his  cabin.  Because  of  this  it  was  decided  to  fortify  it ;  Gill, 
Tidd,  and  Stevens  doing  most  of  the  work,  Brown  "indulging 

312Villard,  360. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     267 

in  his  favorite  occupation  of  cooking."  313  The  incident  may 
have  been  a  ruse-de-guerre.  Having  heard  that  he  had  been 
indicted  by  a  pro-slavery  jury,  at  Paris,  for  the  ballot-box  af 
fair  in  January,  Montgomery,  on  November  13th,  went  there 
with  a  party  and  made  an  unsuccessful  search  for  the  records. 
He  invited  Brown  to  join  him.  The  latter  did  so,  but  remained 
"on  the  outskirts  of  the  town"  while  the  searching  was  being 
done.  After  this  adventure,  Acting  Governor  Walsh  wrote  the 
department  suggesting  that  a  reward  of  $300  and  $500  be 
offered  respectively,  for  the  arrest  of  Montgomery  and  Brown  ; 
such  a  reward,  he  thought,  "would  either  effect  their  arrest  or 
drive  them  from  the  Territory."  31* 

On  December  6th,  a  joint  meeting  of  Free-State  and  pro- 
slavery  men  was  held  at  Sugar  Mound,  in  Linn  County,  to  adopt 
a  peace  agreement  to  replace  the  Denver  Treaty,  which  the 
Free-State  men  claimed  had  been  violated  by  the  court  pro 
ceedings  against  Montgomery;  the  attack  upon  his  life  on  the 
night  of  October  30th,  etc.  The  resolutions  were  drafted  by 
Brown,  and  Montgomery  presented  them  to  the  meeting.  They 
were  adopted,  after  some  modification.315  The  preamble  re 
cites  that  "the  citizens  of  Linn  County,  assembled  in  mass  meet 
ing  at  Mound  City,  being  greatly  desirous  of  securing  a  per 
manent  peace  to  the  people  of  the  Territory  generally,  and  to 
those  along  the  border  of  Missouri  in  particular,  have  this  day 
entered  into  the  following  agreement  and  understanding,  for 
our  future  guidance  and  actions."  The  articles  provide  that 
all  criminal  processes,  pending  against  Free-State  men,  grow 
ing  out  of  difficulties  with  pro-slavery  parties,  shall  be  forever 
discontinued  and  quashed  ;  that  all  Free-State  men  held  in  con 
finement,  on  account  of  similar  difficulties,  shall  be  immediately 
released.  Article  4  covered  a  very  wide  range.  It  provided 
that  "No  troops,  marshal  or  other  officers  of  the  General  Gov- 


,  363. 
,  364. 
315Villard,  666. 


268  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

eminent,  shall  be  either  sent  or  called  in,  to  enforce  or  serve 
criminal  processes  against  any  Free-State  man  or  men  on  ac 
count  of  troubles  heretofore  existing  for  any  act  prior  to  this 
date."  A  "recommendation"  that  was  unanimously  agreed  to 
was,  "that  we  earnestly  recommend  that  all  those  who  have  re 
cently  taken  money,  or  other  property,  from  peaceable  citizens 
within  this  county,  immediately  restore  the  same  to  their  proper 
owners." 

Brown  was  not  sincere  in  his  participation  in  this  meeting  as 
I  an  advocate  for  peace.     His  plans  were  already  formed  for  a 
/  grand  coup,  to  raise  money.     He  intended  to  do  something 
spectacular  —  something  that  would  be  worthy  of  his  name  and 
of  his  reputation.     The  homes  that  he  intended  to  plunder  had 
been  selected  long  before,  and  the  premises  in  each  case  thor 
oughly  reconnoitered.     All  the  essential  details  had  been  pro 
vided  for.     He  was  simply  waiting,  at  this  time,  in  a  state  of 
expectancy,  for  the  psychological  moment  to  arrive :  then  he  in 
tended  to  strike.     September  10th,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Sanborn  : 
Before  I  was  taken  sick  there  was  every  prospect  of  some 
business  very  soon,  and  there  is  some  now  that  requires 
doing.     I  have  but  fourteen  regularly  employed  hands,  the 
most  of  whom  are  now  at  common  work,  and  some  are  sick. 
How  we  travel  may  not  be  best  to  write.     I  have  met  the 
notorious  Montgomery  and  think  very  favorably  of  him.316 
October    llth,    he   wrote   to    his   wife    from    Osawatomie : 
"...     I  can  now  see  no  good  reason  why  I  should  not  be  lo 
cated  nearer  home,  as  soon  as  I  can  collect  the  means  for  de 
fraying  the  expenses.     I  still  intend  sending  you  some  further 
help,  as  soon  as  I  can.     Will  write  you  how  to  direct  to  me 
hereafter."  317     November  1st,  he  wrote  to  her  from  Moneka : 
"I  shall  write  you  where  to  direct  when  I  know  where  to  do  so." 
From  these  letters  it  appears  that  his  plans  were  complete  ex- 

316  Sanborn,  477. 
31?  Sanborn,  479. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     269 

cept  as  to  the  date  for  the  execution  of  them.     December  2d,  he 
wrote  to  his  family  as  follows : 31 

I  have  just  this  moment  returned  from  the  South  where 
the  prospect  of  quiet  was  probably  never  so  poor.     Other 
parts  of  the  Territory  are  undisturbed  and  may  very  likely  re 
main  so ;  unless  drawn  into  the  quarrel  of  the  border  coun 
ties.     I  expect  to  go  South  again  immediately.     .     .     When 
I  wrote  you  last  I  thought  the  prospect  was  that  I  should 
soon  shift  my  quarters  somewhat.     I  still  have  the  same  pros 
pect,  but  am  wholly  at  a  loss  as  to  the  exact  time. 
His  opportunity  came  December  16th,319  when  Montgomery, 
with  a  force  of  nearly  one  hundred  men,  marched  upon  Fort 
Scott,  to  effect  the  release  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Rice,  who  had  been 
arrested,  November  16th,  in  violation  of  the  by-gones-to-be-by- 
gones  provision  of  the  treaty  of  June  15th;  and  had  not  been 
released  after  the  adoption  of  the  Sugar  Mound  Treaty  of  De 
cember  6th.     In  this  exploit  a  merchant  of  Fort  Scott,  Mr.  J. 
H.  Little,  was  killed,  and  his  store  robbed  of  goods  amounting 
to  about  seven  thousand  dollars.     Montgomery  organized  his 
company  for  this  raid  December  14th,  and,  upon  invitation, 
Brown,  Stevens,  and  Kagi  joined  in  the  expedition.     Stevens 
and  Kagi  took  part  in  the  affair;  Stevens  being  charged,  by 
some  writers,  with  having  killed  Little.     But  Brown,  "with  his 
customary  dislike  to  serve  under  another,"  or  probably,  because 
of  his  higher  responsibilities,  took  no  part  in  the  attack.     He 
went  "only  as  far  as  the  rendezvous"  at  the  Wimsett  farm, 
where  he  probably  received  his  share  of  the  loot. 

Returning  on  the  19th,  he  collected  his  men,  and  on  the  night 
of  the  20th,  executed  his  famous  raid  into  Missouri.  The  party 
operated  in  two  divisions  —  one  under  Brown's  direction  and 
the  other  under  Stevens's  orders.  With  Brown  were  Charles 
Jennison,  Jeremiah  Anderson,  Geo.  B.  Gill,  Kagi,  and  three  or 
four  others.  This  party  was  to  rob  the  plantations  of  Mr. 

318  Villard,  365. 
3i»Villard,  366. 


270  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Harvey  B.  Hicklan  and  Mr.  John  Larue.  The  latter  lived 
about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  from  the  Hicklan  home.  With 
the  Stevens  party  were  Tidd,  Hazlett,  and  five  others.  This 
band  was  to  rob  the  places  of  David  Cruise  and  Hugh  Martin. 
Cruise,  in  addition  to  his  other  possessions,  had  a  slave  girl  that 
Stevens  wanted  —  and  got  —  but  not  until  after  he  had  killed 
Cruise.  A  statement  by  Stevens,  made  at  the  Kennedy  farm, 
in  Maryland,  furnishes  all  the  information  that  exists  concern 
ing  the  details  of  the  murder.  He  is  reported  as  saying  32°  that 
he  went  to  the  cabin  and  demanded  the  girl ;  that  the  old  man 
asked  him  to  come  inside,  which  he  thoughtlessly  did,  and  that 
then  the  old  man  slipped  behind  him  and  "pulled  a  gun."  That 
it  then  became  a  case  of  "shoot  first.  You  might  call  it  a  case 
of  self  defense,  or  you  might  say  that  I  had  no  business  in  there 
and  that  the  old  man  was  right." 

Brown's  party  arrived  at  the  Hicklan  home  at  midnight, 
forced  the  door  open,  and  with  pointed  revolvers  intimidated 
Hicklan,  and  proceeded  to  plunder  the  establishment.  Mr.  Gill, 
who  appears  to  have  been  in  charge  of  the  ethics  of  the  occasion, 
says,  that  in  spite  of  his  efforts  to  restrain  the  men,  they  took 
practically  everything  that  was  in  sight.  "Some  of  our  men," 
he  said,  "proved  to  be  mere  adventurers,  ready  to  take  from 
friend  or  foe  as  opportunity  offered."  This  statement,  by  one 
who  knew  whereof  he  spoke,  is  the  clearest  exposition  of  the 
character  of  Brown's  thefts  that  has  been  made.  The  robbery 
on  the  night  of  December  20,  1858,  was  his  final  transaction  of 
that  character.  All  of  the  property  stolen  by  him  during  that 
night  belonged  to  pro-slavery  men.  Therefore,  Mr.  Gill's  knowl 
edge  that  "some  of  their  number  wrere  mere  adventurers,  ready 
to  take  from  friend  or  foe  as  opportunity  offered"  could  not  have 
been  derived  from  their  conduct  on  this  occasion.  The  statement 
is  explicit  evidence  that  Brown  and  his  men  were  not  moved  or 
controlled  by  any  sentiment  relating  to  slavery ;  or  by  any  polit 
ical  bias  in  their  thefts,  but  that  they  were  common  thieves, 

32o  Villard,  369. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY  271 

operating  under  the  protection  of  Free-State  sentiment  while^ 
they  robbed  and  plundered  Free-State  men  and  pro-slavery  men,  \ 
without  discrimination  as  opportunity  offered.     It  may  be  said,  ' 
in  general  terms,  that  all  horses  look  alike  to  a  horse  thief.     It 
is  the  horse,  per  se,  that  appeals  to  the  thief,  rather  than  the 
political  affiliations  of  the  owner.     In  the  absence  of  competent 
testimony  to  the  contrary,  it  would  be  said,  promptly,  of  Brown, 
that  he  was  an  exception  to  this  rule,  as  well  as  to  all  other 
rules,  that  control  human  actions ;  that  he  was  moved  by  loftier 
motives  than  those  which  control  the  actions  of  the  ordinary 
horse  thief ;  that  he  confined  his  plundering  to  pro-slavery  men, 
and  robbed  them,  only,  as  a  private  duty,  by  and  with  the  con 
sent  of  the  Almighty.     But  this  direct  evidence  against  him, 
and  the  men  whom  he  controlled,  is  competent  and  quite  con 
clusive. 

It  has  been  said  that  Brown  made  restitution  to  Hicklan  of 
some  of  his  property.  But  that  statement  belongs  in  the  class 
of  a  long  line  of  personal  statements,  that  have  been  put  for 
ward  from  time  to  time,  in  palliation  of  the  enormity  of  Brown's 
crimes,  or  in  attempts  to  justify  them,  or  in  efforts  to  make  it 
appear  that  he  was  engaged  in  an  unselfish  warfare  against 
slavery.  Mr.  Villard  swept  away  a  lot  of  this  rubbish  by  the 
keen  logic  of  his  exposition  concerning  many  of  the  stories 
which  were  made  current  about  the  Pottawatomie  matter.  So 
this  statement,  about  returning  to  Hicklan  some  of  his  prop 
erty,  and  Mr.  Gill's  statement  that  the  raid  on  the  night  of  the 
20th,  was  inspired  by  the  "Jim  Daniels  story,"  belong  in  the 
same  general  class  of  rubbish.  Mr.  Hicklan  stated,  in  1888, 
that  nothing  that  was  taken  was  ever  recovered.  He  said : 

They  did  not  give  anything  back.  Brown  said  to  me  that 
we  might  get  our  property  if  we  could ;  that  he  defied  us  and 
the  whole  United  States  to  follow  him.  He  and  his  men 
seemed  anxious  to  take  more  from  me  than  they  did  for  they 
ransacked  the  house  in  search  of  money,  and  I  suppose  they 
would  have  taken  it  if  they  had  found  it.  .  .  What  I  have 


272  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

stated  is  the  truth  and  I  am  willing  to  swear  to  it.  I  do  not 
hold  any  particular  malice  or  prejudice  on  account  of  these 
old  transactions.  Old  things  have  passed  away,  but  the 
truth  can  never  pass  away.321 

Along  with  the  plunder  of  the  Hicklan  home,  five  slaves  were 
taken ;  these  are  said  to  have  belonged  to  the  "Lawrence  estate" 
then  in  Hicklan's  care,  as  administrator.  Besides  the  negroes, 
he  took  from  the  Lawrence  estate  two  good  horses,  a  yoke  of 
oxen,  a  good  wagon,  harness,  saddles,  a  considerable  quantity 
of  provisions,  bacon,  flour,  meal,  coffee,  sugar,  etc. ;  all  of  the 
bedding  and  clothing  of  the  negroes,  Hicklan's  shot-gun,  over 
coat,  boots,  and  many  other  articles  belonging  to  the  whites. 
From  Larue  were  taken  five  negroes,  six  head  of  horses,  har 
ness,  a  wagon,  a  lot  of  bedding  and  clothing,  provisions,  and,  in 
short,  all  the  loot  available  and  portable.322  Besides  killing 
Cruise  and  looting  the  home,  Stevens  took,  as  claimed  by  the 
family,  two  yoke  of  oxen,  a  wagon  load  of  provisions,  eleven 
mules,  and  two  horses.  A  mule  was  also  taken  from  the  Hugh 
Martin  home. 

After  the  robberies  the  two  parties  united  at  a  point  thereto 
fore  agreed  upon,  and  started  on  the  return  trip  to  Kansas.  At 
daylight  they  secreted  themselves  in  a  deep  wooded  ravine, 
where  they  remained  until  after  dark,  when  they  continued  their 
march,  arriving  at  Mr.  Wattles's  home,  two  miles  north  of 
Mound  City,  at  midnight  of  Wednesday  the  22d.  Here  Brown 
stopped  until  morning,  having  with  him  the  slaves,  one  wagon, 
and  two  or  three  of  his  men ;  the  others  pushing  on  northward 
with  the  swag,  to  get  it  beyond  danger  of  recovery,  and  to  di 
vide  it  or  sell  it  for  the  benefit  of  all  concerned. 

The  liberation  of  the  slaves  was  a  cumbersome  and  dangerous 
experiment,  but  it  was  as  necessary  as  it  was  dangerous.  To 
have  taken  all  this  plunder  and  carried  it  off  without  the  diver 
sion  of  taking  the  slaves  with  him,  would  have  been  a  case  of 


32iVillard,  368. 
322  ibid. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     273 

such  plain  stealing,  that  Brown  would  have  been  completely  dis 
credited  therefor ;  even  the  "Secret  War  Committee"  might  have 
joined  in  the  general  repudiation  of  him  that  would  have  fol 
lowed.  But  the  carrying  off  of  the  slaves  to  freedom,  in  this 
wholesale  spectacular  way,  was  great  advertising ;  it  distracted 
attention  from  the  basic  motive  of  the  raid,  and  secured  credit 
able  notoriety  for  Brown  in  the  North.  It  seems,  however, 
that  after  arriving  at  the  Wattles  home  with  the  slaves,  Brown 
practically,  or  personally  at  least,  abandoned  them  to  their  fate. 
The  narrative  states : 323 

At  dawn  on  Thursday,  the  caravan  started  again,  and  this 

time  without  Brown.     Two  of  his  men  accompanied  the  one 

ox-team,  which  was  sent  forward,  one  going  ahead  to  act  as 

pilot. 

This  man,  however,  turned  back,  leaving  the  negroes  to  make 
their  way  to  Osawatomie  alone.  They  arrived,  without  any 
mishap,  at  the  home  of  Mr.  Adair,  near  Osawatomie,  on  Christ 
mas  Eve,  where,  it  seems,  no  arrangements  had  been  made  to 
receive  them.  On  the  arrival  of  the  slaves  at  his  home,  Mr. 
Adair  says  he  referred  the  matter  of  sheltering  them  to  his  wife, 
calling  her  attention  to  the  responsibility  it  would  involve. 
"She  considered  the  matter  a  few  moments  and  then  said :  'I 
cannot  turn  them  away.'  They  were  taken  around  to  the  back 
yard,  and  the  colored  people  were  brought  into  the  back  kitchen 
and  kept  there  that  night."  324  Continuing  the  narrative  Mr. 
Villard  says  that  at  two  A.  M.  of  the  morning  after  Christmas, 
the  fugitives  were  finally  placed  in  an  old  abandoned  preemp 
tion  cabin  on  the  south  fork  of  the  Pottawatomie,  where  kind 
neighbors  brought  them  food  and  gave  them  encouragement.325 
In  this  location  they  remained  until  they  were  taken  north.  It 
is  probable  that  Brown,  in  his  selfishness,  cared  but  littlq 
whether  these  negroes  were  returned  to  slavery  or  not.  He  had 

323  Villard,  372. 

324  Ibid. 

325  Ibid. 


274  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

done  his  stunt  in  liberating  them,  and  made  no  pretense  of  de 
fending  them  or  of  caring  for  them  until  in  January,  and  took 
care  not  to  be  near  the  fugitives  while  the  pursuing  bands  were 
scouring  the  country  in  search  of  them. 

Naturally  no  public  accounting  was  ever  made  of  the  prop 
erty  taken  by  the  Shubel  Morgan  Plunder  Company,  nor  has 
any  statement  ever  been  made  as  to  the  division  of  the  plunder, 
or  of  a  division  of  the  proceeds,  among  the  members  of  it.  But 
it  is  known  that  it  was  the  raid  and  the  robbery,  that  Brown  had 
in  view,  whereby  he  expected  to  raise  the  money  to  defray  the 
expense  of  the  return  of  the  party  to  the  East.  January  11, 
1859,  he  wrote  to  his  family  that  he  had  been  unable  to  finish 
up  his  business  as  rapidly  as  he  had  hoped  to  when  he  wrote  pre 
viously  —  December  2d  —  and  the  delay  of  his  departure  from 
Kansas  until  about  January  20th,  was  probably  due  to  the  fact 
that  it  required  that  length  of  time  to  close  out  the  company 
property  and  make  distribution  of  the  proceeds.  Final  settle 
ment  was  probably  made  at  or  near  Lawrence.  Mr.  Villard 
says  on  page  380 : 

Somehow  or  other  Brown  recruited  his  finances  while  near 
Lawrence,  and  his  wagons,  when  he  drove  away,  were  creak 
ing  with  the  weight  of  provisions  contributed  by  Major 
Abbott  and  Mr.  Grover. 

Pending  the  sale  of  the  plunder  and  final  settlement  for  it. 
Brown  remained  an  unwelcome  prowler,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Moneka,  amid  a  storm  of  indignation  against  him  that  was 
as  general  as  it  was  severe.  Even  his  "staunch  friend  Wat 
tles"  severely  censured  him  "for  going  into  Missouri,  contrary 
to  our  agreement,  and  getting  these  slaves."  On  January  2d, 
Brown  wrote  a  formal  letter  to  Montgomery  "asking  him  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  to  call  out  reinforcements  at  a  mo 
ment's  notice,  to  prevent  a  possible  invasion  because  of  a  raid 
into  Missouri."  But  Montgomery  was  not  holding  himself  in 
readiness  to  defend  Brown,  or  to  repel  the  retaliatory  invasion 
he  had  invited ;  but  "was  eagerly  at  work  for  peace ;"  seeking 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     275 

to  prevent  a  retaliatory  blow  from  falling  upon  the  Free-State 
settlement.  What  Montgomery  wrote  to  Brown  in  reply  to 
this  letter,  if  he  answered  it  at  all,  has  never  been  published. 
He  denied  having  any  complicity  with  Brown,  and  joined  in  the 
general  denunciation  of  him,  and  in  the  condemnation  of  his 
action.  It  was  this  denunciation  of  him  by  Montgomery  and 
the  Free-State  men  generally  that  called  forth  Brown's  personal 
defense  of  his  conduct,  in  what  he  called  his  "Parallels";  a  pa 
per  conspicuous  in  Brown  literature. 

The  Lawrence  Herald  of  Freedom  on  January  8,  1859,  pub 
lished  a  letter  from  a  clergyman  at  Moneka,  from  which  the  fol 
lowing  paragraphs  are  extracts  : 326 

I  have  watched  the  progress  of  these  troubles  here  until 
I  am  sick-heart-sick  with  humanity.  Here  are  men  claim 
ing  to  be  Christians,  and  even  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  who 
profess  to  be  guided  in  their  actions  by  the  teachings  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  who  have  organized  a  body  of  murderers, 
robbers,  gamblers  and  horse-thieves,  and  subsisting  by 
plunder.  They  are  riding  over  the  country  and  committing 
the  basest  of  crimes.  If  this  is  Christianity  anything  would 
be  preferable  to  it. 

The  strangest  of  all  is  to  see  peace  men,  those  in  the  States 
who  were  members  of  peace  societies,  and  who  were  sending 
delegates  to  peace  congresses,  laboring  to  inaugurate  civil 
war,  with  the  expressed  object  of  working  a  revolution 
throughout  the  nation,  ultimating  in  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union;  and  all  to  procure  the  emancipation  of  the  slave. 
Simple  men !  They  should  learn  that  revolutions  involving 
such  grave  consequences  are  not  usually  set  on  foot  by  mur 
derers  and  thieves.  Though  Brutus  triumphed  over  the 
dead  corpse  of  Caesar,  yet  it  is  not  believed  that  in  this  age 
of  enlightment  a  few  ignoramuses  and  desperadoes  of  the 
character  of  those  in  this  country  can  succeed  in  crushing 
out  slavery  and  with  it  American  freedom. 
But  Brown's  band  was  the  only  band  of  thieves  operating  in 
326  Kansas  Conflict,  408. 


276  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

that  neighborhood  after  July  15,  1858.  The  Shubel  Morgan 
Company,  then,  was  the  "organized  body  of  murderers,  robbers, 
gamblers  and  horse  thieves"  described  and  complained  of  by  the 
Moneka  clergyman  -  "Men  who  prosecute  their  nefarious 
business  in  the  name  of  God  and  Humanity."  The  Herald  of 
Freedom  seems  to  have  fallen  under  Brown's  displeasure.  He 
thought  "all  honest,  sensible  Free-State  men  in  Kansas  consider 
George  Washington  Brown's  'Herald  of  Freedom'  one  of  the 
most  traitorous  publications  in  the  whole  country."  327 

On  January  1 1,  1859,  Governor  Medary  asked  the  Territorial 
Legislature,  then  in  session,  to  appropriate  $250  as  a  reward 
for  the  arrest  of  Montgomery,  and  a  similar  amount  for  the  ar 
rest  of  Brown.  In  response  to  this,  Montgomery  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  Lawrence  Republican,  saying,  among  other  things :  "For 
Brown's  doings  in  Missouri,  I  am  not  responsible.  I  know 
nothing  of  either  his  plans  or  intentions.  Brown  keeps  his  own 
counsels,  and  acts  on  his  own  responsibility.  I  hear  much  said 
about  Montgomery  and  his  company.  I  have  no  company. 
We  have  had  no  organization  since  the  5th  day  of  July."  32S 
Continuing,  Mr.  Villard  says  that  Montgomery  came  to  Law 
rence  on  January  18th,  and  delivered  himself  up  to  Judge  El- 
more,  who  placed  him  in  the  custody  of  the  sheriff.  There  be 
ing  but  one  indictment  against  him,  and  that  for  robbing  a  post- 
office,  he  was  released  on  bail,  in  the  sum  of  $4,000.  Three 
days  later  he  returned  home  and  continued  his  efforts  in  behalf 
of  peace.  He  came  back  to  Lawrence  on  February  2d,  with 
six  of  his  men,  who  also  surrendered  themselves  to  the  Terri 
torial  officers. 

About  this  time  Brown  received  a  visit  from  George  A. 
Crawford,  a  Free-State  Democrat  residing  at  Fort  Scott,  who 
said  some  things  to  Brown  at  the  request  of  Governor  Medary. 
In  a  letter  to  Hon.  Eli  Thayer  of  August  4,  1879,  Crawford 

3-7  Sanborn,  476. 
328  Villard,  377. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     277 

states  the  substance  of  this  conversation.     Some  extracts  from 
the  letter  are  as  follows  : 329 

.  .  .  I  protested  to  the  Captain  against  this  violence. 
We  were  settlers,  he  was  not.  He  could  strike  a  blow  and 
leave.  The  retaliatory  blow  would  fall  on  us.  Being  a 
Free-State  man,  I  myself  was  held  personally  responsible  by 
pro-slavery  ruffians  in  Fort  Scott  for  the  acts  of  Captain 
Brown.  One  of  these  ruffians,  Brockett,  when  they  gave  me 
notice  to  leave  the  town  said,  "When  a  snake  bites  me,  I 
don't  go  hunting  for  that  particular  snake.  I  kill  the  first 
snake  I  come  to." 

I  called  Captain  Brown's  attention  to  the  facts  that  we 
were  at  peace  with  Missouri ;  that  our  Legislature  was  then 
in  the  hands  of  Free- State  men  to  make  the  laws ;  that  even 
in  our  disturbed  counties  of  Bourbon  and  Linn  we  were  in  a 
majority  and  had  elected  the  officers  both  to  make  and  ex 
ecute  the  laws ;  that  without  peace  we  could  have  no  immi 
gration  ;  that  no  Southern  immigration  was  coming ;  that 
agitation  such  as  his  was  only  keeping  Northern  friends 
away,  etc.  The  old  man  replied  that  it  was  no  pleasure  to 
him,  an  old  man,  to  be  living  in  the  saddle,  away  from  home 
and  family  and  exposing  his  life ;  and  if  the  Free-State  men 
of  Kansas  felt  they  no  longer  needed  him,  he  would  be  glad 
to  go.  .  . 

On  account  of  the  unfriendly  criticism  of  his  conduct,  Brown 
left  the  neighborhood  of  Moneka  January  llth  and  went  to 
Osawatomie,  and  about  the  20th,  in  company  with  Gill  and 
Kagi,  convoying  the  slaves,  set  out  on  the  journey  to  the  North. 
Stevens  and  Tidd  were  with  the  party  at  Osawatomie,  but  they 
were  detailed  to  steal  "a  span  of  horses"  the  day  the  caravan 
moved,  which  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  scurry  out  of  the 
neighborhood  as  rapidly  as  the  horses  which  they  had  stolen 
could  travel. 

Concerning  this  transaction  Mr.  Gill  says,330  that  a  day  or 

329  Kansas  Conflict,  405-407. 
33°Villard,   379. 


278  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

two  before  starting  he  found  out  that  a  Missourian,  with  a  span 
of  horses,  was  stopping  temporarily  a  few  miles  from  Osawat- 
omie ;  also  that  he  had  a  well  grounded  suspicion  that  they  had 
been  stolen  from  Free-State  men.  At  Garnett,  he  says,  he 
communicated  his  suspicion  "to  Stevens  and  Tidd,  who  set  out, 
the  same  evening  that  we  did,  to  replevin  these  horses.  After 
doing  so  they  proceeded  to  Topeka  to  await  us;  Kagi  also,"  he 
says,  "scouted  ahead  for  some  purpose,  most  probably  to  ar 
range  stopping-places  for  us,  leaving  Brown  and  myself  alone 
with  the  colored  folks." 

With  the  stealing  of  these  horses  "Brown's  men  wound  up 
their  business  in  South  Eastern  Kansas."  It  was  probably 
their  last  theft  in  the  Territory.  What  their  first  one  was,  and 
what  their  intermediate  acts  were,  can  only  be  surmised.  Sum 
marizing  his  work  in  Kansas  during  1858  Mr.  Villard  says : 331 

As  for  John  Brown,  he  was  ready  to  leave  the  Territory 
for  the  last  time.  Of  constructive  work  there  was  no  more 
to  his  credit  than  when  he  left  the  Territory  in  1856.  .  . 
The  sole  act  of  any  significance  to  be  credited  to  him  during 
these  six  months  in  Southern  Kansas  is  the  capture  of  the 
slaves.  .  .  Certain  it  is  that  the  Missouri  raid,  in  viola 
tion  of  his  agreement,  caused  many  peaceful  Free-State  set 
tlers  to  flee  their  homes  for  fear  of  violence,  and  might  have 
resulted  seriously  but  for  the  efforts  of  certain  Missourians 
to  keep  the  peace.  .  . 

Brown's  successful  trip  across  the  country,  from  Kansas  to 
Canada,  in  the  rigor  of  winter,  with  these  colored  fugitives, 
will  always  stand  to  the  credit  of  his  courage,  his  sagacity,  and 
his  perseverance.  The  initial  drive  from  Osawatomie  to  Major 
Abbott's  place  near  Lawrence,  where  they  arrived  January  24th, 
had  its  discomforts.  Mr.  Villard,  quoting  from  Gill's  narrative 
says :  "Through  mud,  and  then  over  frozen  ground,  without 
a  dollar  in  their  pockets,  their  shoes  all  but  falling  apart,  Gill 
and  Brown,  resolutely  drove  the  slow-going  ox-team  with  its 
33i  Villard,  378. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     279 

load  of  women  and  children.  Gill's  feet  were  frozen,  and  the 
'old  man's  fingers,  nose  and  ears  frozen.'  '  From  Abbott's 
hospitable  home  they  sent  the  ox-team  to  Lawrence  to  be  sold, 
and  in  its  place  obtained  horses  and  wagons.  On  the  28th,  the 
narrative  states,  they  arrived  at  Holton  "amid  all  the  discom 
forts  of  a  driving  prairie  snow  storm."  But  the  storm  could 
not  have  been  very  severe,  because  upon  their  arrival  next  day 
at  Spring  Creek,  six  miles  distant,  that  stream  "was  too  high  to 
ford"  and  they  were  compelled  to  remain  there  over  Sunday. 
The  storm  therefore  must  have  been  a  rain  storm  rather  than  a 
prairie  blizzard. 

About  this  time  Brown's  movements  were  discovered  and  his 
location  had  become  known  ;  also  the  Territorial  authorities  be 
came  active  in  an  effort  to  arrest  him.  On  Saturday,  as  the 
story  goes,  a  volunteer  posse  from  Atchison,  under  Mr.  A.  P. 
Wood,  arrived  upon  the  scene,  and  took  up  a  position  on  the 
north  side  of  Spring  Creek,  barring  Brown's  further  progress 
northward.  It  looked  as  though  the  "chase  was  trapped"  ;  and 
Governor  Medary  with  evident  satisfaction  announced  the  fact 
to  President  Buchanan.  The  Governor  also  sent  a  special  mes 
senger  —  Deputy  Marshal  Colby  —  to  Colonel  Sumner,  com 
manding  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  informing  that  officer  as  to  the 
situation,  and  requesting  that  troops  be  sent  to  capture  him. 
But  Brown,  in  anticipation  of  hostilities,  had  sent  to  Topeka  for 
assistance,  and  Colonel  John  Ritchie,  with  about  twenty  men, 
responded  to  his  call,  arriving  at  his  camp  about  noon  on  Mon 
day.  Upon  the  arrival  of  these  reinforcements,  Brown 
promptly  moved  toward  the  crossing  of  the  creek,  and  quite  as 
promptly  the  Atchison  party  abandoned  its  position.  The  en 
gagement  that  followed  seems  to  have  been  a  contest  for  speed, 
and  was  appropriately  named  "The  Battle  of  the  Spurs." 
The  Leavenworth  Times  had  this  to  say  about  the  battle  :  333 

,  382. 


333  Ibid. 


280  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

The  chase  was  a  merry  one,  and  closed  by  Brown's  taking 
off  three  of  his  pursuers  as  prisoners ;  with  four  horses,  pis 
tols,  guns,  etc.,  as  legitimate  plunder. 

February  10th,  Brown  was  at  Tabor,  Iowa.  From  there  he 
wrote  to  his  wife  : 334 

I  am  once  more  in  Iowa,  through  the  great  mercy  of  God. 
Those  with  me  and  other  friends  are  well.  I  hope  soon  to 
be  at  a  point  where  I  can  learn  of  your  welfare  &  perhaps 
send  you  something  besides  my  good  wishes.  I  suppose  you 
get  the  common  news.  May  the  God  of  my  fathers  be  your 
God. 

Brown's  reception  by  the  people  of  Tabor  was  a  disappoint 
ment.  He  arrived  on  Saturday  and  hoped  to  receive  an  ovation 
at  the  church  next  clay;  and  that  a  "collection"  would  be  taken 
up  for  his  benefit.  To  bring  this  about  he  prepared  the  follow 
ing  notice,  which  he  handed  to  the  Rev.  John  Todd,  as  the  lat 
ter  entered  his  church  Sunday  morning,  which  he  desired  should 
be  read  to  the  congregation : 335 

John  Brown  respectfully  requests  the  church  at  Tabor 
to  offer  public  thanksgiving  to  Almighty  God  in  behalf  of 
himself,  &  company :  &  of  their  rescued  captives  in  particular 
for  his  gracious  preservation  of  their  lives,  &  health;  &  his 
signal  deliverance  of  all  out  of  the  hand  of  the  wicked,  hith 
erto.  "Oh,  give  thanks  unto  the  Lord ;  for  he  is  good ;  for 
his  mercy  endureth  forever." 

But  there  was  objection  and  the  note  was  not  read.  The  fame 
of  Brown's  actions,  or  the  infamy  of  them,  had  preceded  him 
at  Tabor,  which  was  probably  confirmed  by  the  swaggering  and 
boasting  of  his  men.  At  any  rate,  after  conferring  with  Dr. 
H.  D.  King,  who  occupied  the  pulpit  with  Mr.  Todd,  the  latter 
declined  to  read  the  note,  or  to  take  up  the  collection.336  Dr. 
King  is  reported  to  have  said : 

3a*Villard,  383. 
^Villard,  384. 
330  Villard,  385. 


SHUBEL  MORGAN  PLUNDER  COMPANY     281 

Brother  Todd,  this  is  your  church,  but  if  I  were  you  I 
would  not  make  a  prayer  for  them.  Inasmuch  as  it  is  said 
they  have  destroyed  life,  and  stolen  horses,  I  should  want  to 
take  the  charge  under  examination  before  I  made  a  public 
prayer.337 

Brown  was  equally  unfortunate  at  a  public  meeting  which 
he  called  for  Monday.  It  .resolved  that  "we  have  no  Sympathy 
with  those  who  go  to  Slave  States  to  entice  away  Slaves,  &  take 
property  or  life  when  necessary  to  attain  that  end."  338 

At  Grinnell  Brown  held  two  night  meetings,  with  full  houses, 
at  which  he  and  Kagi  spoke.  Both  were  loudly  cheered.  The 
collections,  too,  were  satisfactory:  "$26.50  and  whole  party 
and  teams  kept  for  Two  days  without  cost.  Sundry  articles  of 
clothing  given  to  captives.  Bread,  Meat,  Cakes,  Pies,  etc.,  pre 
pared  for  our  journey."  339 

In  justification  of  his  Missouri  raid,  Brown,  in  March,  wrote 
to  Mr.  John  Teesdale  of  the  Des  Moines  Register :  34° 

First,  it  has  been  my  deliberate  judgment,  since  1855,  that 
the  most  ready  and  effectual  way  to  retrieve  Kansas  would 
be  to  meddle  directly  with  the  peculiar  institution.     Next,      / 
we  had  no  means  of  moving  the  rescued  captives  without  tak 
ing  a  portion  of  their  lawfully  acquired  earnings,  all  we  took 

has  been  held  sacred  to  that  object  and  will  be. 

i — 

The  last  clause  of  the  latter  statement  would  move  Jennison's 
ghost  to  smile  if  it  were  read  to  it.341 

The  caravan  arrived  at  Springdale  February  25th,  and  re 
mained  there  until  March  10th,  when  the  colored  people  and 
their  traps  were  loaded  into  a  box  car,  at  West  Liberty,  and 
taken  by  an  express  train  to  Chicago.  The  use  of  a  box  car, 

""^Tyiilard,  385. 

33»  Ibid. 

339Villard,  387. 

a40Villard,  386. 

341  It  is  the  personal  opinion  of  the  writer  that  Jennison  got  the  "long 
end"  of  the  loot  taken  in  this  raid;  an  opinion  that  will  not  be  chal 
lenged  by  anyone  who  knew  him. 


282  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

and  the  transportation  of  the  fugitives  to  Chicago,  was  quietly 
arranged  by  Mr.  Grinnell  with  Superintendent  Tracey,  of  the 
railroad.  The  latter  refused  to  accept  payment  for  the  service, 
saying:  "We  might  be  held  for  the  value  of  every  one  of 
those  niggers." 

Arriving  at  Chicago,  March  llth,  at  4:40  A.  M.,  Brown  re 
ported  his  case  to  Allen  Pinkerton,  who  took  charge  of  the 
party.  Pinkerton  also  raised  a  fund  of  about  six  hundred  dol 
lars  for  Brown;  and  arranged  with  General  Superintendent 
Hammond,  of  the  Michigan  Central  Railway,  for  a  car  and 
transportation  for  the  outfit  to  Detroit.  Kagi  had  charge  of 
the  party  from  Chicago  to  Detroit  where  they  arrived  March 
12th,  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.,  Brown  having  preceded  them  on  an 
earlier  train  to  arrange  for  their  reception  at  Windsor,  Canada. 
He  met  them  on  the  ferry  boat  and  escorted  them  across  the 
river  to  freedom.342 

The  liberation  of  these  slaves  in  Missouri,  and  the  safe  de 
livery  of  them  in  Canada  was  a  capable  performance.  But  it 
is  not  believable  that  the  department  of  justice  at  any  time 
contemplated  any  interference  with  Brown,  or  that  it  made  any 
attempt  to  arrest  him,  or  had  any  desire  to  effect  his  arrest. 
That  it  had  him  under  surveillance,  and  had  reports  of  his 
movements,  from  the  time  he  arrived  at  Holton  until  he  disem 
barked  the  fugitives  at  Windsor,  there  can  be  no  reasonable 
doubt;  and  that  it  had  the  power  to  arrest  him,  if  it  desired  to 
do  so,  will  not  be  denied.  But  the  fugitive  slave  law,  at  this 
time,  had  become  a  grievous  thorn  in  the  political  flesh  of  the 
northern  Democracy.  The  Administration  had  troubles  enough, 
already,  in  the  distracted  condition  of  the  country,  without  fur 
ther  antagonizing  Northern  public  sentiment,  and  turning  loose 
upon  itself  the  tempest  of  criticism  and  censure  that  would 
surely  follow  if  Brown  were  arrested,  and  a  heartless  judge 
should  remand  back  to  slavery  and  punishment  these  timid, 
shrinking,  friendless  women  and  children. 
Villard,  389-390. 


CHAPTER  XII 

MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY 

Confusion  on  thy  banners  wait! 

Though  fann'd  by  Conquest's  crimson  wing.       —  GRAY 

Released  from  further  responsibility  for  his  fugitive  wards, 
and  wearing  the  laurels  of  his  recent  adventures,  Brown  began 
the  reorganization  of  his  forces  for  the  final  hazard.  Arriving 
at  Cleveland  March  15th,  he  proceeded  to  sell,  publicly,  what 
remained  of  his  share  of  the  Kansas-Missouri  plunder  which 
had  been  forwarded  to  that  point  from  Springdale :  two  horses 
and  a  mule.  Brown  announced  that,  notwithstanding  the  Mis 
souri  origin  of  the  stock,  they  were  now  "Abolition"  animals; 
explaining  his  metaphor  by  the  statement  that  he  had  "con 
verted"  them.  A  pen  picture  of  Brown  by  Art  emus  Ward, 
reads  as  follows  : 343 

He  is  a  medium  sized,  compactly-built  and  wiry  man,  as 
quick  as  a  cat  in  his  movements.  His  hair  is  of  a  salt  and 
pepper  hue  and  as  stiff  as  bristles;  he  has  a  long,  waving, 
milk  white  goatee  which  gives  him  a  somewhat  patriarchal 
appearance.  A  man  of  pluck,  is  Brown.  You  may  bet  on 
that.  He  shows  it  in  his  walk,  talk  and  actions.  He  must 
be  rising  sixty  and  yet  we  believe  he  could  lick  a  yard  full 
of  wild  cats  before  breakfast  and  without  taking  off  his  coat. 
Turn  him  into  a  ring  with  nine  Border  ruffians,  four  bears, 
six  injuns  and  a  brace  of  bull  pups  and  we  opine  that  ''the 
eagles  of  victory  would  perch  on  his  banner."  We  don't 
mean  by  this  that  he  looks  like  a  professional  bruiser,  who 
hits  from  the  shoulder,  but  he  looks  like  a  man  of  iron  and 
one  that  few  men  would  like  to  "sail  into." 

~~3~43  Villard,  391. 


284  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

Kagi  appeared  to  him  "like  a  melancholy  brigand,  some  of 
whose  statements  were  no  doubt  false  and  some  shamefully 
true."  A  summary  of  the  lecture  Brown  delivered  at  Cleve 
land  reads  as  follows  : 344 

Brown's  description  of  his  trip  to  Westport  and  capture 
of  eleven  niggers  was  refreshingly  cool,  and  it  struck  us, 
while  he  was  giving  it,  that  he  would  make  his  jolly  fortune 
by  letting  himself  out  as  an  Ice  Cream  Freezer.     He  meant 
this  invasion  as  a  direct  blow  at  slavery.     He  did  not  dis 
guise  it  —  he  wanted  the  audience  to  distinctly  understand 
it.     With  a  few  picked  men,  he  visited  Westport  in  the  night 
and  liberated  eleven  slaves.     He  also  "liberated"  a  large  num 
ber  of  horses,  oxen,  mules  and  furniture  at  the  same  time. 
In  this  speech  Brown  made  the  only  acknowledgment  of  rec 
ord,  of  his  relation  to  the  Pottawatomie  assassinations.     The 
Leader,  which  was  friendly  to  Brown,  quoted  him  as  saying,345 
that  "he  had  never  killed  anybody,  although  on  some  occasions 
he  had  shown  his  young  men  with  him,  how  some  things  might 
be  done  as  well  as  others  and  they  had  done  the  business." 
Brown  also  impressed  Mr.  Alcott,  who  said  of  him  after  hear 
ing  his  lecture  at  Concord,  May  8th : 346 

He  tells  tfis  story  with  surprising  simplicity  and  sense,  im 
pressing  us  all  deeply  with  his  courage  and  religious  earn 
estness.  .  .  I  had  a  few  words  with  him  after  his  speech, 
and  find  him  superior  to  legal  traditions  and  a  disciple  of  the 
Right  in  ideality  and  the  affairs  of  state.  A  young  man 
named  Anderson  accompanies  him.  They  go  armed,  I  am 
told,  and  will  defend  themselves  if  necessary.  He  does  not 
conceal  his  hatred  of  slavery,  nor  his  readiness  to  strike  a 
blow  for  freedom  at  the  proper  moment.  He  is  of  imposing 
appearance.  .  .  I  think  him  about  the  manliest  man  I  have 
ever  seen. 

The  principal  matter  in  hand  now  was  to  finance  the  initial 

344Villard,  393. 

345  Ibid. 

346  Sanborn,  504. 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      285 

movement  of  the  campaign.  All  the  skies  were  clear.  Time 
and  the  Kansas  diversion  had  discredited  Forbes's  truthful 
statements  and  eliminated  him  from  the  problem.  There  was 
to  be  no  further  shifting  of  the  scene,  or  hesitation  or  faltering. 
The  flood  in  his  affairs  was  rising,  carrying  him  on  its  crest,  to 
his  fate.  To  the  intelligent  and  insistent  perseverence  of  Mr. 
Sanborn  belongs  the  credit,  or  the  discredit,  as  the  reader  may 
elect,  for  making  Brown's  operations  possible.  He  stood,  or 
became  sponsor  for  Brown's  integrity  of  purpose  in  January, 
1857,  and  financed  his  subsequent  career.  May  30th,  he  wrote 
Colonel  Higginson : 

Capt.  B.  has  been  here  for  three  weeks,  and  is  soon  to  leave 
-  having  got  his  $2000  secured.     He  is  at  the  U.  S.  Hotel ; 

and  you  ought  to  see  him  before  he  goes,  for  now  he  is  to 

begin.347 

Mr.  Sanborn  states  347a  that  in  all,  a  little  more  than  four 
thousand  dollars  passed  through  the  hands  of  the  secret  commit 
tee  or  was  known  to  it,  as  having  been  contributed  in  aid  of  the 
"Virginia  enterprise;"  and  that  those  who  contributed  thirty- 
eight  hundred  dollars  of  this  sum,  did  so  "with  a  clear  knowl 
edge  of  the  use  to  which  it  would  be  put." 

At  North  Elba,  about  June  16th,  Brown  bid  his  family  fare 
well  and  went  to  West  Andover  where  he  made  arrangements 
with  his  son  John  to  take  upon  himself  the  combined  duties  of 
quartermaster  general,  and  recruiting  and  mustering  officer. 
From  Ohio  he  went  to  Pennsylvania,  writing  to  Kagi,  from 
Pittsburgh,  under  the  name  of  S.  Monroe.  He  was  at  Bedford 
on  June  26th,  and  at  Chambersburg  on  the  28th.  From  Cham- 
bersburg,  on  June  30th,  in  company  with  two  of  his  sons,  Owen 
and  Oliver,  and  Jeremiah  G.  Anderson,  Brown  left  for  the 
''front."  On  that  day  he  wrote  Kagi  under  the  name  of  "I 
Smith  &  Sons"  saying  that  they  were  leaving  for  Harper's 
Ferry  and  would  be  looking  for  "cheap  lands  near  the  railroad 


347  Villard,  396.  " 
347a  Sanborn,  423. 


286  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

in  all  probability."  July  3d,  they  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook, 
Maryland,  and  spent  the  next  day  reconnoitering  the  country 
on  the  Maryland  side  of  the  Potomac  above  Harper's  Ferry. 

To  a  Mr.  Unseld,  whom  they  met  during  the  morning,  Brown 
stated  that  they  were  farmers  from  northern  New  York  and 
because  of  late  frosts  and  other  disadvantages,  they  had  decided 
to  seek  a  new  location;  that  they  had  a  little  money  and  in 
tended  to  buy  a  farm,  but  would  prefer  to  rent  a  place  until 
they  became  better  acquainted  with  farm  values  in  the  neighbor 
hood.  He  also  told  him  that  his  business  would  be  buying  fat 
cattle  for  the  New  York  market.  Unseld  suggested  to  them 
a  farm  belonging  to  the  heirs  of  a  Dr.  Kennedy,  recently  de 
ceased,  which  was  then  for  sale.  This  farm  was  located  about 
five  miles  from  Harper's  Ferry  on  the  Boonsboro  road.  It  had 
probably  been  selected  for  headquarters  for  the  "Provisional 
Army"  by  Cook,  who  had  been  stationed  at  Harper's  Ferry  for 
more  than  a  year. 

The  Kennedy  farm  suited  Brown  "exactly."  He  went  to 
Sharpsburg  immediately  and  leased  two  houses  that  were  on  the 
place,  with  firewood,  and  pasture  for  a  horse  and  a  cow,  until 
March  1,  1860;  the  total  consideration  being  thirty-five  dollars. 
The  main  house  stands  about  three  hundred  yards  from  the  road 
on  the  south  side.  "There  was  a  basement,  kitchen  and  a  store 
room,  a  living  room  and  bed  rooms  on  the  second  story,  and 
an  attic."  The  "cabin"  stood  about  the  same  distance  from  the 
road  on  the  north  side  of  it.  Notwithstanding  the  distance 
from  the  road,  Brown  was  constantly  in  danger  of  being 
brought  under  suspicion  by  the  friendly  but  inquisitive  neigh 
bors,  who  were  constantly  dropping  in  to  see  the  newcomers; 
but  who  were  never  invited  to  come  into  the  house.  To  further 
disarm  suspicion  Brown,  on  July  5th,  sent  for  his  wife  and 
daughter  Anne,  to  report  at  headquarters.  Mrs.  "Smith," 
however,  seemed  to  think  she  could  not  so  readily  abandon  her 
home  and  her  young  children.  But  Oliver  Brown's  young  wife 
came  instead ;  she  and  "Annie"  arrived  about  the  middle  of  July. 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      287 

On  the  10th  of  this  month,  Brown  wrote  to  Kagi,  who  was  at 
Chambersburg,  that  it  would  be  "distressing  in  many  ways,  to 
have  a  lot  of  hands  for  many  days,  out  of  employ.  We  must 
make  up  our  lot  of  hands  as  nearly  at  one  &  the  same  time  as 
possible."  348 

August  llth,  there  was  a  panic  on  the  bourse  of  the  Pro 
visional  Government.  Kagi  reported  the  arrival  of  fifteen 
boxes  of  arms  with  freight  charges  amounting  to  $85.00,  which 
caused  Brown  to  ask  his  son  John  to  solicit  for  him  "a  little 
more  assistance,  say  two  or  three  hundred  dollars."  Continu 
ing  he  said  : 

It  is  terribly  humiliating  to  me  to  begin  soliciting  of  friends        / 
again;  but  as  the  harvest  opens  before  me  with  increasing    ^/ 
encouragements,  I  may  not  allow  a  feeling  of  delicacy  to  de 
ter  me  from  asking  the  little  further  I  expect  to  need.349 
In  due  time  his  requisition  for  funds  was  honored  from  the 
never-failing  purse  of  Gerrit  Smith.     Brown's  means  of  trans 
portation  consisted  of  a  horse  and  a  wagon,  but  a  contract  for 
moving  the  arms  from  Chambersburg  to  the  Kennedy  farm  was 
awarded  to  a   "Pennsylvania   Dutchman"   who  had   a  large 
freight  wagon.350 

Meanwhile  the  movement  progressed  in  a  systematic  and 
orderly  manner.  There  was  grave  danger,  however,  that  the 
secret  of  the  contemplated  insurrection  would  transpire  through 
the  loquacity  of  the  many  persons,  estimated  by  Mr.  Villard  at 
possibly,  eighty,  who  had  more  or  less  knowledge  of  the  enter 
prise.  Brown  seems  to  have  feared  that  Cook,  especially, 
might  give  up  information  that  would  work  disaster.  It  was 
not  that  he  held  his  loyalty  in  doubt,  but  he  had  been  reported 
to  the  commander-in-chief  on  a  previous  occasion,  by  the  hon 
orable  secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Realf,  for  "cacoethes  loquendi," 
and  Brown  feared  a  recrudescence  of  the  malady.  In  a  letter 


,  406. 
Villard,  407. 


288  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

to  Kagi  at  Chambersburg,  August  llth,  he  severely  reproved 
those  who  had  made  their  business  in  Maryland  a  subject  for 
general  correspondence.  But  his  expressions  of  displeasure, 
did  not  prevent  Leeman  from  writing  to  his  mother,  a  month 
and  a  half  later,  as  follows : 351 

I  am  now  in  a  Southern  Slave  State  and  before  I  leave  it 
it  will  be  a  free  State,  Mother  .  .  .  Yes,  mother  I  am 
waring  with  Slavery  the  greatest  Curse  that  ever  infested 
America;  In  Explanation  of  my  Absence  from  you  for  so 
long  a  time  I  would  tell  you  that  for  three  years  I  have  been 
Engaged  in  a  Secret  Association  of  as  gallant  fellows  as  ever 
puled  a  trigger  with  the  sole  purpose  of  the  Extermination 
of  Slavery. 

A  warning,  which  was  received  by  the  Honorable  Secretary  of 
War,  August  25th,  notifying  the  department  that  Brown  was 
then  promoting  a  general  insurrection  among  the  slaves,  prob 
ably  had  its  origin  in  Cook's  indiscreet  volubility.  The  letter, 
addressed  to  "J.  B.  Floyd,  Sec'y  of  War,"  "Private"  is  as  fol 
lows  : 352 

Cincinnati,  August  20. 

SIR  :  I  have  lately  received  information  of  a  movement 
of  so  great  importance  that  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  impart  it  to 
you  without  delay. 

I  have  discovered  the  existence  of  a  secret  association, 
having  for  its  object  the  liberation  of  the  slaves  at  the  South, 
by  a  general  insurrection.  The  leader  of  the  movement  is 
old  John  Brown,  late  of  Kansas.  He  has  been  in  Canada 
during  the  winter,  drilling  the  negroes  there,  and  they  are 
only  waiting  for  his  word  to  start  for  the  South  to  assist  the 
slaves.  They  have  one  of  their  leading  men  (a  white  man) 
in  an  armory  in  Maryland  —  where  it  is  situated,  I  have  not 
been  able  to  learn.  As  soon  as  every  thing  is  ready,  those 
of  their  number  who  are  in  the  Northern  States  and  Canada 
are  to  come  in  small  companies  to  their  rendezvous,  which 

351  Villard,  408. 

352  Mason  Report,  250.     Testimony  of  Hon.  John  B.  Floyd. 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      289 

is  in  the  mountains  in  Virginia.  They  will  pass  down  through 
Pennsylvania  and  Maryland  and  enter  Virginia  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  Brown  left  the  North  about  three  or  four  weeks  ago, 
and  will  arm  the  negroes  and  strike  a  blow  in  a  few  weeks ;  so 
that  whatever  is  done  must  be  done  at  once.  They  have  a 
large  quantity  of  arms  at  their  rendezvous  and  are  probably 
distributing  them  already.  As  I  am  not  fully  in  their  con 
fidence,  this  is  all  the  information  I  can  give  you.  I  dare  not 
sign  my  name  to  this,  but  trust  that  you  will  not  disregard  the 
warning  on  that  account. 

This  letter,  which  should  have  led  to  the  immediate  over 
throw  and  wreck  of  the  Provisional  Government  of  the  United 
States,  had  been  enclosed  in  an  envelope  addressed  to  the  post 
master  at  Cincinnati,  and  mailed  at  Big  Rock,  Iowa.  At  Cin 
cinnati,  August  23d,  it  was  remailed  to  the  Honorable  Secre 
tary.  Mr.  Floyd  received  it  at  Red  Sweet  Springs,  Virginia, 
August  25th,  and  while  not  attaching  sufficient  importance  to  the 
subject  of  the  communication  to  read  it  a  second  time,  he  pre 
served  the  letter,  and,  after  the  denouement,  published  it.  In  ex 
planation  of  his  indifference  to  the  contents  of  this  letter,  he 
stated  to  the  Mason  Committee,  that  the  reference  to  the  arsenal 
in  Maryland  misled  him,  there  being  no  armory  in  that  state. 
He  therefore,  supposed  the  whole  thing  was  a  hoax,  and  gave 
it  no  further  attention.  The  history  of  the  letter  was  revealed 
in  later  years  by  its  author,  David  J.  Gue,  of  Scott  County, 
Iowa,  who  obtained  his  information  from  Mr.  Moses  Varney, 
of  Springdale.353 

As  the  days  passed,  the  men,  who  were  to  form  the  nucleus  V 
of  the  army  of  invasion,  straggled  into  Harper's  Ferry  and 
reported  at  headquarters  for  duty.  August  6th,  Watson  Brown 
arrived,  and  with  him  came  the  Thompson  brothers,  William 
and  Dauphin.  They  were  brothers  to  Henry  Thompson,  who 
had  been  with  Brown  in  Kansas  in  1856.  Then  came  Tidd 
and  Stevens,  et  a/.,  and  last  of  all,  but  one  of  the  most  welcome 
35s  Gue,  History  of  loiva,  vol.  ii,  26-30;  Villard,  411. 


290  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

of  all  the  recruits,  came  Francis  J.  Merriam.  He  arrived  at 
the  Kenneday  farm  October  15th,  with  six  hundred  dollars  in 
gold  in  his  pockets,  which  he  covered  into  the  Provisional 
Treasury.  The  arrival  of  Merriam  with  his  gold  relieved  the 
strain  upon  Brown's  exchequer.  The  commander-in-chief  had 
been  compelled  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  forty  dollars  from  Lieu 
tenant  Coppoc,  upon  the  credit  of  the  Provisional  Govern 
ment,  to  meet  the  current  expenses  of  the  expedition.  That 
deficit  was  now  made  good,  leaving  a  handsome  surplus  on 
hand.  When  Brown  was  taken  into  custody  three  days  later, 
he  had  with  him  two  hundred  and  fifty  or  sixty  dollars  in  gold 
and  silver.  Mrs.  Anne  Brown  Adams  said : 354  "The  good 
Father  in  Heaven  who  furnishes  daily  bread  sent  Francis  J. 
Merriam  down  there  with  his  money  to  help  them  just  at  the 
moment  it  was  needed."  But  it  may  also  be  said  that  in  the 
varying  vicissitudes  of  Brown's  fortunes,  almost  any  moment 
was  just  such  a  moment  as  this.  "His  money,"  Mr.  Villard 
states,  was  Merriam's  "only  contribution  of  value  to  the 
cause.  .  .  In  addition  to  his  other  physical  frailties  he  had 
lost  the  sight  of  one  of  his  eyes."  After  looking  him  over, 
Stevens  assigned  him  to  duty  as  guard  over  the  arms  which 
were  to  be  left  at  the  Kennedy  farm. 

On  the  29th  of  September,  the  two  young  women  left  army 
headquarters  to  return  to  their  homes.  They  had  rendered 
faithful  and  valuable  services  during  the  months  of  their  stay. 
If  the  Provisional  Government  had  succeeded,  these  two  women 
would  have  taken  rank  with  the  immortals  —  Betsy  Ross  and 
Mollie  Stark.  Mrs.  Adams  relates355  that  one  day,  while 
"we  were  alone  in  the  yard  Owen  remarked,  as  he  looked  up  at 
the  house :  'If  we  succeed,  some  day  there  will  be  a  United 
States  flag  over  this  house.  If  we  do  not,  it  will  be  consid 
ered  a  den  of  land  pirates  and  thieves.' '  In  the  division  of 
their  labors  Anne,  and  not  "Martha,"  seems  to  have  "chosen 

354  Villard,  421. 

355  Villard,  424. 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      291 

the  better  part" ;  the  latter  did  the  cooking  for  the  company, 
and  was  the  general  head  of  the  department  of  domestic  econ 
omy;  while  Anne,  from  the  watch  towers  of  the  rude  farm 
house,  kept  vigils  over  all  the  approaches  thereto.  She  was 
the  faithful  sentinel  that  sounded  the  alarm  at  every  sign  of 
danger  —  the  vestal  virgin,  keeping  alive  the  sacred  fires  upon 
their  altar  of  liberty.  The  approach  of  any  human  being  was 
cause  for  alarm,  lest  the  presence  of  the  invading  army  might 
be  discovered  and  divulged.  An  interesting  account  of  the 
daily  life  at  headquarters,  by  Mrs.  Anne  Brown  Adams  is  pub 
lished  by  Mr.  Villard.356  Of  the  personnel  of  the  field  and  staff, 
she  says : 

It  is  claimed  by  many  that  they  were  a  wild,  ignorant, 
fanatical  or  adventurous  lot  of  rough  men.  This  is  not  so, 
they  were  sons  from  good  families,  well  trained  by  orthodox 
religious  parents,  too  young  to  have  settled  views  on  many 
subjects,  impulsive,  generous,  too  good  themselves  to  believe 
that  God  could  possibly  be  the  harsh  unforgiving  being  He 
was  at  that  day  usually  represented  to  be.  Judging  them  by 
the  rules  laid  down  by  Christ,  I  think  they  were  uncommon 
ly  good  and  sincere  Christians,  if  the  term  Christian  means 
follower  of  Christ's  example,  and  too  great  lovers  of  free 
dom  to  endure  to  be  trammeled  by  church  or  creed. 

No  doubt  the  conduct  of  these  free-booters,  in  the  presence 
of  the  young  women,  at  the  Kennedy  farm,  was  circumspect 
and  commendable,  and  justified  the  estimate  herein  expressed 
of  their  exemplary  characters,  and  of  the  Christian  lives  that 
she  supposed  they  had  led,  and  were  living. 

Little  indeed  did  this  pure  minded  girl  know  of  the  reckless 
careers  and  the  lives  of  violence  these  adventurers  represented, 
or  of  the  motives  that  prompted  them  to  undertake  their  present 
enterprise.  Measuring  them  by  the  standards  put  forth  by 
Christ,  it  will  have  to  be  admitted  that  they  were  a  collection 
of  "mis-fit"  Christians  —  as  "mild  mannered  men  as  ever  scut- 

3^  Villard,  416-420. 


19 


292  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

tied  ship  or  cut  a  throat."  Leeman,  for  instance,  may  be  taken 
as  an  illustration  of  one  of  these  ideal  "followers  of  Christ's 
example."  "For  three  years,"  he  had  been  secretly  placing  the 
example  of  his  exalted  character  before  the  world,  warring 
with  slavery,  in  an  association  of  as  gallant  fellows  as  ever 
"puled"  a  trigger.  Who  these  gallant  trigger  "puling"  fel 
lows  were,  and  what  they  did  to  earn  their  reputations  as  trig 
ger  "pulers,"  during  these  three  years,  is  more  or  less  conject 
ural.  Mrs.  Adams  turns  the  light  upon  Leeman's  Christian 
character  a  little  further,  by  the  statement,  that  "he  smoked  a 
good  deal  and  drank  sometimes."  Mr.  Villard  states  that  he 
went  to  Kansas  in  1856  with  the  second  Massachusetts  colony 
of  that  year,  and  became  a  member  of  John  Brown's  "Volun 
teer-Regulars,"  September  9,  1856.  Also,  that  he  fought  well 
at  Osawatomie.  But  since  he  is  reported  as  having  enlisted 
ten  days  after  the  battle  of  Osawatomie  there  may  be  some 
mistake  as  to  that.  George  B.  Gill,  who  knew  a  good  bit  about 
him  and  who  may  have  been  a  trigger  "puler"  himself,  says 
that  he  "had  a  good  intellect  with  great  ingenuity."  Anne 
heard  Hazlett  and  Leeman,  one  day,  saying  that  "Barclay 
Coppoc  and  Dauphin  Thompson  were  too  nearly  like  good  girls 
to  make  soldiers ;  that  they  ought  to  have  gone  to  Kansas  and 
roughed  it  awhile,  to  toughen  them,  before  coming  down  there." 
Cook,  it  may  be  said,  was  less  Christ-like  than  Leeman.  He 
was  disposed  to  "swagger,"  also  he  "was  indiscreet"  and 
"boastful."  Once,  when  in  a  boastful  mood,  at  Cleveland,  he 
boasted  that  he  had  "killed  five  men  in  Kansas."  Then  too 
he  "swaggered  openly  in  his  boarding  house"  which  was  bad 
form,  from  a  Christian  point  of  view.  Also  it  is  said  that  he 
"revealed  too  much  to  a  woman  acquaintance."  357  Then  there 
was  Hazlett ;  but  the  record  as  to  his  actions  is  so  meager  that 
one  cannot  estimate  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  how  "Christ- 
like"  he  really  was.  About  all  that  is  known  of  him  is  that  he 
s"  Villard,  338. 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      293 

stole  a  horse  —  a  very  fine  stallion  —  from  somebody  in  Mis 
souri,  which,  as  has  been  stated,  he  traded  to  Brown  for  a 
forty-acre  United  States  land  warrant.  Also,  he  was  with 
Stevens  when  the  latter  killed  Cruise,  to  get  possession  of  the 
slave  girl.  As  to  Stevens,  it  cannot  truthfully  be  said  that  he 
was  a  follower  of  Christ's  example,  in  the  stricter  interpre 
tation  of  that  expression.  One  of  Christ's  disciples  —  Peter  - 
it  is  said,  followed  the  Master  "afar  off."  In  that  respect  Stev 
ens  resembles  the  disciple  rather  than  the  Master.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  if  Stevens  followed  Christ's  example  at  all,  it  was  at 
very  long  range.  From  what  is  known  of  the  lives  of  these 
men,  it  may  be  assumed  also,  that  if  Charles  Jennison  had  been 
under  Anne's  observation  at  the  Kennedy  farm,  he  too  would 
have  secured  absolution  for  his  crimes  and  would  have  received 
at  her  hands  a  certificate  of  Christianity.  35S 

The  details  that  Brown's  biographers  have  published  con 
cerning  the  concentration  of  the  military  stores  at  his  head 
quarters  ;  his  correspondence  with  his  men ;  the  assembling  of 
them  in  Maryland  ;  his  constantly  recurring  financial  embarrass 
ments,  and  the  edited  statements  concerning  the  daily  life  which 
he  and  his  men  led  after  their  arrival  at  the  seat  of  war,  are  of 
little  or  no  public  interest  or  value.  They  fail  to  touch  upon 
the  vital  purpose  that  led  Brown,  in  the  disguise  of  a  farmer  or 
cattle  buyer,  to  take  up  his  residence  at  the  Kennedy  farm 
house.  They  fail  to  even  hint  at  the  broad  purpose  of  his  being 
there,  or  of  the  commanding  things  which  he  strenuously  sought 
to  promote  during  the  months  that  he  occupied  the  ground. 
They  trifle  with  their  theme  and  with  their  characters.  These 
men  had  not  dedicated  their  lives  to  martyrdom  "that  others 
might  live."  Their  impromptu  metamorphosis  from  "soiled 
lives"  to  consecrated  lives  is  gratuitous.  They  were  capitalis- 

358  The  writer  knew  Jennison  personally,  but  the  acquaintance  with 
him  was  made  "after  the  War" ;  after  the  "Red  Legs"  had  gone  out  of 
commission.  Jennison  had  reformed  by  that  time  and  was  running  a 
gambling  house  at  Leavenworth,  Kansas,  in  a  very  orderly  manner. 


294  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

i 

ed  upon  "the  monstrous  wrong  which  they  beheld,"  and  in 
tended  to  turn  it,  through  a  wrong  still  more  monstrous,  to  a 
monstrous  personal  advantage.  No  maudlin  sentiment  in 
spired  these  men,  "with  soiled  lives  behind  them"  to  dare  as 
few  ever  dared  before.  Their  "hearts  throbbed"  with  a 
single  mighty  purpose  —  an  ambition  worthy  of  the  despera-. 
tion  of  their  adventure.  Their  goal  was  an  empire  and  its 
emoluments;  their  rewards  the  spoils  of  conquest  of  the  most 
promising  field  that  marauders  ever  planned  to  plunder. 

The  time  finally  agreed  upon  and  fixed  for  the  great  catas- 
trophe  was  the  night  of  October  16th.  The  party  consisted  of 
the  following  persons : 

WHITE:  COLORED: 

John  Brown  J.  A.  Copeland,  Jr. 

J.  H.  Kagi   •  L.  S.  Leary 

A.  D.  Stevens  •  O.  P.  Anderson 

J.  E.  Cook   •  Dangerfield  Newby 

C.  P.  Tidd   '  Shields  Green 
Albert  HazlettX 

J.  G.  Anderson  ' 
William  Thompson. 

D.  O.  Thompson-- 
Edwin  Coppoc-« 
Barclay  Coppoc 
W.  H.  Leeman  • 
Owen  Brown  - 
Oliver  Brown  . 
Watson  Brown . 
F.  J.  Merriam 
Stewart  Taylor 

The  extent  of  the  conspiracy  among  the  slaves  and  the  con 
fidential  arrangements  and  agreements  which  Brown  made  and 
entered  into  with  them  —  his  co-conspirators  —  during  the 
months  he  spent  in  secietjnegotiatipns  with  them ;  and  the 
pledges  and  promises  that  had  been  exchanged  between  them 


MOBILIZING  THE  PROVISIONAL  ARMY      295 

will,  of  course,  never  be  known.  But  so  far  as  the  plans  agreed 
upon  related  to  the  initial  movements,  the  general  outline  of 
them  was  simple  enough  for  the  comprehension  of  every  one, 
the  untutored  slaves  included.  Brown  and  his  men  were  to 
occupy  Harper's  Ferry.  They  were  to  cut  the  telegraph  wires 
and  take  possession  of  the  public  buildings  located  there  —  the 
armory,  the  arsenal,  and  the  rifle  works  —  and  the  military 
stores  contained  in  them.  The  slaves,  on  their  part,  were  to  re 
volt  against  their  masters ;  murder  them  and  their  families,  and 
then  report  to  Brown  at  Harper's  Ferry,  where  they  would  be 
organized  into  companies,  regiments,  and  brigades,  and  be 
armed  and  equipped  from  the  stock  of  war  material  which  he 
would  have  in  his  possession. 

The  war  department  was  doing  some  business.  Stevens, 
Kagi,  Cook,  Owen  Brown,  Oliver  Brown,  Watson  Brown,  Lee- 
man,  William  Thompson,  J.  G.  Anderson,  Tidd,  and  Hazlett 
had  been  appointed  captains  in  the  provisional  army,  and  Edwin 
Coppoc  and  Dauphin  Thompson  first  lieutenants.  The  pri 
vates  were  Taylor,  Barclay  Coppoc  and  Merriam,  white;  and 
Greeri,  Leary,  Copeland,  Osborn  P.  Anderson,  and  Newby,  col 
ored.  There  is  conflict  of  testimony  as  to  whether  Hazlett 
was  a  captain  or  a  lieutenant.  Colonel  Lee  reported  him  and 
Leeman  as  lieutenants.  A  captain's  commission,  however,  was 
found  on  Leeman's  body.  William  Thompson  and  J.  G.  An 
derson  were  probably  captains.359  In  his  confession  Cook  says  : 

There  were  six  or  seven  in  the  party  who  did  not  know 
anything  about  our  Constitution,  and  were  also  ignorant  of 
the  plan  of  operations  until  Saturday  morning  October  16th. 
Among  this  number  were  Edwin  and  Barclay  Coppoc,  Mer 
riam,  Shields  Green,  Copeland  and  Leary.  The  Constitu 
tion  was  then  read  to  them  by  Stevens,  and  the  oath,  after 
ward,  administered  by  Captain  Brown. 


Villard,  678. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE  FIASCO 

The  best  laid  schemes  o'  mice  and  men 

Gang  aft  a  gley.  -  BURNS 

ON  Sunday  morning,  October  16th,  1859,  Captain  Owen 
Brown  and  Privates  Coppoc  and  Merriam  were  detailed  for 
duty  at  the  Kennedy  farm ;  the  others  were  under  marching 
orders  during  the  day,  awaiting  the  signal  to  "fall  in,"  and  move 
to  the  scene  of  active  operations.  "The  night  was  dark,  end 
ing  in  rain."  About  eight  o'clock  Brown  is  reported  to  have 
said :  "Men,  get  your  arms,  we  will  proceed  to  the  Ferry.'' 
The  column  was  soon  in  motion.  It  does  not  require  a  long 
time  for  eighteen  men,  who  are  otherwise  in  readiness  to  move, 
to  put  on  their  accoutrements  and  pick  up  their  arms.  In  addi 
tion  to  a  rifle,  two  revolvers,  and  forty  rounds  of  ball  cartridges, 
each  man  carried,  in  lieu  of  an  overcoat,  a  long  gray  shawl,  of 
the  kind  which  was  fashionable  for  men's  wear  at  that  time. 
The  headquarters  train  —  a  horse  and  wagon  —  was  brought 
to  the  door  of  the  Kennedy  farm  house,  and  "some  pikes,  a 
crow-bar,  and  a  sledge-hammer,  were  quickly  thrown  into  the 
wagon."  A  recent  biographer  says,  dramatically: 

In  a  moment  more,  the  commander-in-chief  donned  his 

old  battle-worn  Kansas  cap,  mounted  the  wagon,  and  began 

the  solemn  march. 

Knowledge  of  the  condition,  as  to  wear  and  tear,  of  the  cap 
worn  by  the  commander-in-chief  on  this  occasion,  is  not  essen 
tial  to  a  true  understanding  of  the  purposes  of  the  movement. 
But  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  the  historian  drew  upon  his 
active  and  resourceful  imagination,  when  writing  the  history  of 


THE  FIASCO  297 

these  operations,  and  that  it  contributed,  immoderately,  to  the 
character  of  the  writings  which  he  put  forth,  is  essential  to  such 
understanding.  It  is  therefore  pointed  out,  that  the  statement, 
while  purporting  to  be  one  of  fact,  is  altogether  fanciful.  Also, 
that  the  biographer's  treatment  of  this  trifling  incident  is  char 
acteristic  of  the  coloring  which  embellishes  his  exposition  of  the 
general  subject.  But  to  return  to  the  cap.  The  Kansas  origin  of 
it  will  not  be  denied ;  it  may  have  been  bought  or  stolen  in  the 
Territory;  but  it  was  not  "battle-worn."  It  will  be  remembered 
that  Brown  had  but  two  "battles"  in  Kansas,  so  far  as  the  record 
shows,  and  that  in  the  last  one  —  the  Battle  of  Osawatomie, 
August  30,  1856  —  Brown  "lost  his  hat"  or  his  cap  or  whatever 
his  head  gear  may  have  been.360 

A  special  order,  "drawn  up  and  carefully  read  to  all,"  set 
forth  the  details  of  the  movement  to  be  executed.  In  the  line 
of  march  Captains  Cook  and  Tidd  walked  ahead  of  the  wagon. 
The  others,  in  files  of  two,  followed  it.  At  10:30,  after  a 
lonesome  but  uninterrupted  march  of  more  than  five  miles,  they 
arrived  at  the  bridge  which  spanned  the  Potomac  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  It  was  used  for  both  railroad  and  wagon  road  pur 
poses.  Cook  and  Tidd,  in  the  meantime,  had  detoured  to  cut 
the  telegraph  wires  leading  into  the  town,  and  Kagi  and  Stev 
ens  had  the  head  of  the  column.  While  crossing  the  bridge, 
they  took  William  Williams,  the  bridge  watchman,  into  cus 
tody  as  a  prisoner.  Then,  after  posting  Captain  Watson  Brown 
and  Private  Taylor  at  the  bridge,  the  company  proceeded  to  the 
Harper's  Ferry  end  of  the  Shenandoah  bridge,  a  few  yards  dis 
tant,  where  Captain  Oliver  Brown,  Captain  William  Thomp 
son,  and  Private  Newby  were  placed  on  duty.  From  there 
they  went  to  the  United  States  Armory,  located  up  the  Poto 
mac,  about  sixty  yards  from  the  ends  of  the  two  bridges.  At  the 
armory  gate  the  watchman  on  duty,  Daniel  Wheelan,  was 
taken  into  custody.  Of  this  incident  Wheelan  said : 3G1 

360  Ante,  note  191. 

361  Mason  Report.  22. 


298  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

One  fellow  took  me ;  they  all  gathered  about  me  and  looked 
in  my  face ;  I  was  nearly  scared  to  death,  so  many  guns  about ; 
I  did  not  know  the  minute  or  the  hour  I  should  drop ;  they 
told  me  to  be  very  quiet  and  still,  and  make  no  noise  or  else 
they  would  put  me  to  eternity. 

Addressing  the  two  prisoners  —  Wheelan  and  Williams  — 
Brown  made  the  following  declaration  of  his  intentions : 362 
I  came  here  from  Kansas,  and  this  is  a  slave  State ;  I  want 
to  free  all  the  negroes  in  this  State;  I  have  possession  now 
of  the  United  States  armory,  and  if  the  citizens  interfere 
with  me,  I  must  only  burn  the  town  and  have  blood. 

Brown  then  crossed  the  street  to  the  arsenal  building,  where 
arms  and  military  equipment,  valued  at  several  millions  of 
dollars,  were  stored,  and  took  possession  of  it,  placing  Captain 
Hazlett  and  Lieutenant  Coppoc  in  charge  of  the  property.  From 
there,  with  the  remainder  of  the  party,  he  proceeded  to  the  rifle 
works,  located  about  a  half  mile  up  the  Shenandoah.  Here 
the  watchman  was  made  a  prisoner  and  Captain  Kagi  and  Pri 
vate  Copeland  were  placed  on  duty.  Private  Leary  was  also 
assigned  to  duty  at  this  post  and  later  reported  to  Kagi. 

These  dispositions  of  his  forces  having  been  made,  Brown's 
occupation  of  Harper's  Ferry  was  complete.  All  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  property  —  the  military  stores  accumulated  at  the 
arsenal ;  the  armory  and  the  rifle  works ;  and  the  principal  high 
ways  entering  the  town,  were  in  his  possession.  The  plans  f ci 
tric  occupation  of  the  place  had  been  accomplished  without  the 
firing  of  a  shot.  The  initial  movement  of  the  invasion  had 
been  successfully  executed. 

After  the  occupation,  Brown  sent  a  detail  into  the  country  to 
bring  in  Colonel  Lewis  T.  Washington  and  Mr.  John  H.  All- 
'stadt,  whom  he  intended  to  hold  as  hostages  for  the  proper 
treatment  of  any  of  his  men  who  might  happen  to  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  "enemy."  The  party  was  made  up  of  Captains 
Stevens,  Cook,  and  Tidd,  and  Privates  O.  P.  Anderson.  Leary. 

**'*  Mason  Report,  22. 


THE  FIASCO  299 

and  Green.  The  Washington  home  was  four  or  five  miles 
from  the  town.  Colonel  Washington  was  a  great-grandnephew 
of  George  Washington.  Of  this  raid  into  the  country,  Mr. 
Villardsays:303 

In  Colonel  Washington's  possession  was  a  pistol  presented 
to  General  Washington  by  Lafayette,  as  well  as  a  sword  now 
in  possession  of  the  State  of  New  York,  which,  according  to 
an  unverified  legend,  was  the  gift  of  Frederick  the  Great  to 
George  Washington.     John  E.  Cook  had  seen  these  weapons 
in  Colonel  Washington's  home,  and  John  Brown,  beginner  of 
a  new  American  revolution,  wished  to  strike  his  first  blow  for 
the  freedom  of  a  race  with  them  in  his  hands. 
The  closing  sentence  of  this  quotation  is  dramatic  and  rings    -. 
true ;  but  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  author's  theory  of  the  move 
ment,  which  is,  that  Brown  intended  to  do  trifling  things  instead 
of  heroic  things. 

The  raiders  entered  the  house  by  breaking  clown  the  back 
door  with  a  fence  rail ;  and  Washington  was  awakened  by  hear 
ing  his  ''name  called  in  an  undertone."  He  opened  the  bed 
chamber  door  and  was  met  by  "four  armed  men,  one,  with  a 
revolver,  carrying  a  burning  flambeau,  and  the  others  with 
their  guns  drawn  upon  him."  Stevens  was  in  command.  Cook 
had  reconnoitered  the  Washington  home  a  month  or  so  before 
and  had  been  shown  the  historic  weapons  herein  referred  to. 
These  Stevens  now  demanded  and  received.  He  also  demanded 
the  Colonel's  money  and  his  watch,  but  on  the  refusal  of  the 
latter  to  deliver  them,  the  demand  was  not  pressed.  When 
asked  by  Washington  what  the  performance  meant,  they  said, 
"We  have  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  liberating  all  the  slaves 
of  the  South,  and  we  are  able  (or  propose  to  do  it)  or  words 
to  that  effect."  While  matters  were  progressing  in-doors.  Tidd 
had  been  busy  hitching  up  the  Colonel's  two-horse  carriage  and 
four-horse  farm  wagon.  After  putting  Colonel  Washington  in 
to  the  carriage  and  loading  the  slaves,  four  men,  into  the  wagon, 
3«3Villarcl.  431. 


300  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  caravan  moved  to  the  Allstadt  home,  where  the  front  door 
was  broken  down  with  a  fence  rail,  as  before,  and  Allstadt  and 
his  son,  together  with  his  adult  male  slaves,  were  taken  into  cus 
tody.  Father  and  son  were  put  into  the  seat  of  the  wagon  with 
the  negroes  and  all  were  driven  to  Harper's  Ferry  and  delivered 
to  Brown  at  the  armory.  Brown  told  Colonel  Washington 
that  he  had  taken  him  for  the  "moral  effect  it  would  give  his 
cause  to  have  one  of  the  name  a  prisoner."  With  the  sword 
of  Frederick  the  Great,  and  Washington,  in  his  hand,  Brown 
now  directed  his  desperate  defense.  Tuesday  morning  Wash 
ington  recovered  the  sword.304 

In  the  meantime,  at  12  o'clock,  Patrick  Higgins  —  also  a 
night-watchman  —  went  to  the  Potomac  bridge  to  relieve 
Night- Watchman  Williams  who  had  been  taken  prisoner.  As 
he  approached  he  was  "halted"  by  Oliver  Brown,  at  the  Shen- 
andoah  bridge,  and  upon  refusing  to  obey  the  order,  was  fired 
upon,  the  bullet  making  a  wound  in  his  scalp.365  Upon  the  arrival 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  of  the  east-bound  Baltimore  and  Ohio  train, 
Higgins  reported  to  the  conductor  —  Phelps  —  what  had  hap 
pened  to  him.  The  engineer  of  the  train  and  the  baggage-mas 
ter,  on  going  forward  toward  the  bridge  to  investigate,  were 
also  fired  upon.  At  or  about  the  time  this  incident  occurred, 
ShephardJEIay^ard,  the  station  baggage-master,  a  free  negro, 
went  from  the  station  toward  the  Potomac  bridge  to  look  for 
Watchman  Williams.  Upon  being  ordered  to  halt,  he  turned 
to  retrace  his  steps  to  the  station  and  was  fired  upon  with  fatal 
effect,  by  Watson  Brown's  party,  "A  bullet  passing  through 
his  body  a  little  below  the  heart,"  from  the  effect  of  which  he 
died  during  the  afternoon,  about  4  o'clock.  The  arrival  of  the 
train  being  reported  to  Brown,  he  personally  informed  Con- 
/ cluctor  Phelps  why  it  was  being  held,  saying : 

We  have  come  to  free  the  slaves  and  intend  to  do  it  at  all 

hazards. 


364  Mason   Report,   29-40.     Testimony   of    Lewis    T.    Washington.- 
432. 


THE  FIASCO  301 

Later,  at  3  A.  M.,  Brown  notified  Phelps  that  lie  could  now 
proceed  with  his  train  and  directed  him  to  say  to  the  manage 
ment  of  the  road:  "This  is  the  last  train  that  shall  pass  the 
bridge  either  East  or  West;  if  it  is  attempted,  it  will  be  at  the 
peril  of  the  lives  of  those  having  them  in  charge."  3tiG  Phelps 
however,  decided  not  to  move  until  daylight.  From  Monocacy, 
at  7  :05  A.  M.,  he  wired  the  situation  to  Master  of  Transporta 
tion  Smith,  at  Baltimore ;  repeating  what  Brown  had  said  to 
him,  and  suggesting  that  he  notify  the  Secretary  of  War  at 
once ;  concluding  his  dispatch  with  this  statement :  "The  tele 
graph  wires  are  cut  East  and  West  of  Harper's  Ferry  and  this 
is  the  first  station  that  I  could  send  a  dispatch  from." 

The  first  alarm  of  what  was  occurring  in  the  town  was  given 
out  by  a  resident  physician,  Dr.  John  D.  Starry.  But  the  note 
which  he  sounded  was  not  of  the  "Paul  Revere"  variety.  The 
Doctor  was  aroused  from  his  slumbers  by  the  firing  of  the  shot  / 
that  struck  Hayward,  and  went  to  his  relief.  The  remainder  » 
of  the  night  he  spent  in  observing  what  was  going  on  but  gave 
out  no  information  concerning  it.  "At  daylight,"  it  is  said,  "he 
could  stand  it  no  longer;  he  saddled  his  horse,  rode  to  the  resi 
dence  of  Mr.  A.  M.  Kitzmiller,  who  was  "in  charge  of  the  arsenal 
during  the  absence  of  the  superintendent,  Mr.  Barbour ;  ac 
quainted  him,  and  a  number  of  other  officials  and  workmen  with 
the  story  of  the  night.  He  then  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and 
ascended  the  hill  to  Bolivar  Heights,  where  he  awoke  some 
more  sleepers."  367  After  arousing  the  town,  the  Doctor  rode 
to  Charlestown,  eight  miles  distant,  where  the  alarm  was  given 
by  ringing  all  the  bells.  The  local  military  company  —  the 
Jefferson  Guards  —  fell  in  promptly ;  also  a  second  company, 
composed  of  men  and  boys,  was  organized  on  the  spot,  both 
companies  taking  a  train  at  10  o'clock  for  the  scene  of  the 
trouble. 

By  10:30  President  Garrett  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail- 
sec  Villard,  434. 
367  Villard,  435. 


302  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

road  Company,  had  informed  the  President  of  the  United 
States  of  the  conditions  existing  at  Harper's  Ferry.  He  also 
wired  the  information  to  Governor  Wise,  of  Virginia;  and  to 
Major  General  Stewart,  commanding  First  Division  M.aryland 
Volunteers,  at  Baltimore.368  The  news  soon  became  general. 
From  Monocracy  it  was  wired  to  Frederick,  and  by  10  A.  M.  the 
Frederick  companies  were  under  arms  and  had  marching  orders. 
A  Martinsburg  company,  under  Captain  E.  G.  Alburtis,  arrived 
at  Harper's  Ferry  during  the  afternoon,  and  shortly  thereafter 
a  company  from  Winchester  reported  for  duty.  Earlier  in  the 
day  two  local  companies  were  "mustered  into  service;"  one 
under  command  of  Captain  Botts  and  the  other  under  Captain 
John  Avis.  Two  companies  from  Shepherdstown  also  arrived 
-the  "Hamtrack  Guards"  and  the  "Shepherdstown  Troop." 
During  the  evening  three  companies  arrived  from  Frederick, 
and  five  companies  from  Baltimore.  In  all  sixteen  companies 
of  State  Volunteers  were  assembled  at  Harper's  Ferry  within 
twelve  hours  from  the  time  the  first  alarm  was  given  out. 

The  second  casualty  of  the  day  occurred  about  7  o'clock  A. 
M.,  when  Mr.  Thomas  Boerly,  an  Irishman  and  a  resident  of 
Harper's  Ferry,  was  fatally  shot  by  one  of  Brown's  men.  From 
that  time  until  after  10  o'clock  nothing  of  importance  occurred 
in  the  town,  except  that  Brown  ordered  breakfast  for  his  war 
party  and  his  prisoners,  forty-five  in  all.  The  meals  were  pre 
pared  and  served  from  a  nearby  hotel  —  the  Wagner  House. 

In  the  early  morning,  after  the  prisoners  —  Colonel  Washing 
ton  and  the  Allstadts  —  had  been  delivered  to  Brown  at  the 
armory  gate,  Cook  and  Leeman  proceeded  to  the  Kennedy  farm 
with  the  teams  that  they  had  taken  from  Colonel  Washington, 
and  began  moving  the  military  equipment,  which  had  been  left 
there,  in  care  of  Owen  Brown,  to  a  school-house,  that  was  locat 
ed  about  a  mile  from  the  Ferry.  Later,  Brown  dispatched  Wil 
liam  Thompson  to  the  school-house  with  a  message  to  Owen, 
saying  that  "all  was  going  well."  Between  9  and  10  o'clock 
435. 


THE  FIASCO  303 

Leeman  and  Thompson  returned  to  Harper's  Ferry,  bringing 
with  them  another  prisoner,  Mr.  Terence  Brown,  a  Maryland 
farmer  of  the  neighborhood.  After  10  o'clock  Brown's  position 
became  critical.  It  was  fast  becoming  evident  that  his  plans  had 
miscarried ;  that  the  slaves  had  failed  to  strike  for  their  freedom ; 
that  the  fundamental  movement  of  the  campaign  —  the  insur 
rection  of  the  slaves  —  had  not  been  executed.  "THE  BLOW'' 
which  he  planned  to  strike  had  not  been  delivered.  The  attempt 
to  "assail  the  Slave  Power  with  the  only  weapons  that  it  fears," 
had  "flashed  in  the  pan." 

It  was  not  important  that  the  Potomac  and  the  Shenandoah 
bridges  were  still  in  his  possession  and  that  access  to  the  Mary 
land  mountains  was  free;  for  Brown  was  not  equipped  for 
flight,  and  there  are  limitations  upon  physical  endurance.  Be 
sides,  these  Southern  mountains  were,  to  him,  inhospitable,  and 
would  furnish  neither  subsistence  nor  shelter.  Also  the  in 
habitants  of  the  vicinity  were  rising  in  arms  against  him,  their 
passions  inflamed  to  a  condition  of  frenzy  because  of  the  assault 
which  he  had  made  upon  their  lives  and  property.  He  well  knew 
the  excited  mob  would  be  upon  his  trail  from  the  start ;  and  that 
escape,  except  for  a  possible  straggler  or  two,  was  impossible. 
But  there  still  existed  the  possibility  that  the  fifteen  hundred 
self-emancipated  slaves,  whom  he  hoped  to  have  under  arms  by 
12  o'clock,369  would  begin  to  arrive. 

Details  of  the  subsequent  occurrences  are  given  in  a  very 
interesting  manner  by  Mr.  Villard,  on  pages  429  to  454.  He 
relates  that  after  10  o'clock,  the  citizens  of  Harper's  Ferry  be 
came  aggressive,  and  opened  a  scattering  or  desultory  fire  upon 
Brown's  position  at  the  armory  building.  The  "Jefferson 
Guards,"  upon  their  arrival  at  Bolivar  Heights,  marched  to  a 
point  about  a  mile  above  the  town,  where  they  crossed  the  Poto 
mac  in  boats,  and  came  down  the  Maryland  side  of  the  riv 
er  to  the  Potomac  bridge,  driving  Watson  Brown  and  Taylor 

369  Sanborn,  557. 


304  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

from  their  post.  This  movement  compelled  William  Thomp 
son  and  Newby  to  abandon  their  station  at  the  Shenandoah 
bridge,  and  seek  shelter  in  the  armory.  The  Gait  House 
was  then  occupied  by  Captain  Botts's  company,  while  Captain 
Avis  took  a  position  near  the  crest  of  Bolivar  Heights,  overlook 
ing  the  town,  from  where  he  opened  fire  upon  the  armory. 
Newby  was  killed  by  this  fire  before  he  reached  the  armory 
enclosure.  It  is  said  that  his  body  was  shockingly  mutilated. 
About  1  o'clock  Leeman  sought  to  effect  his  escape.  He  left 
the  arsenal  and  attempted  to  cross  the  Potomac,  a  short  dis 
tance  above  the  bridge,  and  succeeded  in  getting  as  far  as  a 
small  island  in  the  river,  where  he  was  overtaken  and  killed  by 
a  Mr.  A.  G.  Schoppert.  The  body  of  the  late  captain,  his 
commission  in  his  pocket,  as  it  lay  upon  the  rocks  in  the  river, 
became  an  object  for  target  practice,  by  citizens,  and  by  mem 
bers  of  the  volunteer  military  companies  then  assembling. 

During  the  afternoon  Brown  sought  to  have  the  firing  cease 
by  negotiating  with  the  citizens  for  a  truce ;  and  sent  out  a  pris 
oner,  Mr.  Cross,  and  William  Thompson,  to  make  the  arrange 
ment.  Thompson  was  immediately  taken  and  held  as  a  pris 
oner,  for  a  time,  at  the  Gait  House.  Later  he  was  led  out  upon 
the  trestle  leading  to  the  Shenandoah  bridge,  where  he  was  shot 
by  a  mob  under  the  leadership  of  George  W.  Chambers  and 
Harry  Hunter;  his  body  falling  into  the  shallow  water  below, 
where  it  became  a  general  target  for  the  mob,  in  mob  fashion. 
Still  later,  Brown  sent  Stevens  and  Watson  Brown  out,  accom 
panied  by  Mr.  Kitzmiller,  under  a  flag  of  truce.  This  flag  was 
fired  upon  from  the  windows  of  the  Gait  House  with  the  result 
that  both  Stevens  and  Brown  received  severe  wounds.  Brown 
succeeded  in  dragging  himself  back  to  the  armory  engine-house, 
where  he  died  thirty  hours  later.  One  of  the  prisoners,  a  Mr. 
Brua,  went  out  and  had  Stevens  carried  into  the  Wager  House. 

Between  2  and  3  o'clock  a  small  party,  under  the  com 
mand  of  a  young  man  by  the  name  of  Irwin,  made  an  attack 
upon  the  rifle-works  on  the  Shenandoah,  where  Kagi  and  his 


THE  FIASCO  305 

men  were  stationed.  The  latter  sought  to  escape  across  the 
river,  but  were  shot  down  before  reaching  the  middle  of  the 
stream.  Kagi  fell  and  died  in  the  water.  Leary  was  mortally 
wounded,  and  died  the  following  night.  Copeland  was  taken 
prisoner  by  Mr.  James  H.  Holt,  of  Harper's  Ferry,  and  by  him 
delivered  to  the  Virginia  authorities.  In  the  confusion,  the 
detail  at  the  arsenal  —  Hazlett  and  O.  P.  Anderson  —  managed 
to  escape  unnoticed.  They  probably  abandoned  their  post  as 
soon  as  it  became  evident  to  them  that  the  insurrection  feature 
of  the  venture  had  miscarried.  It  is  said  they  first  went  to  the 
Kennedy  farm,  where  they  got  supplies  of  provisions,  and  from 
there  they  made  their  way  into  Pennsylvania.  Five  days  later 
Hazlett  was  captured  at  Carlisle,  and  taken  back  to  Virginia 
under  extradition  papers,  issued  by  the  Governor  of  the  State. 
His  trial  was  had  at  Charlestown,  and  he  was  hanged  there,  with 
Stevens,  March  16,  1860.  Anderson  fared  better;  he  managed 
to  reach  Canada,  and  lived  to  write  a  marvelous  story  of  his 
adventures. 

Cook's  party,  and  the  detail  under  Owen  Brown,  met  with 
better  success,  Cook  alone  being  arrested.  He  was  taken  at 
Chambersburg,  Pennsylvania,  October  25th,  and  returned  to 
Charlestown,  Virginia,  where  he  was  hanged  December  16th. 
E.  Coppoc,  Green,  and  Copeland  were  hanged  at  the  same  time. 
The  others  :  Tidd,  Barclay  Coppoc,  Merriam  and  Owen  Brown 
all  succeeded  in  making  good  their  escape.  The  negroes  who 
had  been  taken  returned  to  their  masters. 

About  2  o'clock,  George  W.  Turner  was  killed.  Turner  was 
a  prosperous  farmer  of  the  vicinity.  He  had  been  graduated 
from  West  Point,  and  had  served  creditably  with  the  army,  in 
Florida.  Riding  into  town,  with  his  shot-gun  on  his  shoulder, 
he  became  a  target  for  one  of  Brown's  rifles.  A  shot  struck 
him  in  the  neck  and  killed  him  instantly.  About  4  o'clock  Mr. 
Fontaine  Beckham,  the  mayor  of  the  town,  was  killed.  Beck- 
ham  was  the  station  agent  for  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad 
Company.  He  stepped  out  of  the  station-house  to  observe  what 


306  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

was  going  on,  when  he  was  fired  upon  by  Edward  Coppoc,  from 
the  engine-house,  with  fatal  effect.     He  also  died  instantly. 

The  beginning  of  the  final  collapse  came  about  4  o'clock,  with 
the  arrival  of  the  Martinsburg  company.  Alburtis  attacked  the 
armory  enclosure  and  drove  Brown,  with  his  most  prominent 
prisoners  —  Colonel  Washington,  the  Allstadts,  Brua,  Byrne, 
Wells,  the  armorer,  Ball,  master-machinist,  and  J.  E.  Dainger- 
field,  pay-master's  clerk  —  into  the  engine-house.  Of  his  at 
tack  Captain  Alburtis  said  :  37° 

During  the  fight,  we  found,  in  the  room  adjoining  the  en 
gine-house,  some  thirty  or  forty  prisoners,  who  had  been  cap 
tured  and  confined  by  the  outlaws.     The  windows  were  brok 
en  open  by  our  party  and  these  men  escaped.     The  whole  of 
the  outlaws  were  now  driven  into  the  engine-house,  and  owing 
to  the  great  number  of  wounded  requiring  our  care,  and  not 
being  supported  by  the  other  companies,  as  we  expected,  we 
were  obliged  to  return.     .     .     Immediately  after  we  drew  off, 
there  was  a  flag  of  truce  sent  out  to  propose  terms,  which 
were  that  they  were  to  be  permitted  to  retire  with  their  arms, 
and,  I  think,  proceed  as  far  as  some  lock  on  the  canal,  there 
to  release  their  prisoners.     The  terms  were  not  acceded  to. 
There  were  troops  enough  on  the  ground  at  this  time  to  have 
carried  Brown's  position  by  assault ;  and  it  is  probable  that  an 
attack  upon  the  armory  would  have  been  ordered,  had  such  ex 
treme  measures  been  deemed  necessary,  which  was  not  the  case. 
Besides,  if  an  assault  had  been  made  by  these  undisciplined  men, 
it  would  have  been  attended  with  the  loss  of  many  lives,  which, 
under  the  circumstances,  would  have  been  without  justification. 
Brown  and  his  party  were  in  a  position  from  which  they  could 
not  escape ;  neither  could  his  surrender  be  long  deferred.  A  pre 
vailing  report,  too,  that  a  detachment  of  United  States  troops 
-  marines  —  would  soon  arrive,  under  the  command  of  an 
experienced  officer  of  the  regular  army,  may  have  had  some 
influence  in  determining  what  should  be  done.     However,  be- 
s70Villard,  443-444. 


THE  FIASCO  307 

fore  nightfall,  a  Mr.  Samuel  Strider  delivered  a  summons  to 
Brown,  demanding  his  surrender,  to  which  Brown  replied  as 
follows : 

Capt.  John  Brown  Answers : 

In  consideration  of  all  my  men,  whether  living  or  dead,  or 
wounded,  being  soon  safely  in  and  delivered  up  to  me  at  this 
point  with  all  their  arms  and  ammunition,  we  will  then  take 
our  prisoners  and  cross  the  Potomac  bridge,  a  little  beyond 
which  we  will  set  them  at  liberty;  after  which  we  can  ne 
gotiate  about  the  Government  property  as  may  be  best.  Also 
we  require  the  delivery  of  our  horse  and  harness  at  the 
hotel.371 

The  terms  of  the  note  were  promptly  declined  by  Colonel 
Robert  W.  Baylor,  of  the  Virginia  Cavalry,  who  seems  to  have 
been  the  ranking  officer  present.  He  said  that  "under  no  con 
ditions  would  he  consent  to  a  removal  of  the  citizen  prisoners 
across  the  river."  Still  later  in  the  evening  the  three  companies, 
in  uniform,  arrived  from  Frederick,  Maryland.  One  of  these 
was  under  the  command  of  Captain  Sinn.  This  officer  pro 
ceeded  to  the  engine-house  and  entered  into  a  lengthy  conver 
sation  with  Brown.  During  this  interview  Brown  renewed 
his  proposal  to  leave  the  place,  and  complained  of  the  treatment 
his  men,  bearing  a  flag  of  truce,  had  received;  that  they  "had 
been  shot  down  like  dogs."  Being  told  that  men  in  his  posi 
tion  must  expect  such  treatment,  Brown  replied  that  before 
coming  there  "he  had  weighed  the  responsibility  and  should 
not  shrink  from  it."  He  thought,  however,  that  he  was  en 
titled  to  better  treatment  from  the  people  because  of  what  he 
had  not  done  to  them;  that  he  "had  had  full  possession  of  the 
town  and  could  have  massacred  all  the  inhabitants  had  he 
thought  proper  to  do  so." 

During  afternoon  of  the  17th,  President  Buchanan  ordered 
three  companies  of  artillery,   from  Fortress  Monroe,  to  the 
scene  of  the  trouble;  also  the  detachment  of  marines,  at  the 
"iVillard,  447. 

20 


308  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Washington  Navy  Yard.  The  latter  were  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant  Israel  Green,  U.  S.  M.  C.  He  also  ordered 
Lieutenant  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee,  Second  United  States  Cav 
alry,  brevet  colonel  United  States  army,  to  proceed  to  Harper's 
Ferry  and  assume  command  of  all  the  United  States  troops  con 
centrating  there.  General  J.  E.  B.  Stuart,  at  that  time  a  first 
lieutenant  in  the  First  United  States  Cavalry  accompanied  Lee 
as  a  volunteer  aide.  The  artillery  from  Fortress  Monroe  was 
detained  at  Baltimore  by  order  of  Colonel  Lee.  With  two 
howitzers  and  ninety  men  Green  left  Washington  for  Harper's 
Ferry,  at  3  :30  P.  M.  En  route  he  received  orders  from  Colonel 
Lee  to  stop  at  Sandy  Hook,  a  station  within  a  mile,  nearly,  of 
his  destination.  At  10  o'clock  Lee  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook  on 
a  special  train.  The  marines  were  then  formed,  and  marched 
to  Harper's  Ferry,  leaving  the  howitzers  aboard  the  cars.  Ar 
riving  at  the  town,  after  consultation  with  the  volunteer  com 
manders  present,  Lee  ordered  the  militia  to  vacate  the  armory 
grounds,  and  put  the  control,  or  care  of  the  situation,  in  the 
hands  of  Lieutenant  Green. 

Before  ordering  the  assault  upon  the  engine-house,  which, 
to  save  the  lives  of  Brown's  prisoners,  was  to  be  executed  with 
the  bayonet,  Lee  offered  the  honor  of  commanding  the  action 
to  the  regimental  commanders  of  the  volunteers :  Colonel 
Shriver  of  the  Maryland  troops  and  Colonel  Baylor  of  the  Vir 
ginians;  an  offer  which  both  of  these  officers,  in  behalf  of  their 
men,  had  the  moral  courage  to  wisely  and  properly  decline. 
Colonel  Shriver  said,  in  effect,  that  they  had  come  to  help  the 
people  of  Harper's  Ferry  in  an  emergency ;  that  the  emergency, 
in  view  of  the  United  States  troops  present,  was  now  passed ; 
that  his  men  had  wives  and  children  at  home,  and  since  it  was 
not  necessary  to  expose  them  to  such  risk  as  this  attack  involved, 
he  would  not  voluntarily  do  so.  Colonel  Baylor  expressed 
similar  views.  But,  later,  there  was  trouble  over  the  matter. 
The  pride  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  Henry  E.  Wise,  was 
hurt  because  the  Virginia  troops  had  not  done  on  the  17th  what 


THE  FIASCO  309 

Lee,  Stuart,  Green,  and  the  marines  did  so  creditably  on  the 
morning  of  the  18th.  As  a  result,  charges  of  misconduct  were 
preferred  against  Colonel  Baylor,  by  Mr.  O.  Jennings  Wise,  a 
son  of  the  Governor;  and  a  court  of  inquiry  was  convened  in 
June,  1860,  to  investigate  the  case.  Mr.  Villard  states  that  in 
a  letter  addressed  to  the  court,  by  Mr.  Wise,  the  latter  charged 
that  Colonel  Baylor  had  assumed  command  on  the  17th,  "con 
trary  to  his  grade  and  the  nature  of  his  commission."  That 
he  had  acted  without  orders ;  that  he  was  guilty  of  cowardice  in 
not  storming  the  engine-house,  and  of  "unofficer-like  conduct 
in  assigning  a  false,  cowardly  and  insulting  reason  for  not  lead 
ing  the  attack  on  the  engine-house  when  the  service  was  offered 
to  him  by  Colonel  Lee :  to-wit  —  that  it  was  a  duty  which  be 
longed  to  the  mercenaries  of  the  regular  service  —  meaning 
the  marines  —  who  were  paid  for  it" ;  and,  finally  for  using 
" violent  and  un gentlemanly  language  about  his  Commander-in- 
Chief  (Governor  Wise)." 

After  the  militia  officers  had  declined  the  command  of  the 
storming  party,  it  was  offered  to  Lieutenant  Green,  who,  of 
course,  accepted  it,  and,  taking  off  his  cap,  thanked  his  com 
mander  for  the  honor,  with  soldierly  courtesy. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  18th,  Colonel  Lee  sent  a  de 
mand  upon  Brown  to  surrender,  which  was  read  to  him  at  the 
door  of  the  engine-house  by  Lieutenant  Stuart.  The  order  read 

as  follows : 372 

Headquarters  Harper's  Ferry, 

October  18,  1859. 

Colonel  Lee,  United  States  Army,  commanding  the  troops, 
sent  by  the  United  States  to  suppress  the  insurrection  at  this 
place,  demands  the  surrender  of  the  persons  in  the  armory 
buildings. 

If  they  will  peaceably  surrender  themselves  and  restore  the 
pillaged  property,  they  shall  be  kept  in  safety  to  await  the 
orders  of  the  President.  Colonel  Lee  represents  to  them,  in 
all  frankness,  that  it  is  impossible  for  them  to  escape  ;  that  the 

372  Mason  Report,  43. 


310  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

armory  is  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  troops ;  and  that  if  he  is 
compelled  to  take  them  by  force,  he  cannot  answer  for  their 
safety.  R.  E.  LEE, 

Colonel  Commanding  United  States  Troops. 

It  had  been  agreed  upon  between  Stuart  and  Green,  that, 
after  having  read  the  order  to  Brown,  if  he  should  refuse  to 
surrender,  as  they  supposed  he  would,  Stuart  would  then  signal 
by  a  wave  of  his  cap,  at  the  sight  of  which  Green  would  order 
his  company  forward  to  the  assault.  His  plan  of  attack  was  to 
advance  with  twelve  men,  holding  another  twelve  in  reserve 
to  support  them,  if  they  should  be  disabled,  and  with  a  heavy 
sledge-hammer  break  down  the  door  of  the  engine-house,  and 
if  successful,  then,  with  the  full  command  rush  the  insurgents 
with  fixed  bayonets.  Upon  seeing  the  signal  agreed  upon, 
Green  ordered  the  attack.  While  being  fired  upon  from  within 
the  engine-house,  the  marines,  armed  with  the  sledge,  attempted 
to  beat  down  the  doors,  but  without  success ;  then  seeing  a  heavy 
ladder  lying  nearby,  Green  ordered  some  of  the  men  to  take  it 
up  and  use  it  against  the  doors  as  a  battering-ram.  This  ex 
pedient  was  successful.  Two  blows  by  the  improvised  engine 
of  war  sufficed  to  break  a  ragged  hole,  low  down,  in  the  right- 
hand  door.  Through  the  opening  thus  made,  Green,  and  Major 
Russell,  pay-master,  United  States  Marine  Corps,  sprang,  fol 
lowed  by  the  enlisted  men. 373  Rising  to  his  feet,  Green  ran 
back  of  the  engine  to  the  rear  of  the  room,  where  he  saw  Colonel 
Washington,  who,  pointing  to  Brown  said,  "this  is  Osawato- 
mie."  Lieutenant  Green  states  : 

When  Colonel  Washington  said  to  me,  "This  is  Osawa- 
tomie,"  Brown  turned  his  head  to  see  who  it  was  to  whom 
Colonel  Washington  was  speaking.  Quicker  than  thought, 
I  brought  my  sabre  down  with  all  my  strength,  upon  his 
head.  He  was  moving  as  the  blow  fell,  and  I  suppose  I 
did  not  strike  him  where  I  intended,  for  he  received  a  deep 
sabre  cut  on  the  back  of  his  neck.  He  fell  senseless  on  his 


373  Major  Russell  was  in  citizen's  clothes  and  unarmed. 


THE  FIASCO  311 

side,  then  rolled  over  on  his  back.  He  had  in  his  hand  a 
short  Sharp's  Cavalry  carbine.  I  think  he  had  just  fired 
as  I  reached  Colonel  Washington,  for  the  marine  who  follow 
ed  me  into  the  aperture  made  by  the  ladder,  received  a  bullet 
in  the  abdomen  from  which  he  died  in  a  few  minutes.  The 
shot  might  have  been  fired  by  some  one  else  in  the  party,  but 
I  think  it  came  from  Brown.  Instantly,  as  Brown  fell,  I 
gave  him  a  sabre  thrust  in  the  left  breast.  The  sword  I  car 
ried  was  a  light  uniform  weapon  and  either  not  having  a 
point,  or  striking  something  hard  in  Brown's  accouterments, 
did  not  penetrate.  The  blade  bent  double.  By  that  time 
three  or  four  of  my  men  were  inside.  They  came  rushing  in 
like  tigers,  as  a  storming  assault  is  not  a  play-day  sport. 
They  bayoneted  one  man,  skulking  under  the  engine,  and 
pinned  another  fellow  up  against  the  rear  wall,  both  being 
killed  instantly.  I  ordered  the  men  to  spill  no  more  blood. 
The  other  insurgents  were  at  once  taken  under  arrest,  and 
the  contest  ended.  The  whole  fight  had  not  lasted  over 
three  minutes.374 

Of  Brown's  eleven  prisoners,  whom  he  was  holding  as 
hostages,  Lieutenant  Green  says : 

They  were  the  sorriest  lot  of  people  I  ever  saw.  They 
had  been  without  food  for  over  sixty  hours,  in  constant  dread 
of  being  shot,  and  were  huddled  up  in  the  corner  where  lay 
the  body  of  Brown's  son  and  one  or  two  others  of  the  insur 
gents  who  had  been  killed. 

The  scrimmage  being  over,  Green  and  Coppoc  were  taken 
into  custody,  and  the  dead  and  wounded  were  carried  from  the 
engine-house  and  laid  upon  the  armory  lawn,  where  they  were 
protected  from  violence  by  a  guard  detailed  from  the  company 
of  marines.  Later,  Mr.  Villard  states,  Brown  was  carried  to 
the  office  of  the  pay-master  of  the  armory  and  there  given  medi 
cal  attention,  when  it  was  found  that  his  wounds  were  far  less 
serious  than  they  were  at  first  supposed  to  be. 

Of  the  twenty-two  ambitious  men  who  courageously  under- 

American   Review,  December,   1885. 


312  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

took  to  organize  the  "Provisional  Army,"  ten  had  been  killed : 
Kagi,  Oliver  Brown,  Watson  Brown,  William  Thompson, 
Dauphin  Thompson,  Jeremiah  G.  Anderson,  Leeman,  Newby, 
Leary,  and  Taylor.  Five  were  prisoners:  Brown,  Stevens, 
E.  Coppoc,  Green,  and  Copeland.  Seven  had  got  away :  Cook, 
Hazlett,  Tidd,  Owen  Brown,  Barclay  Coppoc,  Osborn  P.  An 
derson,  and  Merriam. 

Those  killed  and  wounded  by  the  insurgents  were  as  follows : 
Killed:  G.  W.  Turner,  Thomas  Boerley,  Fontane  Beckham, 
Heywood  Shepherd,  and  Private  Quinn.  Wounded:  Mr. 
Murphy,  Mr.  Young,  Mr.  Richardson,  Mr.  Hammond,  Mr. 
McCabe,  Mr.  Dorsey,  Mr.  Hooper,  Mr.  Woolet,  and  Private 
Rupert.375 

About  noon,  on  the  18th,  some  notable  persons  of  that  period 
arrived  at  Harper's  Ferry,  anxious  to  know  the  facts  relating 
to  the  alarming  events  which  had  taken  place.  An  interview 
with  Brown  was  accordingly  arranged,  which  was  held  at  the 
office  of  the  armory  pay-master.  The  wounded  Stevens  had, 
in  the  meantime,  been  carried  into  the  office  and  laid  upon  a 
mattress  on  the  floor  beside  Brown.  Those  present  were  Gov 
ernor  Wise,  of  Virginia,  Colonel  Robert  E.  Lee,  Lieutenant 
Stuart,  Senator  Mason  of  Virginia,  Congressmen  Vallandig- 
ham  of  Ohio  and  Faulkner  of  Virginia,  Colonel  Lewis  Wash 
ington,  Andrew  Hunter,  special  counsel  for  the  State  of  Vir 
ginia,  and  a  half  dozen  citizens  of  the  town  and  vicinity.  Brown 
was  able  to  answer  freely,  and  seemed  anxious  for  an  oppor 
tunity  to  present  his  version  of  the  situation  to  the  public.  He 
was  "glad,"  he  said,  "to  make  himself  and  his  motives  clearly 
understood."  Extracts  from  this  interview  are  as  follows: 376 
Senator  Mason.  Can  you  tell  us  who  furnished  money 

for  your  expedition? 

375  Report  of  Colonel  Lee  to  Secretary  of  War,  Mason  Report,  40. 
An  excellent  account  of  what  occurred  under  Brown's  immediate  direc 
tion  during  the  17th  and  18th,  was  given  out  by  Mr.  J.  E.  P.  Dangerfield 
and  published  in  the  Century  Magazine,  June,  1885. 

370  Sanborn,  562-569. 


THE  FIASCO  313 

John  Brown.  I  furnished  most  of  it  myself ;  I  cannot  im 
plicate  others.  It  is  my  own  folly  that  I  have  been  taken.  I 
could  easily  have  saved  myself  from  it,  had  I  exercised  my 
own  better  judgment  rather  than  yielded  to  my  feelings. 

Mason.     You  mean  if  you  had  escaped  immediately? 

Brown.  No.  I  had  the  means  to  make  myself  secure 
without  any  escape ;  but  I  allowed  myself  to  be  surrounded 
by  a  force  by  being  too  tardy.  I  should  have  gone  away ;  but 
I  had  thirty  odd  prisoners,  whose  wives  and  daughters  were 
in  tears  for  their  safety,  and  I  felt  for  them.  Besides,  I 
wanted  to  allay  the  fears  of  those  who  believed  we  came  here 
to  burn  and  kill.  For  this  reason  I  allowed  the  train  to 
cross  the  bridge,  and  gave  them  full  liberty  to  pass  on.  I  did 
it  only  to  spare  the  feelings  of  those  passengers  and  their 
families,  and  to  allay  the  apprehensions  that  you  had  got  here 
in  your  vicinity  a  band  of  men  who  had  no  regard  for  life 
and  property,  nor  any  feelings  of  humanity. 

Mason.  But  you  killed  some  people  passing  along  the 
streets  quietly. 

Broivn.  Well,  sir,  if  there  was  anything  of  that  kind  done, 
it  was  without  my  knowledge.  Your  own  citizens  who  were 
my  prisoners  will  tell  you  that  every  possible  means  was 
taken  to  prevent  it.  I  did  not  allow  my  men  to  fire  when 
there  was  danger  of  killing  those  we  regarded  as  innocent 
persons,  if  I  could  help  it.  They  will  tell  you  that  we  allowed 
ourselves  to  be  fired  at  repeatedly,  and  did  not  return  it. 

A  Bystander.  That  is  not  so.  You  killed  an  unarmed 
man  at  the  corner  of  the  house  over  there  at  the  water-tank, 
and  another  besides. 

Broivn.  See  here,  my  friend ;  it  is  useless  to  dispute  or 
contradict  the  report  of  your  own  neighbors  who  were  my 
prisoners. 


Mr.  Vallandigham  (who  had  just  entered.)  Mr.  Brown, 
who  sent  you  here? 

Brown.  No  man  sent  me  here ;  it  was  my  own  prompting 
and  that  of  my  Maker,  or  that  of  the  Devil  —  whichever  you 


314  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

please  to  ascribe  it  to.     I  acknowledge  no  master  in  human 
form. 


Vallandigham.  Did  you  get  up  this  document  that  is 
called  a  Constitution? 

Brozm.  I  did.  They  are  a  constitution  and  ordinance 
of  my  own  striving  and  getting  up. 

Vallandigham.  How  long  have  you  been  engaged  in  this 
business? 

Brown.  From  the  breaking  out  of  the  difficulties  in  Kan 
sas.  Four  of  my  sons  had  gone  there  to  settle,  and  they  in 
duced  me  to  go.  I  did  not  go  there  to  settle,  but  because  of 
the  difficulties. 

Mason.     What  was  your  object  in  coming? 
Brown.     We  came  to  free  the  slaves,  and  only  that. 

A  Volunteer.  What  in  the  world  did  you  suppose  you 
could  do  here  in  Virginia  with  that  amount  of  men  ? 

Brown.  Young  man,  I  do  not  wish  to  discuss  that  ques 
tion  here. 

Volunteer.     You  could  not  do  anything. 

Broivn.  Well,  perhaps  your  ideas  and  mine  on  military 
subjects  would  differ  materially. 

Mason.  Did  you  consider  this  a  military  organization  in 
this  Constitution?  I  have  not  yet  read  it. 

Brown.  I  did  in  some  sense.  I  wish  you  would  give 
that  paper  close  attention. 

Mason.  You  consider  yourself  the  commander-in-chief 
of  these  ''provisional"  military  forces? 

Brown.  I  was  chosen,  agreeably  to  the  ordinance  of  a 
certain  document,  commander-in-chief  of  that  force. 

Mason.     What  wages  did  you  offer? 

Broivn.     None. 

Stuart.     "The  wages  of  sin  is  death." 


THE  FIASCO  315 

Brown.  I  would  not  have  made  such  a  remark  to  you  if 
you  had  been  a  prisoner,  and  wounded,  in  my  hands. 

A  Bystander.  Do  you  consider  this  a  religious  move 
ment? 

Brown.  It  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  greatest  service  man  can 
render  to  God. 

Bystander.  Do  you  consider  yourself  an  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  Providence? 

Brown.     I  do. 

Bystander.     Upon  what  principle  do  you  justify  your  acts  ? 

Brown.  Upon  the  Golden  Rule.  I  pity  the  poor  in  bond 
age  that  have  none  to  help  them :  that  is  why  I  am  here ;  not 
to  gratify  any  personal  animosity,  revenge,  or  vindictive 
spirit  It  is  my  sympathy  with  the  oppressed  and  the  wrong 
ed,  that  are  as  good  as  you  and  as  precious  in  the  sight  of  God. 

Bystander.  Certainly.  But  why  take  the  slaves  against 
their  will? 

Brown.     I  never  did. 

Bystander.     You  did  in  one  instance,  at  least. 

Stephens,  the  other  wounded  prisoner,  here  said,  "You  are 
right.  In  one  case  I  know  the  negro  wanted  to  go  back." 

VaWandigham.     How  far  did  you  live  from  Jefferson? 

Brown.  Be  cautious,  Stephens,  about  any  answers  that 
would  commit  any  friend.  I  would  not  answer  that. 

( Stephens  turned  partially  over  with  a  groan  of  pain,  and 
was  silent.) 

Vallandigham.    Who  are  your  advisers  in  this  movement? 

Brown.  I  cannot  answer  that.  I  have  numerous  sym 
pathizers  throughout  the  entire  North. 

Vallandigham.     In  northern  Ohio? 

Brown.  No  more  there  than  anywhere  else ;  in  all  the  free 
States. 

Bystander.     Why  did  you  do  it  secretly  ? 


316  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

Brown.  Because  I  thought  that  necessary  to  success ;  no 
other  reason. 

Bystander.     Have  you  read  Gerrit  Smith's  last  letter? 

Brown.     What  letter  do  you  mean? 

Bystander.  The  "New  York  HeraM"  of  yesterday,  in 
speaking  of  this  affair,  mentions  a  letter  in  this  way : 

"Apropos  of  this  exciting  news,  we  recollect  a  very  sig 
nificant  passage  in  one  of  Gerrit  Smith's  letters,  published  a 
month  or  two  ago,  in  which  he  speaks  of  the  folly  of  attempt 
ing  to  strike  the  shackles  off  the  slaves  by  the  force  of  moral 
suasion  or  legal  agitation,  and  predicts  that  the  next  move 
ment  made  in  the  direction  of  negro  emancipation  would  be 
an  insurrection  in  the  South." 

Brown.  I  have  not  seen  the  "New  York  Herald"  for  some 
days  past ;  but  I  presume,  from  your  remark  about  the  gist  of 
the  letter,  that  I  should  concur  with  it.  I  agree  with  Mr. 
Smith  that  moral  suasion  is  hopeless.  I  don't  think  the  peo 
ple  of  the  slave  States  will  ever  consider  the  subject  of  slav 
ery  in  its  true  light  till  some  other  argument  is  resorted  to 
than  moral  suasion. 

Vallandigham.  Did  you  expect  a  general  rising  of  the 
slaves  in  case  of  your  success? 

Brown.  No,  sir ;  nor  did  I  wish  it.  I  expected  to  gather 
them  up  from  time  to  time,  and  set  them  free. 

Vallandigham.  Did  you  expect  to  hold  possession  here 
till  then? 

Brown.  Well,  probably  I  had  quite  a  different  idea.  I 
do  not  know  that  I  ought  to  reveal  my  plans.  I  am  here  a 
prisoner  and  wounded,  because  I  foolishly  allowed  myself 
to  be  so.  You  overrate  your  strength  in  supposing  I  could 
have  been  taken  if  I  had  not  allowed  it.  I  was  too  tardy 
after  commencing  the  open  attack  —  in  delaying  my  move 
ments  through  Monday  night,  and  up  to  the  time  I  was  at 
tacked  by  the  Government  troops.  It  was  all  occasioned  by 
my  desire  to  spare  the  feelings  of  my  prisoners  and  their  fam 
ilies  and  the  community  at  large.  I  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
shooting  of  the  negro  Heywood. 


THE  FIASCO  317 


Dr.  Biggs.  Were  you  in  the  party  at  Dr.  Kennedy's 
house? 

Brown.  I  was  at  the  head  of  that  party.  I  occupied  the 
house  to  mature  my  plans.  I  have  not  been  in  Baltimore  to 
purchase  caps. 

Q.     Where  did  you  get  arms ?     A.     I  bought  them. 

•Q.     In  what  State?     A.     That  I  will  not  state. 

Q.  How  many  guns?  A.  Two  hundred  Sharpe's  rifles 
and  two  hundred  revolvers,  —  what  is  called  the  Massachu 
setts  Arms  Company's  revolvers,  a  little  under  navy  size. 

Q.  Why  did  you  not  take  that  swivel  you  left  in  the 
house?  A.  I  had  no  occasion  for  it.  It  was  given  to  me  a 
year  or  two  ago. 

Q.  In  Kansas?  A.  No.  I  had  nothing  given  to  me  in 
Kansas. 

Q.  By  whom,  and  in  what  State?  A.  I  decline  to  an 
swer  ;  it  is  not  properly  a  swivel ;  it  is  a  very  large  rifle 
with  a  pivot.  The  ball  is  larger  than  a  musket  ball ;  it  is  in 
tended  for  a  slug. 

Reporter.  I  do  not  wish  to  annoy  you ;  but  if  you  have 
anything  further  you  would  like  to  say,  I  will  report  it. 

Brown.  I  have  nothing  to  say,  only  that  I  claim  to  be 
here  in  carrying  out  a  measure  I  believe  perfectly  justifiable, 
and  not  to  act  the  part  of  an  incendiary  or  ruffian,  but  to  aid 
those  suffering  great  wrong.  I  wish  to  say,  furthermore, 
that  you  had  better  —  all  you  people  at  the  South  —  prepare 
yourselves  for  a  settlement  of  this  question,  that  must  come 
up  for  settlement  sooner  than  you  are  prepared  for  it  The 
sooner  you  are  prepared  the  better.  You  may  dispose  of  me 
very  easily,  —  I  am  nearly  disposed  of  now ;  but  this  question 
is  still  to  be  settled,  —  this  negro  question  I  mean ;  the  end  of 
that  is  not  yet/  These  wounds  were  inflicted  upon  me  — 
both  sabre  cuts  on  my  head  and  bayonet  stabs  in  different 
parts  of  my  body  —  some  minutes  after  I  had  ceased  fight 
ing  and  had  consented  to  surrender,  for  the  benefit  of  others, 


318  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

not  for  my  own.  I  believe  the  Major  would  not  have  been 
alive ;  I  could  have  killed  him  just  as  easy  as  a  mosquito  when 
he  came  in  to  receive  our  surrender.  There  had  been  loud 
and  long  calls  of  "surrender"  from  us,  —  as  loud  as  men 
could  yell ;  but  in  the  confusion  and  excitement  I  suppose  we 
were  not  heard.  I  do  not  think  the  Major,  or  any  one,  meant 
to  butcher  us  after  we  had  surrendered. 

An  Officer.  Why  did  you  not  surrender  before  the  at 
tack? 

Broivn.  I  did  not  think  it  was  my  duty  or  interest  to  do 
so.  We  assured  the  prisoners  that  we  did  not  wish  to  harm 
them,  and  they  should  be  set  at  liberty.  I  exercised  my  best 
judgment,  not  believing  the  people  would  wantonly  sacrifice 
their  own  fellow-citizens,  when  we  offered  to  let  them  go  on 
condition  of  being  allowed  to  change  our  position  about  a 
quarter  of  a  mile.  The  prisoners  agreed  by  a  vote  among 
themselves  to  pass  across  the  bridge  with  us.  We  wanted 
them  only  as  a  sort  of  guarantee  of  our  own  safety,  —  that 
we  should  not  be  fired  into.  We  took  them,  in  the  first 
place,  as  hostages  and  to  keep  them  from  doing  any  harm. 
We  did  kill  some  men  in  defending  ourselves,  but  I  saw  no 
one  fire  except  directly  in  self-defense.  Our  orders  were 
strict  not  to  harm  any  one  not  in  arms  against  us. 

Q.  Brown,  suppose  you  had  every  nigger  in  the  United 
States,  what  would  you  do  with  them?  A.  Set  them  free. 

Q.  Your  intention  was  to  carry  them  off  and  free  them? 
A.  Not  at  all. 

A  Bystander.  To  set  them  free  would  sacrifice  the  life  of 
every  man  in  this  community. 

Brown.     I  do  not  think  so. 

Bystander.     I  know  it.     I  think  you  are  fanatical. 

Brown.  And  I  think  you  are  fanatical.  "Whom  the  gods 
would  destroy  they  first  made  mad,"  and  you  are  mad. 

Q.  Was  your  only  object  to  free  the  negroes?  A.  Ab 
solutely  our  only  object. 

Q.  But  you  demanded  and  took  Colonel  Washington's 
silver  and  watch?  A.  Yes;  we  intended  freely  to  appro 
priate  the  property  of  slaveholders  to  carry  out  our  object. 


THE  FIASCO  319 

It  was  for  that,  and  only  that,  and  with  no  design  to  enrich 
ourselves  with  any  plunder  whatever. 

Bystander.  Did  you  know  Sherrod  in  Kansas  ?  I  under 
stand  you  killed  him. 

Brown.  I  killed  no  man  except  in  fair  fight.  I  fought 
at  Black  Jack  Point  and  at  Osawatomie ;  and  if  I  killed  any 
body,  it  was  at  one  of  these  places. 

Mj.  Sanborn  publishes  a  conversation  that  Brown  had  with 
his  jailer  concerning  his  interview  with  Governor  Wise.377 

"  'A  Virginian/  "  he  says,  "gives  me  this  addition  to  Brown's 
conversation  with  Wise" : 

Jailer.  I  see  in  the  papers  that  you  told  Governor  Wise 
you  had  promises  of  aid  from  Virginia,  Tennessee,  and  the 
Carolinas.  Is  that  true,  or  did  you  make  it  up  to  "rile"  the 
old  Governor? 

Brown.     No ;  I  did  not  tell  Wise  that. 

Jailer.  What  did  you  tell  him  that  could  have  made  that 
impression  on  his  mind  ? 

Brozvn.  Wise  said  something  about  fanaticism,  and  inti 
mated  that  no  man  in  full  possession  of  his  senses  could 
have  expected  to  overcome  a  State  with  such  a  handful  of 
men  as  I  had,  backed  only  by  struggling  negroes ;  and  I  re 
plied  that  I  had  promises  of  ample  assistance,  and  would 
have  received  it  too  if  I  could  only  have  set  the  ball  in  mo 
tion.  He  then  asked  suddenly  in  a  harsh  voice,  as  you've 
seen  lawyers  snap  up  a  witness :  "Assistance !  From  what 
State,  sir?"  I  was  not  thrown  off  my  guard,  and  replied: 
"From  more  than  you'd  believe  if  I  should  name  them  all ; 
but  I  expected  more  from  Virginia,  Tennessee,  and  the 
Carolinas  than  from  any  others." 

Jailer.  You  "expected"  it.  You  did  not  say  it  was  prom 
ised  from  the  States  named? 

Brown.  No;  I  knew,  of  course,  that  the  negroes  would 
rally  to  my  standard.  If  I  had  only  got  the  thing  fairly 
started,  you  Virginians  would  have  seen  sights  that  would 
have  opened  your  eyes ;  and  I  tell  you  if  I  was  free  this  mo- 

377  Sanborn,  571,  note  1. 


320  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

ment,  and  had  five  hundred  negroes  around  me,  I  would  put 
these  irons  on  Wise  himself  before  Saturday  night. 

JaiPer.  Then  it  was  true  about  aid  being  promised  ?  What 
States  promised  it? 

Brown  (with  a  laugh).  Well,  you  are  about  as  smart  a 
man  as  Wise,  and  I'll  give  you  the  same  answer  I  gave  him. 

A  reporter  for  the  New  York  Herald  who  was  present  said 
of  Brown : 378  "He  converses  freely,  fluently  and  cheerfully, 
without  the  slightest  manifestation  of  fear  or  uneasiness,  evi 
dently  weighing  well  his  words,  and  possessing  a  good  com 
mand  of  language.  His  manner  is  courteous  and  affable,  while 
he  appears  to  be  making  a  favorable  impression  upon  his  audi 
tory." 

A  reporter  for  the  Baltimore  American  who  was  present  at 
the  interview  said : 3TS)  "No  sign  of  weakness  was  exhibited  by 
John  Brown.  In  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  whose  homes  he  had 
invaded ;  wounded  and  a  prisoner,  surrounded  by  a  small  army 
of  officials,  and  a  more  desperate  army  of  angry  men ;  with  the 
gallows  staring  him  full  in  the  face,  he  lay  on  the  floor,  and,  in 
reply  to  every  question,  gave  answers  that  betokened  the  spirit 
that  animated  him.  The  language  of  Gov.  Wise  well  expresses 
his  boldness  when  he  said,  'He  is  the  gamest  man  I  ever  saw.' ' 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  18th,  while  the  interview  with 
Brown  was  in  progress,  Mr.  John  C.  Unseld  accompanied  Lieu 
tenant  Green,  with  a  detachment  of  marines,  to  Brown's  recent 
headquarters  at  the  Kennedy  farm,  where  a  quantity  of  war 
material  was  found,  including  bed  clothing,  canvas  for  tents, 
some  axes,  two  cast-iron  hominy  mills,  a  good  deal  of  clothing 
boxed  up  —  new  clothing  for  men,  and  some  boots.  Here  also 
they  found  Brown's  trunk  containing  his  official  papers  and 
correspondence ;  copies  of  the  constitution  for  the  Provisional 
Government  and  other  important  documents ;  also  maps  of  Ken 
tucky,  Tennessee,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  South  Caro- 

378  Villard,  456. 

370  Ibid. 


THE  FIASCO  321 

lina,  Florida,  and  Georgia.  Each  map  had  a  slip  pasted  on  the 
side,  evidently  cut  from  the  census  report  of  1850,  showing  the 
number  and  kind  of  inhabitants  (whether  free  or  slave,  white 
or  black,  male  or  female)  in  each  county  of  the  State  or  States 
which  it  represented.  On  the  maps  of  South  Carolina,  Ala 
bama,  Mississippi,  and  Georgia,  there  were  various  ink-marks 
in  the  shape  of  crosses  at  different  points.380  With  the  consent  of 
Brown,  John  E.  Cook  had  taken  a  similar  census  of  the  inhab 
itants  living  in  the  vicinity  of  Harper's  Ferry.381 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th  the  military  stores  that  had  been 
transferred  to  the  school-house,  on  Monday,  from  the  Kennedy 
farm,  were  taken  possession  of  by  the  "Baltimore  Greys,"  a 
company  belonging  to  the  Maryland  regiment  present,  under  the 
command  of  Lietutenant  Colonel  Mills.  Among  them  were 
the  following  articles  : 382 

102  Sharp's  Rifles  3  Gross  Steel  Pens 

10  Kegs  Gunpowder  5  Ink  Stands 

23000  Percussion  Rifle  Caps  21  Lead  Pencils 

100000  Percussion  Pistol  Caps  34  Pen  Holders 

13000  Sharp's  Rifle  Cartridges  2  Boxes  Wafers 

483  Pikes  47  Small  Blank  Books 

16  Picks 

40  Shovels  (The  railroad  waybill  called  for  several  doz 
en,  showing  that  more  were  to  come) 

On  Wednesday  morning,  October  19th,  the  prisoners  were 
safely  transferred  to  Charlestown,  under  an  escort  of  marines 
commanded  by  Lieutenant  Green.  Upon  their  arrival  there 
they  were  delivered  into  the  custody  of  the  sheriff  of  Jefferson 
County  and  the  United  States  marshal  for  the  Western  District 
of  Virginia,  and  by  them  placed  in  the  county  jail.  Brown  and 
Stevens,  being  unable  to  walk,  were  transferred  to  and  from 
the  train,  in  a  wagon. 


380  Mason  Report.    Testimony  of  Andrew  Hunter. 

381  Mason  Report,  63-66. 

382  Redpath,  269. 


322  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

The  comments  of  the  press  of  the  country,  upon  the  occur 
rences  herein,  however  interesting  they  may  be,  are  not  espe 
cially  valuable.  The  writers  of  the  time  had  but  little  correct 
information  upon  which  to  base  their  opinion  as  to  the  scope  of 
the  undertaking.  Even  at  the  present  time,  after  the  lapse  of 
more  than  fifty  years,  opinion  is  divided  as  to  whether  this  in 
cident  in  our  history  was  just  an  altruistic  "Foray  into  Virgin 
ia"  ;  or  whether  it  was,  practically,  a  harmless  and  utterly  sense 
less  "raid,"  or  whether  it  was  an  organized  reality  —  an  inva 
sion  of  the  State  of  Virginia  by  Brown  and  his  captains,  having 
for  their  object,  the  conquest  of  the  Southern  States. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY 

But  many  a  man  has  committed  his  greatest  blunder  when 
attempting  to  ivritc  a  book.  -  JOHN  BROWN,  JR. 

CONCERNING  the  things  which  Brown  intended  to  do,  and  the 
plans  which  he  made  in  pursuance  thereof  Mr.  Redpath  says  : 383 

It  was  the  original  intention  of  Captain  Brown  to  seize 
the  Arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry  on  the  night  of  the  24th  of 
October,  and  to  take  the  arms  there  deposited  to  the  neigh 
boring  mountains,  with  a  number  of  the  wealthier  citizens  of 
the  vicinity,  as  hostages,  until  they  should  redeem  themselves 
by  liberating  an  equal  number  of  their  slaves.  When  at 
Baltimore,  for  satisfactory  reasons,  he  determined  to  strike 
the  blow  that  was  to  shake  the  Slave  System  to  its  founda 
tions,  on  the  night  of  the  17th. 

.  .  .  Harper's  Ferry,  by  the  admission  of  military  men, 
was  admirably  chosen  as  the  spot  at  which  to  begin  a  war  of 
liberation.  The  neighboring  mountains,  with  their  inacces 
sible  fastnesses,  with  every  one  of  which,  and  every  turning 
of  their  valleys,  John  Brown  had  been  familiar  for  seventeen 
years,  would  afford  to  guerrilla  forces  a  protection  the  most 
favorable,  and  a  thousand  opportunities  for  a  desperate  de 
fense  or  rapid  retreats  before  overwhelming  numbers  of  an 
enemy. 

This  is  the  conception  of  the  Harper's  Ferry  episode  that 
Brown's  family,  and  his  partisans,  decided  should  be  put  forth 
concerning  an  incident  which  was  to  have  been  written  in 
streams  of  blood,  such  as  never  flowed  upon  the  continent. 
That  anything  so  irrational  should  have  been  published,  or 

383  Redpath,  243-246. 


V 


\ 


\ 


324  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

should  have  been  seriously  considered  by  any  one,  is  beyond  the 
comprehension  of  thoughtful  persons ;  and  yet,  the  foolish  fic 
tions  therein  suggested  were  accepted  as  the  truth  in  the 
Northern  States,  and,  with  some  modifications  of  the  more  gro 
tesque  absurdities  therein  contained,  have  been  approved  by 
subsequent  writers  and  biographers  and  have  been  incorporated 
with  the  history  of  our  country. 

Why  Brown  should  have  intended  to  abandon  Harper's 
Ferry  without  a  struggle  to  retain  it  after  having  taken  formal 
possession  of  the  place  and  of  the  war  material  stored  there,  if 
the  position  was  admirably  chosen  as  the  spot  at  which  to  begin 
a  war  of  liberation ;  or  how  a  voluntary  retreat  into  the  moun 
tains  by  a  band  of  twenty-two  men  could  be  regarded  as  a 
"blow"  of  any  kind;  or  where  the  inaccessible  fastness  which 
he  intended  to  retreat  to  was  located;  or  how  he  intended  to 
shelter  and  subsist  his  men  and  prisoners  in  an  inaccessible  fast 
ness  that  had  not  been  supplied  with  subsistence  stores  or  with 
camp  and  garrison  equipage  of  any  description;  or  how  he 
would  be  able  to  find  his  way,  if  the  night  happened  to  be  a  dark 
night,  up  and  through  the  tangled  obstructions  upon  which  the 
fastness  relied  for  its  inaccessibility;  or  how  he  intended  to 
transport  the  military  equipment  stored  at  Harper's  Ferry,  to 
the  fastness,  without  means  of  transportation,  or  roads  to  travel 
on ;  or  how  he  intended  to  prevent  his  fastness  from  being  sur 
rounded  and  his  communications  with  the  world  cut  off  while 
the  altruistic  negotiations  for  the  "exchange  of  the  wealthier 
citizen  prisoners  for  an  equal  number  of  slaves,"  were  progres 
sing,  appear  to  have  been  matters  of  no  concern  to  this  bi 
ographer.  It  was  sufficient  for  his  purpose  to  assume  that 
these  things,  however  inconsistent  they  might  be,  were  the 
things  which  Brown  intended  to  do,  and  that  they  constituted 
the  blow  which  he  had  promised  to  strike.  Mr.  Redpath,  per 
sonally,  knew  what  Brown  intended  to  do.  He  knew  that 
Brown,  pursuant  to  his  pledges,  planned  to  strike  a  blow  that 
would  shake  the  center  of  the  slave  system ;  that  he  planned  to 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  325 

precipitate  a  war  of  surpassing  atrocity ;  a  war  that  was  to  begin 
with  a  carnival  of  assassinations;  that  he  intended  "to  assail 
slavery  with  the  only  weapon  that  it  fears" : 384  a  servile  insur 
rection. 

Mr.  Sanborn  had  been  a  valuable  instrument  in  Brown's 
hands  for  the  practice  of  his  Eastern  impositions.  Taking  his 
cue  from  Mr.  Redpath,  after  describing  what  occurred  on  the 
night  of  the  16th  of  October,  he  rises  to  the  full  height  of  his 
conception  of  the  occasion  to  inquire : 

Why  then  did  Brown  attack  Harper's  Ferry,  or  having 
captured  it,  why  did  he  not  leave  it  at  once  and  push  into  the 
mountains  of  Virginia,  according  to  his  original  plan?385 
It  was  to  this  Mr.  Sanborn,  that  Brown  first  suggested  his 
scheme  to  raise  $30,000  cash,  to  arm  and  equip  a  company  of 
"fifty  volunteer-regulars"  for  the  defense  of  Kansas  settlers. 
Mr.  Sanborn  was  impressed,  deeply  so,  and  undertook  to  pro 
mote  the  proposition.     Also,  he  undertook  to  promote  Brown's 
scheme  to  have  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  New 
York  appropriate  $100,000  each,  to  reimburse  the  Brown  fam 
ily  for  losses  its  members  had  sustained  while  "fighting"  in 
Kansas;  and  ever  thereafter  had  been  Brown's  faithful  and 
efficient  servant.     He  was  a  member  of  the  "Secret  War  Com 
mittee"  of  six,  and  had  reason  to  think,  and  probably  did  think, 
that  Brown  had  taken  him  into  his  full  confidence.     He  says : 

Although  Brown  communicated  freely  to  the  four  persons 
just  named,  —  Theodore  Parker,  Dr.  Howe,  Mr.  Stearns 
and  Col.  Higginson,  —  his  plans  of  attack  and  defense  in 
Virginia,  it  is  not  known  that  he  spoke  to  any  but  me  of  his 
purpose  to  surprise  the  Arsenal  and  town  of  Harper's  Fer 
ry.  .  .  It  is  probable  that  in  1858  Brown  had  not  def 
initely  resolved  to  seize  Harper's  Ferry ;  yet  he  spoke  of  it  to 
me  beside  his  coal  fire  in  the  American  House,  putting  it  as  a 
question,  rather,  without  expressing  his  own  purpose.  I 
questioned  him  a  little  about  it ;  but  it  then  passed  from  my 

384  Redpath,  8. 

385  Sanborn,  556. 


326  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

mind,  and  I  did  not  think  of  it  again  until  the  attack  had  been 
made  a  year  and  a  half  afterwards.386 

Thus  Mr.  Sanborn  acknowledges  that  Brown  had  not  en 
trusted  to  him  the  secret  of  his  intentions,  and  thereby  disqual 
ifies  himself  as  an  authority  upon  Brown's  plans,  or  as  having 
correct  information  concerning  what  he  intended  to  do  in  Vir 
ginia.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  upon  the  occasion  to  which 
Mr.  Sanborn  refers,  Brown  contemplated  confiding  to  him  his 
plans  for  the  conquest  of  the  South  by  means  of  an  insurrection 
of  the  slaves  and  the  massacre  of  the  slave-holding  population, 
and  intended  to  offer  him  a  position  upon  his  staff.  Brown 
and  Forbes  had  laid  plans  for  their  campaign,  with  Harper's 
Ferry  as  the  base  of  operations,  as  early  as  January,  1857,  and 
in  pursuance  thereof  had  ordered  the  thousand  spears  with 
which  to  arm  the  blacks  for  the  opening  horror. 

Sitting  beside  his  coal  fire  in  the  American  House,  his 
thoughts  upon  his  plans,  and  the  hopes  of  his  mighty  conquest 
surging  in  his  brain,  John  Brown,  the  grim  Soldier  of  Fortune, 
drew  out  his  young  companion  by  indirection,  and  took  the 
measure  of  his  capacity  for  heroic  undertakings.  Had  the  young 
man,  at  the  close  of  that  interview,  appealed  for  an  omen  "from 
that  shrine  whose  oracles  may  destroy  but  can  never  deceive," 
he  might,  in  a  spiritual  vision,  have  seen  upon  the  invisible  tab 
lets,  where  Brown's  mental  records  were  kept,  an  inscription, 
or  word,  similar  to  that  which  Belshazzar  saw  traced  upon  the 
wall  by  the  finger  of  an  invisible  hand.  The  man  of  "blood  and 
iron"  had  invited  the  interview  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Sanborn  of 
February  24th.387  Brown's  decision  was  adverse  to  Mr.  San 
born.  The  latter  did  not  suspect  that  he  had  passed  through 
the  fire  of  an  examination,  and  had  been  found  deficient.  The 
subject  was  never  again  taken  up ;  the  door  of  opportunity  closed 
against  Mr.  Sanborn. 

386  Sanborn,   450. 

387  Ante,  note  281. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  327 

Following  the  trail  blazed  by  a  discredited  predecessor,  the 
writer  of  Fifty  Years  After  abandons  the  teachings  which  the 
record  discloses  concerning  this  episode,  and,  concurring  with 
Mr.  Redpath,  tries  to  confirm  in  our  history  that  author's  per 
version  of  the  facts  relating  to  it.     He  assumes  to  believe,  and 
seeks  to  teach  the  public  to  believe,  that  Brown's  plans  were, 
comparatively,  crude,  and  that  his  movement  in  execution  of 
them  was  of  a  harmless  nature ;  that  he  merely  intended  to  at 
tempt  to  carry  on  a  guerrilla  warfare  from  some  point  in  the 
nearby  mountains,  and  that  his  entrance  to  Harper's  Ferry  was 
not  an  occupation  of  the  place  but  a  "raid"  upon  it,  undertaken 
for  the  purpose  of  advertising,  in  a  spectacular  way,  the  guer 
rilla  warfare  which  he  intended  to  engage  in.     He  says : 388 
As  for  their  general,  he  not  only  was  the  sole  member  of 
the  attacking  force  to  believe  in  the  assault  on  the  property 
of  the  United  States  at  Harper's  Ferry,  but  he  was,  as  they 
neared   the   all-unsuspecting  town,   without   any   clear   and 
definite  plan  of  campaign.     The  general  order  detailed  the 
men  who  were  to  garrison  various  parts  of  the  town  and  hold 
the  bridges,  but  beyond  that,  little  had  been  mapped  out.     It 
was  all  to  depend  upon  the  orders  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,  who  seemed  bent  on  violating  every  military  principle. 
Thus,  he  had  appointed  no  definite  place  for  the  men  to  re 
treat  to,  and  fixed  no  hour  for  the  withdrawal  from  the 
town.     He,  moreover,  proceeded  at  once  to  defy  the  canons 
by  placing  a  river  between  himself  and  his  base  of  supplies, 
—  the  Kennedy  Farm,  —  and  then  left  no  adequate  force  on 
the  river-bank  to  insure  his  being  able  to  fall  back  to  that 
base.     Hardly  had  he  entered  the  town  when,  by  dispersing 
his  men  here  and  there,  he  made  his  defeat  as  easy  as  possible. 
Moreover,  he  had  in  mind  no  well-defined  purpose  in  attack 
ing  Harper's  Ferry,  save  to  begin  his  revolution  in  a  spectac 
ular  way,  capture  a  few  slaveholders  and  release  some  slaves. 
So  far  as  he  had  thought  anything  out,  he  expected  to  alarm 
the  town  and  then,  with  the  slaves  that  had  rallied  to  him, 

388  Villard,  427,  430. 


328  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

to  march  back  to  the  school-house  near  the  Kennedy  Farm, 
arm  his  recruits  and  take  to  the  hills.  Another  general,  with 
the  same  purpose  in  view  would  have  established  his  moun 
tain  camp  first,  swooped  down  upon  the  town  in  order  to 
spread  terror  throughout  the  State,  and  in  an  hour  or  two,  at 
most,  have  started  back  to  his  hill-top  fastness. 
Hence,  he  confidently  hoped  to  retire  to  the  mountains  before 
catching  sight  of  a  soldier  of  the  regular  army  or  of  the 
militia,  —  by  no  means  un  unjustifiable  expectation.  .  . 
The  danger  to  any  raiding  force  would  come  from  losing 
possession  of  these  bridges,  in  which  case  the  sole  means  of 
escape  would  be  by  swimming  the  rivers  or  climbing  up 
through  the  town  toward  Bolivar  Heights,  in  the  direction 
of  Charlestown,  eight  miles  away. 

By  the  gratuitous  and  irrelevant  assumptions  herein,  this  bi 
ographer  discredits  Brown's  intelligence;  and  by  unjust,  unfair, 
and  illogical  criticisms  of  his  conduct,  seeks  to  conceal  and  to 
emasculate  his  intentions.  Authenticated  facts  place  limitations 
upon  the  presumptions  of  historians,  which  challenge  the  con 
sistency  of  reckless  statements,  and  the  logic  of  their  conclu 
sions  concerning  them.  There  is  not  an  authenticated  line  in 
this  history  which  justifies  a  belief  that  Brown  contemplated  do 
ing  the  things  which  this  author  assumes  that  he  intended  to  do. 
His  theory  that  the  occupation  of  Harper's  Ferry  was  merely 
an  incident  in  a  raid,  the  first  one  of  a  series  of  undertakings  in 
guerrilla  warfare,  which  he  represents  Brown  as  intending  to 
execute  from  a  location  within  walking  distance  of  the  town, 
is  a  reflection  upon  the  sanity  of  every  person  connected  with 
the  movement.  It  is  an  assumption  that  Brown  and  his  men 
believed  that  they  could  maintain  a  headquarters  for  such  war 
fare  in  the  Maryland  hills  —  at  a  "hill-top  fastness,"  if  you 
please  —  and  not  be  "run  to  earth  at  once,"  as  the  author  states 
Cook  would  have  been,  if  he  had  attempted  to  hide  in  these 
inhospitable  hills.38'  It  is  also  a  general  denial  of  the  historical 

389  Villard,  469. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  329 

truth  that  Brown  intended  to  invade  Virginia  and  the  Southern 
States,  and  to  establsh  over  them  the  jurisdiction  of  a  provi 
sional  government.  Moreover,  it  is  so  divergent  from  the  les 
sons  taught  by  the  vast  accumulation  of  authenticated  facts 
which  relate  to  the  matter,  that  it  constitutes  a  contradiction  of 
the  facts,  and  raises  a  question  as  to  the  integrity  of  the  au 
thor's  purpose  in  putting  it  forth. 

There  is  no  room  in  historical  literature  for  the  indulgence 
of  poetic  license.  If  Brown  was  a  man  of  "blood  and  iron,'" 
and  his  men  "hard-headed  Americans"  one  day,  they  must  be 
regarded  as  being  such  the  next  day,  and  every  day.  It  may  be 
said,  upon  the  authority  of  this  author,  that  Brown  and  his  men 
were  not  the  stupids  which  they  are,  in  this  instance,  represented 
as  being.  "Captains  John  H.  Kagi  and  A.  D.  Stevens,  bravest 
of  the  brave"  39°  were  not  words  idly  spoken.  "The  hard-headed 
able  Americans  like  Stevens,  Kagi,  Cook,  and  Gill,  who  lived 
with  John  Brown  month  in  and  month  out  worshipped  .no 
lunatic."391  'Grafter!  Hypocrite!  Fiend!  MONSTER!  Brown 
was,  but  never  a  trifler.  If  he  ever  engaged  in  a  trifling  enter 
prise  or  attempted  to  do  anything  in  a  trifling  manner  or  upon 
a  trifling  scale,  it  has  not  been  recorded.  First,  last,  and  all  the 
time  he  played  the  limit  of  his  resources.  And  in  the  execution 
of  this  venture  —  the  climax  of  all  his  undertakings  —  he  was^' 
neither  trifling  nor  juggling  with  its  details,  as  his  biographer.^ 
have  persisted  in  doing  with  his  motives,  and  with  what  his  in/- 
tentions  and  his  plans  were,  in  these  premises. 

Brown  was  not  advertising  his  revolution  when  he  secretl/y 
entered  Harper's  Ferry.  These  men  were  not  baiting  Death 
for  spectacular  effect.  They  had  a  well  defined  purpose  in 
view,  but  it  was  not  to  "capture  a  few  slave-holders  and  release 
some  slaves."  To  Daniel  Wheelan,  Brown  stated  the  purpose  of 
his  coming:  "I  want  to  free  all  the  negroes  in  this  State;  I 

39°Villard,  427. 
39i  Villard,  510. 


330  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

A 

\have  possession  now  of  the  United  States  Armory,  and  if  the 
(citizens  interfere  with  me  I  must  only  burn  the  town  and  have 
blood."  Conductor  Phelps  said:  "They  say  they  have  come 
jto  free  the  slaves  and  intend  to  do  it  at  all  hazards."  Mr.  W.  H. 
^eibert  states  that  Kagi  told  him  personally,  that  their  purpose 
was  "not  the  expatriation  of  one  slave  or  a  thousand  slaves,  but 
^heir  liberation  in  the  states  wherein  they  were  born  and  were 
low  held  in  bondage."  392 

To  Governor  Wise  and  others,  on  the  afternoon  of  October 
18th,  Brown  stated  that  his  purpose  in  being  at  Harper's  Ferry 
would  be  found  in  the  constitution  for  the  Provisional  Govern- 
fment.  A  copy  of  the  document  being  produced,  he  requested 
Governor  Wise  to  read  it,  and  said  that  "within  a  fortnight  he 
intended  to  have  it  published  at  large  and  distributed"  ;  an  act 
which  he  could  not  have  intended  to  execute  from  a  location  in 
any  "hill-top  fastness."  In  reply  to  questions,  he  stated  that  he 
intended  to  put  the  Provisional  Government  into  operation 
"here,  in  Virginia,  where  I  commenced  operations" ;  that  he  ex 
pected  to  have  "three  or  five  thousand"  men  or  as  many  as  he 
wanted  to  assist  him.  He  stated  "distinctly"  that  he  did  not  in 
tend  to  run  off  any  slaves,  but  that  he  "designed  to  put  arms  in 
their  hands  to  defend  themselves  against  their  masters,  and  to 
maintain  their  position  in  Virginia  and  in  the  South.  That  in 
the  first  instance  he  expected  they  and  non-slave  holding  whites 
would  flock  to  his  standard  as  soon  as  he  got  a  footing  there  at 
Harper's  Ferry ;  and,  as  his  strength  increased,  he  would  grad 
ually  enlarge  the  area  under  his  control,  "furnishing  a  refuge  for 
the  slaves  and  a  rendezvous  for  all  whites  who  were  disposed  to 
aid  him,  until  eventually  he  over-ran  the  whole  South."  393 

January  5,  1860,  Mr.  John  C.  Unseld,  one  of  Brown's  pris 
oners  testified : 

I  asked  him  why  he  made  his  attack  on  Virginia  and  at  the 

place  he  did?     His   answer  was:     "I   knew  there  were  a 

392  The  Underground  Railroad,  167. 

393  Mason  Report,  63-66.     Testimony  of  Andrew  Hunter. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  331 

great  many  guns  there  that  would  be  of  service  to  me,  and, 
if  I  could  conquer  Virginia,  the  balance  of  the  Southern 
States  would  nearly  conquer  themselves,  there  being  such  a 
large  number  of  slaves  in  them.394 

Brown  abandoned  the  Kennedy  farm  on  October  16th  and 
gave  orders  to  Cook  to  remove  the  supplies  to  a  school-house 
which  was  located  within  about  a  mile  of  Harper's  Ferry.  On 
the  morning  of  the  17th  the  latter  peremptorily  dismissed  the 
school  and  took  possession  of  the  building.  To  the  teacher, 
Mir.  L.  F.  Currie,  Cook  explained  what  they  were  doing  and 
how  they  intended  to  do  it.  Mr.  Currie,  in  his  testimony  before 
the  Mason  Committee  stated  that  Cook,  Tidd,  and  Leeman, 
having  a  Mr.  Byrne  in  charge  as  a  prisoner,  came  to  the  school- 
house  about  10  o'clock  and  demanded  possession  of  it.  They 
then  with  the  aid  of  some  negroes  unloaded  several  boxes  and 
a  large  black  trunk  from  a  wagon  and  carried  them  into  the 
school-house.  Continuing  he  said  : 

Cook  said  their  intention  was  to  free  the  negroes ;  that 
!     they  intended  to  adopt  such  measures  as  would  effectually 
free  them,  though  he  said  nothing  about  running  them  off, 
or  anything  of  that  kind.     He  said  this  too:     That  those 
slave-holders  who  would  give  up  their  slaves  voluntarily, 
would  meet  with  protection ;  but  those  who  refused  to  give 
them  up  would  be  quartered  upon  and  their  property  con 
fiscated,  —  used  in  such  a  way  as  they  might  think  proper, 
—  at  least  they  would  receive  no  protection  from  their  or 
ganization  or  party. 

Currie  remained  at  the  school-house  until  evening.  Between 
2  and  3  o'clock  the  firing  at  Harper's  Ferry  became  "very  rapid 
and  continuous,"  and  Currie  asked  Cook  what4  it  meant;  to 
which  he  replied :  "Well  it  simply  means  that  those  people 
down  there  are  resisting  our  men,  and  we  are  shooting  them 
down."  In  answer  to  a  question  as  to  how  many  men  were  en 
gaged  down  there  Cook  replied :  "I  do  not  know  how  many 

394  Mason  Report,  1-12. 


332  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

men  are  there  now ;  there  may  be  5,000  or  there  may  be  10,000 
for  aught  I  know."  395 

These  exhibits  are  but  a  trifling  fraction  of  the  direct  testi 
mony  relating  to  the  subject;  yet  Mr.  Villard,  in  wanton  disre 
gard  of  such  testimony,  and  of  the  overwhelming  preponderance 
of  historical  facts  which  corroborate  it,  puts  forth  his  violent 
assumptions  as  to  the  truth ;  and  asks  the  public  to  believe  this 
great  undertaking  to  have  been  merely  a  poorly  planned  raid 
which  another  general  with  the  same  purpose  in  view  would 
have  conducted  differently :  "established  his  mountain  camp 
first;  swooped  down  upon  the  town  in  order  to  spread  terror 
throughout  the  state,  and  in  an  hour  or  two  at  most,  have  started 
back  to  his  hill-top  fastness." 

"First  a  soldier  then  a  citizen  was  Brown's  plan"  for  the  up 
lift  of  the  "emancipated  blacks."  "There  is  no  doubt,"  says 
this  author,396  "that  he  still  expected  the  negroes  to  rise  and 
swell  his  force  to  irresistible  proportions."  Numbers  are  not 
irresistible  unless  they  be  armed  and  organized.  Why  should 
"the  leader  of  a  new  revolution,"  with  the  sword  of  Frederick 
the  Great  in  his  hand,  plan  "to  take  to  the  hills"  in  a  trifling  re 
treat,  and  abandon  the  military  stores  at  Harper's  Ferry  —  the 
stores  that  were  necessary  to  equip  the  irresistible  numbers  for 
irresistible  operations?  The  assumption  that  he  intended  to  do 
so  is  not  only  illogical ;  it  is  absurd. 

The  declaration  that  Brown  was  the  sole  member  of  the  "at 
tacking"  force  to  believe  in  the  assault  upon  the  property  of  the 
United  States  at  Harper's  Ferry  is  contradicted  by  competent 
testimony,  and  by  the  significance  of  the  general  order  that  pro 
vided  for  the  occupation  of  the  town,  and  that  designated  the 
officers  and  men  who  were  to  take  charge  of  this  same  property. 
As  to  the  unanimity  of  sentiment  that  prevailed  in  relation  to 
the  matter,  Mr.  Redpath  says : 39T  "On  Saturday  a  meeting  of 

895  Mason   Report,   56. 
3»6  Villard,  438. 
397  Redpath,  244. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  333 

the  Liberators  was  held  and  the  plan  of  operations  discussed. 
On  Sunday  evening  a  council  was  again  convened  and  the  pro 
gramme  of  the  Captain  unanimously  approved." 

Other  documents  disclose  the  facts  that  the  "Captain"  and  his 
men  not  only  intended  to  seize  this  United  States  property  - 
the  arms  in  the  arsenal  and  in  the  rifle  works  —  but  that  they 
intended  to  keep  them  and  to  use  them.  A  general  order  issued 
from  the  headquarters  of  their  war  department  provided  for  the 
organization  of  an  army. 

Jeremiah  G.  Anderson  was  one  of  Brown's  veterans,  who, 
with  full  confidence  in  the  final  success  of  their  venture,  ap 
proved  of  this  movement.  Late  in  September,  writing  from 
"near  Harper's  Ferry"  he  said : 398 

Everything  seems  to  work  to  our  hand  and  victory  will  \ 

surely  perch  upon  our  banner.     .     .     This  is  not  a  large 

place  but  a  very  precious  one  to  Uncle  Sam,  he  has  a  great 

many  tools  here. 

A  victor  is  one  who  conquers  —  who  defeats  an  enemy.  In 
its  relation  to  war,  victory  means  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  in 
battle.  Anderson  had  an  army  in  his  mind,  and  battles  and  con 
quest,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional  Government, 
when  he  referred  to  victory,  and  used  the  word  advisedly.  A 
"raid"  upon  a  place  may  be  successfully  executed  but  it  cannot 
be,  properly,  called  a  victory  over  anything.  John  E.  Cook  be 
lieved  the  arms  would  be  used  and  approved  of  the  use  of  them. 
"But  ere  that  day  arrives,'  he  said,  "I  fear  that  we  shall  hear  the 
crash  of  the  battle  shock  and  see  the  red  gleaming  of  the  can 
non's  lightning."  3" 

Brown  leased  the  Kennedy  farm  because  the  location  was 
suitable  for  his  purposes  in  the  furtherance  of  his  plans.  From 
there  he  conducted  his  secret  negotiations,  with  the  slaves,  for 
the  insurrection,  and  distributed  the  pikes,  probably  500,  which 
his  co-conspirators  were  to  use  in  their  secret  assassinations; 

398  Sanborn,  545. 
™»Anie,  note  290. 


334  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

but  when  he  launched  the  invasion,  and  debouched  his  com 
mand,  he  abandoned  it.  Therefore,  it  was  not  necessary  for 
him  to  leave  a  force  "adequate"  or  inadequate  "on  the  river 
bank  to  insure  his  being  able  to  fall  back  to  that  base,"  or  to 
cover  a  retreat  still  more  illogical :  a  retreat  of  his  little  band, 
with  a  lot  of  slaves,  and  prisoners  as  hostages,  "to  the  hills" 
where  barren  rocks  afforded  no  shelter  and  "where  starvation 
would  have  met  him  at  the  threshold  of  his  eyrie."  40° 

Aside  from  what  the  record  contains  relating  to  the  subject, 
it  is  illogical  to  assume  that  the  veterans  of  Brown's  band  would 
imperil  their  lives  in  a  scheme  so  dangerous  —  a  scheme  in 
volving  death  upon  the  gallows  for  every  one  of  them  if  they 
failed  —  unless  they  approved  of  it  with  the  fullest  possible  de 
gree  of  confidence ;  only  absolute  confidence  in  the  feasibility  of 
their  plans,  and  the  hope  of  reward  without  a  parallel,  could 
have  induced  these  men  "with  soiled  lives  behind  them,"  401  to 
undertake  this  conquest.  Their  arrogance  upon  entering  the 
town  is  evidence  of  their  enthusiasm,  and  confidence  in  the  suc 
cess  of  what  they  were  doing,  and  of  their  approval  of  it.  Their 
conduct  was  of  the  swaggering,  domineering  kind.  It  was  of 
the :  Halt !  or  I'll  kill  you !  kind ;  conduct  bred  by  contamination 
in  an  environment  supercharged  with  the  scheming  for  mur 
derous  deeds,  reeking  with  the  planning  for  assassinations,  and 
nourished  by  the  belief  that  they  were  not  accountable  to  any 
power  upon  earth  for  their  actions.  Men  do  not  shoot  down 
their  fellow-men  for  trivial  causes,  unless  they  believe  they  are 
in  control  of  the  situation,  and  are  immune  from  punishment. 
These  men  were  expecting  trouble.  They  had  come  to  Harper's 
Ferry  believing  they  were  about  to  write  the  bloodiest  chapter 
in  history;  that  the  most  desperate  struggle  in  all  history  was 
imminent,  and  they  were  impatient  to  have  it  begin.  They  cut 
the  telegraph  wires ;  made  prisoners  of  whomever  they  met ; 
stopped  the  railway  train  carrying  passengers  and  mails ;  shot 

400Chadwick,  Causes  of  the  Civil   War,  87. 
*°i  Villard,  415. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  335 

at  Watchman  Higgins;  shot  and  killed  the  baggage-porter, 
Hayward,  because  he  did  not  obey  the  command  to  halt ;  and 
killed  Mr.  Boerly  without  any  apparent  provocation.  Men  who 
have  no  confidence  in  their  supremacy ;  who  do  not  believe  they 
will  succeed  in  what  they  are  doing,  but  intend  to  run  away,  and 
laboriously  "take  to  the  hills"  and  act  upon  the  defensive  with 
out  facilities  for  defense,  do  not  thus  demean  themselves.  The 
logic  of  Mr.  Villard's  theory  of  Brown's  plans  is :  That  this 
score  of  "hard-headed  Americans"  believed  they  could  shoot 
down  and  kill  their  fellow-citizens  upon  the  streets  of  Harper's 
Ferry  with  impunity;  that  they  could  rob  the  homes  of  that 
neighborhood  and  not  be  held  accountable  therefor;  that  they 
could  carry  off  property :  watches,  money,  horses,  carriages, 
wagons,  and  slaves,  into  the  hills  adjoining  the  town,  and  not 
be  pursued  by  the  local  authorities ;  that  they  could  take  citizens 
of  the  United  States  into  custody  as  prisoners,  and  carry  them 
to  a  "hill-top  fastness,"  and  maintain  themselves  there  without 
supplies  of  either  food,  water,  shelter,  or  munitions  of  war, 
other  than  what  they  carried  upon  their  persons. 

They  know  little  of  Brown's  plans  and  of  his  intentions,  who 
criticize  his  strategy,  in  occupying  Harper's  Ferry,  and  his  tena 
cious  defense  of  the  position.  And  they  know  nothing  of  the 
agreements  at  which  he  had  arrived,  and  the  engagements  which 
he  had  entered  into  with  the  slaves  of  that  section,  whom  he  had 
taken  into  his  confidence,  during  the  preceding  three  months, 
and  who  were  to  launch  the  insurrection  he  had  planned,  and 
who  were  to  constitute  the  rank  and  file  of  his  army  of  invasion. 
The  author  of  Fifty  Years  After  seems  to  have  no  clearer  con 
ception  of  the  subject  herein,  than  the  author  of  fifty  years  be 
fore  assumed  to  have.  Accepting,  almost  at  par,  Mr.  Redpath's 
deceptive  vagaries,  he  formulates  a  plan  of  campaign  to  conform 
with  the  conditions  of  his  absurd  conclusions;  and  then  criti 
cizes  Brown  because  he  did  not  execute  his  conceptions.  The 
plans  for  their  operations,  whatever  they  may  have  been,  were 
satisfactory  to  Brown  and  to  the  veteran  adventurers  who  fol- 


6  ]  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

I   lowed  his  flag.     "The  man  of  blood  and  iron"  and  the  "hard- 
headed  Americans"  had  the  plans  under  consideration  during 
the  two  years  preceding,  and  had  placed  the  seal  of  their  ap- 
j  proval  upon  them.     If  they  were  satisfactory  to  those  who  made 
I  them,  and  understood  them,  and  staked  their  lives  upon  the  suc- 
!  cessful  execution  of  them,  they  should  not  be  denounced  too 
I  confidently,  not  to  say  flippantly,  by  those  who  do  not  know,  or 
i  who  assume  not  to  know,  what  the  plans  were. 
\      The  details  which  Brown  made  from  his  command  were  not 
1  \to  "garrison  various  parts  of  the  town"  and  "hold  the  bridges"  ; 
the  assignments  were  made  in  pursuance  of  his  well  defined  plan 
to  organize  and  equip  there  the  army  which  was  to  garrison  the 
town  and  which  was  thereafter  to  burn  the  bridges  and  hold  the 
approaches  to  it;  the  army  that  was  to  invade  the  Southern 
States;  the  army  that  was  to  "start  from  here"    (Harper's 
Ferry)  "and  go  through  the  State  of  Virginia  and  on  South," 
conquering  and  to  conquer. 

The  dispositions  that  he  made  of  his  forces  were  in  harmony 
with  the  theory  of  the  insurrection,  which  was  the  key-note  of 
the  invasion.  The  slaves  from  the  east  side  of  the  Potomac  — 
the  neighborhoods  of  Sharpsburg,  Boonsboro,  and  Hagerstown 
—  after  declaring  their  right  to  freedom,  by  assassinating  their 
owners,  were  to  report  to  Owen  Brown  at  the  "school-house," 
/  there  to  be  organized  into  a  battalion  under  his  command,  and 
be  armed  with  the  rifles  and  supplied  with  the  ammunition  that 
were  to  be  deposited  there  for  that  purpose.  In  the  same  way 
the  slaves  who  were  to  arrive  from  the  Middletown  Valley,  and 
from  the  Frederick  country,  through  Pleasant  Valley  and  Sandy 
Hook,  were  to  report  to  Watson  Brown  at  the  Potomac  bridge 
and  by  him,  or  by  Taylor  who  was  stationed  there  with  him, 
taken  to  the  arsenal,  where  Hazlett  was  in  charge  as  quarter 
master  and  ordnance  officer,  and  there  be  armed  and  equipped 
from  the  "precious  tools  stored  there,"  belonging  to  the  United 
States,  which  were  to  be  seized  for  this  purpose.  In  a  similar 
manner,  the  slaves  from  Loudoun  Valley  and  the  west  side  of  the 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  337 

Shenandoah  were  to  report  to  Oliver  Brown  and  William 
Thompson  and  Newby  at  the  Shenandoah  bridge;  while  the 
slaves  coming  from  the  country  lying  between  the  Shenandoah 
and  the  Potomac  were  to  report  to  Kagi,  at  the  rifle-works,  and 
by  him  and  his  assistants  —  Copeland  and  Leary  —  taken  to 
the  arsenal  for  their  equipment.  Brown  had  said  to  his  friend 
Douglass  :  "When  I  strike  the  bees  will  swarm  and  I  shall  want 
you  to  help  me  hive  them."  In  this  manner  they  were  to  be 
hived,  and  furnished  with  stings. 

This  being  true,  Brown  defied  no  canons  when  he  crossed  the 
Potomac  nor  did  he  thereby  place  a  river  between  himself  and 
his  base  of  supplies.  He  had,  in  general  orders,  designated 
Harper's  Ferry  as  his  headquarters.  Harpers  Ferry,  with  its 
millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  military  stores-,  was  thenceforth 
to  be  his  base  of  supplies,  and  the  State  of  Virginia  and  the 
South  the  field  of  his  operations.  Having  paralyzed  the  South 
with  the  insurrection,  the  Potomac  was  to  be  his  frpnt,  and  be 
hind  its  banks  he  intended  to  entrench  his  army.  I  He  appointed  , 
no  place  for  his  men  to  retreat  to,  nor  made  any  provisions  for 
retreating,  for  the  word  had  no  place  in  his  vocabulary"  '  He 
fixed  no  hour  for  his  withdrawal  from  the  town,  because  he  .did 
not  intemLtQ.. withdraw  from  it.  He  wasjipt  executingji  raid. 
Why  should  his  captains  proudly  march  to  Harper's  Ferry; 
"their  Sharp's  rifles  hung  from  their  shoulders,  their  commis 
sions  duly  signed  and  officially  sealed  in  their  pockets,"  if  they 
were  to  trudge  back  again  to  the  Kennedy  farm  in  demoralizing 
retreat,  with  no  booty,  and  without  having  seen  an  enemy,  and 
before  a  hostile  shot  had  been  fired ;  and  then  "take  to  the  hills," 
there  to  be  hunted  by  dogs  and  men,  as  wild  beasts  are  hunted, 
and  be  shot  down  as  \\<ild  beasts  are  shot,  by  slave-catchers, 
patrols,  and  marshals.  ^Their  campaign  was  serious,  heroic,  and 
desperate  beyond  the  comprehension  of  Brown's  biographers. 
Rarely  in  history  have  men  voluntarily -Stood to >  \\an_oridie_as 
these  men  stood  at  Harper's  Ferry.  There  was  no  place  on  the 
earth  where  they  could  retreat  to  and  live.  When  Brown  and 


338  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

his  captains  crossed  the  Potomac,  the  die  was  cast ;  the  invasion 
was  on.  Thenceforth  they  might  advance  but  not  retreat ;  they 
might  fight  but  not  run.  If  they  came  back,  it  would  have  to  be 
"with  their  shields  or  upon  them." 

There  was  no  violation  of  military  principles  in  Brown's  oc 
cupation  of  Harper's  Ferry,  or  in  the  dispositions  which  he  made 
of  his  men,  nor  in  his  tenacious  defense  of  his  position.  The 
military  principles  which  he  violated  are  not  referred  to  in  the 
charges  and  specifications  preferred  against  him  by  this  recent 

^  biographer.  These  violations  were  fatal  to  his  enterprise,  but 
they  all  antedate  the  night  of  October  16,  1859.  Jf  the  hun 
dreds  of  slaves  whom  Brown  secretly  armed  with  the  Collins- 
ville  spears,  with  which  to  assassinate  their  masters  and  their 
masters'  families,  had  done  their  bloody  work  as  they  had  prom 
ised  to  do;  then  the  fifteen  hundred  men  that  Brown  believed 

*S      •• 

would  report  to  him  for  duty  by  12  o'clock  on  the  17th,402  and 

the  5,000  men  whom  Cook,  at  4  o'clock,  thought  had  already  re 
ported  and  were  in  action,  would  have  arrived,  and  the  story  of 
Harper's  Ferry  would  have  been  different.  There  would  have 
been  no  violations  of  military  principles  then  in  Brown's  tactics 
and  strategy,  to  criticise  by  any  authority  whatever.  "Another 
general,  with  the  same  purpose  in  view,"  and  with  the  same 
forces  at  his  disposal,  would  not  have  improved  very  much  upon 
Brown's  plans. 

The  hint  at  a  hill-top  fastness,  where  another  general  would 
have  established  his  camp  before  he  "swooped"  down  upon  the 
town,  is  a  modification  of  Mr.  Redpath's  invention  of  an  "inac 
cessible  fastness."  It  is  a  delusion  none  the  less,  a  delusion  that 
was  shot  to  pieces  within  two  years  after  Mr.  Redpath  framed  it. 
Such  a  position  has  no  existence,  except  it  be  in  authors'  im 
aginations.  There  is  not  now,  and  there  never  was  a  position 
upon  either  Maryland  Heights  or  Loudoun  Heights  that  can 
not  be  "stormed  at  with  shot  and  shell." 

402  Sanborn,  557. 


A  PERVERSION  OF  HISTORY  339 

During  the  war  between  the  States,  the  Union  generals  forti 
fied  Mr.  Redpath's  inaccessible  fastness.  Half  way  up  the 
tangled  steeps  of  Maryland  Heights,  on  a  small  bit  of  plateau 
-  less  than  an  acre  —  they  placed  a  battery  of  siege  guns  :  two 
9-inch  Columbiads,  a  50-pounder  Parrott,  and  two  or  three  field 
pieces.  Also,  they  reenforced  the  natural  defenses  of  the  "hill 
top  fastness"  by  formidable  breastworks,  built  of  rocks  and 
trunks  of  trees,  and  protected  them  by  abatis.  On  the  12th  of 
September,  1862,  the  Confederate  infantry  swarmed  all  over 
these  inacessible  fastnesses.  During  the  13th  and  14th,  the 
front  of  the  "hill-top  fastness,"  on  the  summit  of  Maryland 
Heights,  was  a  sheet  of  flame  and  lead,  enveloped  in  clouds  of 
smoke.  The  rifle  fire  from  the  opposing  lines  stripped  the  bark 
from  the  trunks  of  all  the  trees,  within  a  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  of  the  front  of  these  breastworks,  as  clean  as  though  they 
had  been  girdled  with  an  ax.  Not  only  did  Jackson's  infantry 
penetrate  these  fastnesses,  but  during  the  morning  of  the  14th 
they  took  two  pieces  of  artillery  to  the  top  of  these  "inacces 
sible"  heights  and  "turned  loose"  with  shot  and  shell  upon  the 
hill-top  fastness.  During  the  night  of  the  14th,  the  Union  com 
mander  abandoned  the  inaccessible  fastness,  dismounted  and 
spiked  the  guns  on  the  mountain  side,  and  joined  the  forces  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  on  Bolivar  Heights. 

On  the  20th,  a  detachment  from  what  had  been  Mansfield's 
Corps,  of  McClellan's  Army  —  Crawford's  Brigade  403  —  then 
in  command  of  Col.  Joseph  F.  Knipe  of  the  Forty-sixth  Penn 
sylvania,  with  a  section  of  artillery,  also  climbed  these  inacces 
sible  heights  to  drive  the  Confederates  from  the  position.404 

403  Mansfield  had  been  killed  and  Crawford  wounded,  on  the  17th,  at 
Antietam. 

404  A  recollection  of  the  scene  at  the  top  of  Maryland   Heights  by  a 
survivor  of  Knipe's  column,  is  of  a  mound  of  stones  raised  over  a  shal 
low  grave.     It  was  located  near  where  the  Confederate  line  of  battle  had 
been  formed.     Upon  a  piece  of  cracker-box,  that  was  held  in  place  by  the 
stones  marking  the  grave,  a  comrade's  hand  had  cut  in  rude  letters  this 


340  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

There  are  many  persons  living  who  remember  having 
marched  or  "tramped"  or  "climbed"  or  "trudged"  or  "stum 
bled"  or  "hoofed  it"  up  and  down  and  over  these  mountains, 
on  campaign  and  on  picket  duty,  during  the  years  of  the  great 
war;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  any  of  them  ever  heard  of  a  detach 
ment  that  executed  such  maneuvers  by  "swooping."  The  real 
movement  is  different,  especially  so  if  it  be  executed  at  night. 

In  behalf  of  a  patient  public  that  has  long  been  grievously 
imposed  upon  by  partisan  biographers,  the  writer  asks  unani 
mous  consent  that  references  to  "fastnesses,"  with  which  Brown 
is  said  to  have  been  "familiar  for  seventeen  years"  be  barred, 
henceforth,  from  the  literature  of  this  subject;  the  inhibition 
to  include  all  the  patterns  of  fastnesses  which  have  been  ex 
ploited;  from  the  inaccessible  kind  of  1859  down  through  the 
intervening  years,  ending  with  the  hill-top  variety  of  fifty  years 
after. 


tribute  to  a  gallant  soul  who  had  met  a  soldier's  death  upon  these  rugged 
heights.     It  read: 

"SERGT.  —  [Name    forgotten] 

CO.  H.  7th,  S.  €. 

THE  BRAVE  DIE 

BUT  ONCE," 


CHAPTER  XV 

HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE 

All  merit  comes 

From  daring  the  unequal, 
All  glory  comes  from  daring  to  begin. 

-  EUGENE  WARE 

BEGINNING  with  January,  1857,  one  thing  is  clearly  disclosed 
and  made  conclusive  by  the  record  of  Brown's  subsequent  activ 
ities  :  that  he  contemplated  an  armed  invasion  and  conquest  of 
the  Southern  States.  His  correspondence,  and  the  long  line  of 
historical  incidents  which  touch  his  life,  during  the  time  inter 
vening  between  that  date  and  the  collapse*  of  his  fortunes  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  show  that  his  mind  was  preoccupied  with  plans 
for  the  accomplishment  of  that  stupendous  purpose.  He  be 
lieved  that  the  slaves  could  be  induced  to  rise  against  their  mas 
ters  ;  assassinate  them  and  their  families,  and  declare  their  free 
dom.  From  the  ranks  of  the  f reedmen,  he  planned  to  recruit  an 
army  for  the  occupation  of  the  territory  affected  by  the  insur 
rection,  and  for  further  invasion ;  and  to  establish  and  maintain 
the  authority  of  a  provisional  government. 

His  scheme  for  conquest  was  probably  a  result  of  his  re 
lations  with  Hugh  Forbes.  Together  the  two  adventurers 
planned  the  details  for  the  undertaking.  It  was  in  pursuance 
of  their  plans  for  this  purpose  that  Brown  engaged  Forbes's 
services,  at  a  salary  of  a  hundred  dollars  a  month ;  ordered  the 
thousand  spears ;  published  the  Manual  of  the  Patriotic  Volun 
teer;  planned  to  lure  the  soldiery  of  the  Union  from  their  "ser 
vice  with  Satan  to  the  service  of  God" ;  planned  to  drive  a  nail 
into  Captain  Kidd's  treasure-chest  —  whatever  that  meant; 


342  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

r 

I  planned  the  War  College,  whereat  the  prospective  generals  for 
the  prospective  army,  and  the  prospective  members  for  the 
prospective  cabinet  of  the  prospective  Provisional  Government, 
were  to  be  instructed,  under  the  direction  of  Forbes,  in  the  sci- 

I  ence  of  war,  and  in  the  science  of  civil  government.  It  was  for 
his  civil  and  military  leaders  that  he  engaged  Stevens,  Cook, 

I    Kagi,  Tidd,  Parsons,  Realf,  Gill,  and  others,  and  placed  them 

I    in  the  school  of  instruction. 

I  To  hedge  against  treason,  he  met  with  his  embryonic  gen- 
J  erals  and  secretaries  at  Chatham,  Canada,  and  in  convention 
/%  assembled  adopted  a  "Constitution  and  Ordinances"  for  the 
Provisional  Government,  which,  among  its  provisions,  declared 
the  confiscation  of  the  "entire  personal  and  real  property  of  all 
persons  known  to  be  acting  with  or  for  the  enemy,  or  found 
wilfully  holding  slaves."  This  constitution  had  been  printed 
and  copies  of  it  were  available  at  the  Kennedy  farm.  Every 
man  who  marched  with  Brown  to  Harper's  Ferry  had  read  it, 
or  had  heard  it  read,  and  had  sworn  allegiance  to  the  govern 
ment  it  represented. 
1 — '  December  23,  1858,  Merriam  wrote  to  Brown :  "I  have 
heard  vaguely  of  your  contemplated  action  and  now  Mr.  Red- 
path  and  Mr.  Hinton  have  told  me  your  contemplated  action, 
in  which  I  earnestly  wish  to  join  you  in  any  capacity  you  wish 
to  place  me  as  far  as  my  small  capacities  go."  405  He  spent  the 
winter  in  Hayti  in  company  with  Redpath,  and  knew  how 
Brown  intended  to  "assail  the  Slave  Power."  406 

The  message  that  Brown  requested  Conductor  Phelps  to  com 
municate  to  the  management  of  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Rail 
road,  interdicting  further  traffic  over  the  road,  was  a  declara 
tion  of  war.  It  was  the  first  and  only  "Proclamation"  issued 
by  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 

'  ernment.  At  the  time  he  gave  out  this  declaration  —  1 :25 
A.  M.,  October  17,  1859  —  he  and  his  captains  confidently  be- 

405  Mason  Report,  66-67. 

406  Redpath,  8. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  343 

lieved  their  insurrection  to  be  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  in 
itiation  ;  that  the  country  in  the  vicinity  was  then  in  the  throes 
of  a  slaughter  that  spared  neither  sex  nor  age ;  that  hordes  of 
black  fiends,  like  furies,  were  surging  over  the  land  in  a  riot  of 
unimaginable  proportions.  These  adventurers  believed  that 
their  dreams  of  conquest  were  about  to  be  realized;  and  that 
the  rioting  thousands,  excited  into  a  frenzy  by  the  bloody  deeds 
which  had  set  them  free,  were  already  pressing  in  bands  to  join 
them  at  the  appointed  rendezvous  to  fill  the  ranks  of  the  "Army 
of  Liberation" ;  that  it  was  solely  a  question  of  time  —  a  few 
hours  at  most  —  until  these  allies  would  be  arriving,  and  they 
would  have  control  of  an  army  sufficiently  strong  to  establish 
and  maintain  their  authority. 

That  the  slaves'  sole  way  to  freedom  lay  over  the  dead  bodie\ 
of  their  masters,  was  a  self-evident  proposition.  The  slaves 
knew  by  tradition  and  by  experience,  and  Brown  and  his  cap 
tains  knew,  that  if  they  —  the  slaves  —  ran  away  from  their 
masters  to  join  his  forces,  the  masters,  reenforced  by  the  citizen 
soldiery,  would  pursue  them  immediately,  and  recover  them  be 
fore  they  could  organize  for  either  defensive  or  aggressive  war 
fare.  The  problem  of  Harper's  Ferry  had  been  solved  by  the 
philosophy  of  the  Pottawatomie.  The  same  questions  were  in 
volved  in  each  venture :  how  to  get  the  "goods"  and  keep  therr 

-  how  to  get  the  slaves  for  the  Provisional  Army  and  fore-\ 
stall  pursuit.     It  was  the  Pottawatomie  amplified.  /- 

Brown  intended  to  create  the  "Provisional  Army"  in  the 
enemy's  country;  hence,  it  was  essential  for  him  to  commence 
the  undertaking  by  striking  the  most  crushing  blow  that  it  was 
possible  for  him  to  deliver.  The  success  of  the  movement  de 
pended  upon  his  ability  to  strike  a  blow  so  terrible  that  the  sur 
vivors  of  the  carnage,  dazed  and  paralyzed  by  the  horrors  of  the 
existing  conditions,  would  be  incapable  of  organizing  and  send 
ing  any  opposing  force  to  attack  him.  Therefore  the  assassina 
tions  —  the  destruction  of  the  persons  who,  otherwise,  would  ^ 
pursue.  That  was  the  central  feature  of  the  movement,  the 


344  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

base  of  the  scheme,  the  blow  which  he  intended  to  strike.  It 
was  the  only  blow  which  he  could  strike ;  the  only  weapon  that 
he  could  use  of  which  any  one  stood  in  awe.  The  blow  which 
he  would  have  to  strike  if  he  would  win,  was  the  blow  which 
he  had  told  his  Eastern  friends  he  could  strike:  a  blow  that 
would  shake  the  slave  system  to  its  foundation  —  the  blow 
which  he  had  promised  Gerrit  Smith  he  would  strike,  and 
doubtless,  told  him  how  he  intended  to  strike  it. 

CTo  the  men  from  the  Pottawatomie,  a  massacre  was  simply 
means  to  an  end.  Brown  and  his  sons  harbored  no  feelings 
of  animosity  toward  the  Doyles,  the  Shermans,  and  Wilkin 
son  ;  but  they  knew  that  these  men  would  not  give  up  to  them, 
peaceably,  the  property  which  they  coveted,  therefore  they  mur 
dered  them  and  took  their  horses.  They  knew  that  the  owners 
of  slaves  and  lands  in  the  Southern  States  would  not,  peaceably, 
relinquish  their  ownership  of  this  property;  therefore  they 
planned  to  incite  the  slaves  to  kill  their  masters  while  they  slept 
—  and  having  thus  emancipated  the  slaves,  confiscate  the  estates 
of  the  slave-holders,  apd  put  the  assassins  and  themselves 
in  possession  of  them.  (This  massacre,  the  most  horrible  "that 
was  ever  seriously  contemplated  in  the  brain  of  man,  was  to  be 
executed  under  the  pretense  that  it  was  an  humanitarian  meas 
ure.  In  the  name  of  humanity,  they  proposed  to  undertake  the 
nidnight  assassination  of  millions  of  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren,  and  to  contend  for  justification  for  their  actions.  The 
word,  with  Brown,  was  a  convenience,  or  an  interchangeable 
term.  A  definition  of  it,  in  the  sense  in  which  he  used  the  word, 
s  found  in  his  personal  understanding,  or  interpretation  rather, 
of  its  co-relation,  "The  Golden  Rule."  He  is  quoted  by  San- 
Dorn  and  others  as  having  stated  "more  than  once" :  "I  be- 
ieve  in  the  Golden  Rule  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
[  think  that  both  mean  the  same  thing;  and  it  is  better  that  a 
whole  generation  should  pass  off  the  face  of  the  earth  —  men, 
women  and  children  —  by  a  violent  death  than  that  one  jot  of 


\ 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  345 

either  should  fail  in  this  country.     I  mean  exactly  so,  sir.",^7 

The  possibility  that  the  blacks  in  the  South  might  attempt  to 
gain  their  freedom  by  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites,  was  a 
condition  co-existent  with  their  enslavement.  After  1831  that 
possibility  became  a  fixed  impending  probability ;  and  the  ques 
tion  of  means  to  prevent  the  inevitable  cataclysm  of  blood,  was 
a  matter  of  constant  concern  in  the  economy  of  the  Southern 
States;  with  the  result  that  various  preventive  measures  were 
adopted  to  discourage  the  possibility  of  attempts,  by  the  slaves, 
to  organize  for  such  undertakings,  or  to  fit  themselves,  by  ed 
ucation  or  otherwise,  to  promote  such  organizations. 

In  the  philosophy  of  John  Brown,  what  Nat  Turner  had  done 
in  a  section  of  Southampton  County,  Virginia,  could,  if  properly 
promoted,  be  done  in  any  other  section  or  locality;  and,  if  in 
any  locality,  then  in  every  locality,  or  throughout  the  whole 
South.  Therefore,  an  insurrection  by  the  slaves,  having  for 
its  object  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  State  governments  of 
the  South,  was  a  venture,  from  his  point  of  view,  which  might 
be  undertaken  with  reasonable  prospects  for  success;  the  ulti 
mate  result  depending  largely  upon  his  ability  to  organize  the 
slaves  effectively  for  revolt;  to  equip  them  for  the  initial  up 
rising,  and  thereafter  to  capably  direct  the  movement. 

No  disaster  that  ever  befell  our  country,  war  not  excepted, 
was  in  any  respect  comparable  with  the  horrors  which  would  be 
incidental  to  a  slave  insurrection;  yet  our  people  lived  during 
more  than  half  a  century  in  the  shadow  of  that  menace.  They 
lived  in  a  state  of  continual  apprehension  that  it,  the  most 
stupendous  of  conceivable  calamities,  might  at  any  time  over 
whelm  them. 

For  years  patrols   had   ridden   the   roads   and   men  had 

watched  of  night  lest  the  negroes  turn  upon  their  masters. 

It  was.an  ever  present  fear.     That  the  Abolitionists  wished 

the  slaves  to  rise  and  kill  their  masters  in  their  beds  was  a  be- 

407  Sanborn,   122. 


346  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

lief  widely  held  in  the  South  and  often  publicly  expressed, 

and  no  happening-  that  could  be  imagined  contained  a  greater 

possibility  of  horror  and  bloodshed.408 

It  has  been  said,  and  there  is  great  force  in  the  statement 
that  the  "Underground  Railroad,"  instead  of  working  hardship 
and  great  loss  to  slave-holders,  was,  in  reality  "the  safety-valve 
to  the  institution."  It  was  the  sluice  for  the  overflow  of  the 
dangerous  class  —  the  able  and  discontented.  The  Under 
ground  was  organized  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
and  had  on  its  rolls  more  than  30,000  "employees."  It  carried 
away  from  the  South,  probably  75,000  slaves  of  the  value  of 
more  than  $30,000,000.  The  slaves  who  thus  sought  and  ob 
tained  their  liberty,  taking  the  risk  of  arrest  and  punishment  in 
their  attempts  to  gain  it,  were  the  ablest  and  the  most  influential 
among  them.  Had  they  remained  in  slavery,  these  men  would 
have  further  developed  and  become  leaders  among  the  slaves, 
and  would  have  organized  them  and  led  them  into  insurrection. 
"Had  they  remained,  the  direful  scenes  of  San  Domingo  would 
have  been  enacted,  and  the  hot,  vengeful  breath  of  massacre 
would  have  swept  the  South  as  a  tornado  and  blanched  the 
cheek  of  the  civilized  world."  409 

Brown  knew  about  the  hot  vengeful  breath  which  had  swept 
the  white  population  from  the  fair  face  of  San  Domingo.  And 
he  was  familiar  with  the  attempts  which  had  been  made  to  re 
light  its  fires  in  this  country,  and  to  start  the  tornado  of  death. 
He  was  familiar  with  what  his  predecessors  in  the  insurrection 
business  had  done,  and  with  what  they  had  tried  to  do.  He 
knew,  too,  or  thought  he  knew,  why  they  had  failed.  Naturally 
he  sought  to  avoid  the  mistakes  which  they  had  committed,  and 
to  safeguard  his  operations  by  improving  upon  their  methods. 
The  seizure  of 'Harper's  Ferry  was  not  a  "Foray  into  Virginia," 
as  Mr.  Sanborn  chooses  to  call  it ;  neither  was  it  a  "Raid"  as  Mr. 
Villard,  with  conspicuous  persistence,  seeks  to  make  it  appear 

4<>8  Villard,  436. 

409  Williams,  History  of  Negro  Race  in  America,  59. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  347 

to  have  been;  nor  was  it  either  an  "attack"  upon  the  town  or  a 
"blow"  or  any  other  specious  form  of  movement.  Brown  se 
lected  the  place  and  "occupied"  it  as  the  base  for  his  military 
operations,  because  he  intended  to  use  the  generous  supplies  of 
war  material,  which  were  then  in  store  there,  for  the  equipment 
of  the  army  that  he  planned  to  organize.  The  occupation  was  to  t 
be  permanent.  It  was  a  stratagem  of  his  campaign,  an  inci 
dent  in  his  main  design. 

By  the  logic  of  the  assassinations,  Brown  believed  he  would  ~.~ 
secure  immunity  from  an  immediate,  or  counter  assault.  In 
stead  of  being  compelled  to  defend  his  position  against  attack 
by  the  militia,  and  by  companies  of  armed  citizens,  which  might  ' 
be  improvised  for  the  occasion,  he  contemplated  spending  the 
first  "few  weeks"  of  the  campaign  in  comparative  security; 
publishing,  far  and  wide,  the  proclamation  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  with  its  lure  for  adventurers  in  civil  and  military 
life;  debauching  the  citizenship  of  the  country  and  the  soldiery 
of  the  Union.  He  also  contemplated  having  leisure  to  attend 
such  diplomatic  functions  as  might  be  incidental  to  the  situa 
tion,  including  negotiations  with  foreign  nations,  and  the  prob 
lems  of  "Foreign  intervention,"  Northern  conventions,  etc.410 

Forbes's  letter  of  May  14,  1858,  heretofore  quoted,  discloses 

Brown's  theory  of  the  invasion ;  it  deals  with  the  facts  of 
Brown's  secret  movement  then  pending  in  the  untried  future. 
These  two  men  had  agreed  upon  an  invasion  of  the  South  under 
cover  of  an  "insurrection."  The  opinion  Forbes  gave  Dr. 
Howe  therein  is  a  dissenting  one,  for  personal  reasons,  from  his 
agreement  with  Brown.  In  the  revised  opinion,  Forbes  stated 
his  belief  that  the  insurrection  would  fail ;  that  it  would  be 
"either  a  flash  in  the  pan,  or  it  would  leap  beyond  his  control  or 
any  control,"  and  after  having  spent  its  force  in  a  riot  of  blood 
would  be  stamped  out.  Brown  thought  otherwise;  he  was 
"sure  of  a  response,"  and  believed  that  he  could  safeguard 
against  "a  flash  in  the  pan."  With  the  question  of  "losing  con- 
314. 


348  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

trol"  of  the  insurrection  he  was  not  concerned;  that  was  a 
bridge  which  he  would  cross  when  he  came  to  it.  Under  his 
control,  a  whole  generation  was  to  pass  off  the  face  of  the  earth 
by  a  violent  death,  and  nothing  much  could  occur  in  excess  of 
that  if  the  insurrection  did  happen  to  get  beyond  it.  The  hurri 
cane  of  horrors  which  he  proposed  to  unloose,  could  not  sweep 
too  far  for  his  purposes ;  he  would  have  it  spread  to  every 
Southern  State,  and  in  the  language  of  Jeremiah  Goldsmith 
Anderson,  "make  this  land  of  liberty  and  equality  shake  to  the 
center."  411 

That  Brown  expected  to  be  strongly  supported  by  a  secret 
colored  military  organization  existing  in  the  North,  and  "that 
had  its  ramifications  extended  through  most  or  nearly  all  of  the 
Slave  States,"  is  more  than  probable.  This  organization  was 
represented  at  the  Chatham  convention  by  G.  J.  Reynolds,  of 
Sandusky,  Ohio,  "a  colored  man  (very  little  colored,  how 
ever)";  and  after  the  convention  adjourned,  Geo.  B.  Gill  was 
sent  to  Oberlin,  Berlin  Heights,  and  Milan,  Ohio,  to  verify  the 
statements  which  Reynolds  had  made  concerning  its  forces. 
Gill  met  him  and  "under  the  pledge  of  secrecy  which  we  gave 
to  each  other  at  the  Chatham  convention,"  he  says,  Reynolds 
took  him  to  the  room  where  they  held  their  meetings,  and  used 
as  their  arsenal,  and  showed  him  "a  fine  collection  of  arms." 
"On  my  return  to  Cleveland,"  continues  Gill,  "he  passed  me, 
through  the  organization,  first  to  J.  J.  Pierce,  colored,  at  Milan, 
who  paid  my  bill  one  night  at  the  Eagle  Hotel,  and  gave  me 
some  money,  and  a  note  to  E.  Moore  at  Norwalk ;  who  in  turn 
paid  my  hotel  bill,  and  purchased  a  railroad  ticket  through  to 
Cleveland  for  me."  Reynolds  asserted  that  they  were  "only 
waiting  for  Brown  or  some  one  else  to  make  a  successful  in 
itiative  move,  when  their  forces  would  be  put  in  motion."  412 

It  must  not  be  assumed,  because  Brown  did  not  publish  a 

411Villard,  682. 

412  Hinton   Papers,   Kansas    Historical    Society. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  349 

transcript  of  his  plans  for  the  insurrection  and  invasion,  that  he 
was  "without  any  clear  and  definite  plan  of  campaign,"  and  that  ^ 
the  consequences  of  his  plans  had  not  been  anticipated,  and  pro-  ^ 
vided  for  in  minutest  detail,   for  he  was  methodical.     Also, 
secrecy  was  characteristic   of  his  methods.     Salmon   Brown 
said  : 413     "Father  had  a  peculiarity  for  insisting  on  order. 
He  would  insist  on  getting  everything  arranged  just  to  suit 
him  before  he  would  consent  to  make  a  move." 

And  to  Kagi  Brown  wrote  July  10th : 414  "Do  not  use  much 
paper  to  put  names  of  persons  &  plans  upon." 

The  nature  of  Brown's  plans,  and  of  his  intentions,  and  of  his 
engagements,  must  therefore  be  drawn  from  the  documentary 
evidence  obtainable,  and  from  such  reasonable  inferences  as  can 
be  derived  from  the  actions  of  the  invaders;  from  the  things 
which  they  did  while  they  were  free  to  do  as  they  pleased  ;v> 
while  they  were  yet  unrestrained  by  the  forces  which  later  over 
came  them;  and  from  such  contemporaneous  testimony,  relat 
ing  to  the  subject,  as  may  be  available.  What  they  said  when 
in  prison,  and  in  view  of  the  impending  gallows,  about  what 
they  intended  to  do,  is  not  the  best  evidence  of  what  their  in 
tentions  were. 

On  the  19th  of  August,  Mr.  Frederick  Douglass  met  John 
Brown,  by  appointment,  at  an  old  stone  quarry  in  the  vicinity 
of  Chambersburg.  At  that  interview,  Brown  disclosed  to  Mr. 
Douglass  his  intention  to  seize  Harper's  Ferry.  Mr.  Douglass 
said : 415 

The  taking  of  Harper's  Ferry,  of  which  Brown  had  merely 
hinted  before,  was  now  declared  his  settled  purpose,  and  he 
wanted  to  know  what  I  thought  of  it.  I  opposed  it  with  all 
the  arguments  at  my  command.  .  .  He  was  not  to  be 
shaken  but  treated  my  views  respectfully,  replying  that  even 

413  Villard,  424. 
4'4Villard,  406. 
415  Sanborn,  539. 


350  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

if  surrounded  he  would  find  means  to  cut  his  way  out. 
.  .  .  In  parting,  he  put  his  arms  around  me  in  a  manner 
more  than  friendly,  and  said,  "Come  with  me,  Douglas ;  I 
will  defend  you  with  my  life.  I  want  you  for  a  special  pur 
pose.  When  I  strike  the  bees  will  begin  to  swarm,  and  I 
shall  want  you  to  help  hive  them."  .  . 

The  project  that  Brown  had  in  view  was  clearly  foreshad 
owed  by  Jeremiah  G.  Anderson,  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote,  late 
in  September,  to  a  brother  in  Iowa.  He  said : 416 

Our  mining  company  will  consist  of  between  twenty-five 
and  thirty  men  well  equipped  with  tools.  You  can  tell 
Uncle  Dan  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  see  him  before 
next  spring.  If  my  life  is  spared  I  will  be  tired  of  work  by 
that  time,  and  I  shall  visit  my  relatives  and  friends  in  Iowa, 
if  I  can  get  leave  of  absence.  At  present  I  am  bound  by  all 
that  is  honorable  to  continue  in  the  course.  We  go  in  to  win, 
at  all  hazards.  So  if  you  should  hear  of  failure,  it  will  be 
after  a  desperate  struggle,  and  loss  of  capital  on  both  sides. 
But  this  is  the  last  of  our  thoughts.  Everything  seems  to 
work  to  our  hands,  and  victory  will  surely  perch  upon  our 
banner.  The  old  man  has  had  this  in  view  for  twenty  years, 
and  last  winter  was  just  a  hint  and  trial  of  what  could  be 
done.  This  is  not  a  large  place  but  a  very  precious  one  to 
Uncle  Sam,  as  he  had  a  great  many  tools  here/  I  expect 
(when  I  start  again  travelling)  to  start  at  this  pfacr  and  go 
through  the  State  of  Virginia  and  on  south,  just  as  circum 
stances  require ;  mining  and  prospecting,  and  carrying  the 
ore  with  us.  I  suppose  this  is  the  last  letter  I  shall  write 
you  before  "there  is  something  in  the  wind.  Whether  I  shall 
have  an  opportunity  of  sending  letters  then,  I  do  not  know, 
but  when  I  have  an  opportunity  I  shall  improve  it.  But  if 
you  don't  get  any  from  me,  don't  take  it  for  granted  that  I 
am  gone  up  till  you  know  it  to  be  so.  I  consider  my  life 
about  as  safe  in  one  place  as  another. 

The  following  interesting  and  instructive  document  discloses 
the  formation  of  Anderson's  mining  company,  and  indicates  the 
«6Sanborn.  545. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  351 

character  of  the  "mining"  which  the  operators  intended  to  en 
gage  in.     It  reads  as  follows : 

HEADQUARTERS  WAR  DEPARTMENT,  PROVISIONAL  ARMY. 

Harper's  Ferry,  October  10,  1859. 
General  Orders  No.  1. 

ORGANIZATION 

The  divisions  of  the  provisional  army  and  the  coalition  are 
hereby  established  as  follows: 

1  —  Company. 

A  company  will  consist  of  fifty-six  privates,  twelve  non 
commissioned  officers,  (eight  corporals,  4  sergeants)  three 
commissioned  officers,  (two  lieutenants,  a  captain,)  and  a 
surgeon. 

The  privates  shall  be  divided  into  bands  or  messes  of  seven 
each  numbering  from  one  to  eight,  with  a  corporal  to  each, 
numbered  like  his  band. 

Two  bands  shall  comprise  a  section.  Sections  shall  be 
numbered  from  one  to  four.  A  sergeant  shall  be  attached 
to  each  section  and  numbered  like  it. 

Two  sections  shall  comprise  a  platoon.  Platoons  will  be 
numbered  one  and  two,  and  each  commanded  by  a  lieutenant 
designated  by  like  number. 

2  —  Battalion. 

The  battalion  will  consist  of  four  companies  complete. 
The  commissioned  officers  of  the  battalion  will  be  a  chief  of 
battalion,  and  a  first  and  second  major,  one  of  whom  shall  be 
attached  to  each  wing. 

3  —  The  Regiment. 

The   regiment  will   consist  of   four  battalions   complete. 
The  commissioned  officers  of  the  regiment  will  be  a  colonel 
and  two  lieutenant  colonels,  attached  to  the  wings. 
4_  The  Brigade. 

The  brigade  will  consist  of  four  regiments  complete.  The 
commissioned  officer  of  the  brigade  will  be  a  general  of 
brigade. 


352  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

5  —  Each  General  Staff. 

Each  of  the  above  divisions  will  be  entitled  to  a  general 
staff,  consisting  of  an  adjutant,  a  commissary,  a  musician, 
and  a  surgeon. 

6  —  Appointment. 

Non-commissioned  officers  will  be  chosen  by  those  whom 
they  are  to  command. 

Commissioned  officers  will  be  appointed  and  commissioned 
by  this  department. 

The  staff  officers  of  each  division  will  be  appointed  by  the 
respective  commanders  of  the  same. 

(This  document  is  in  the  handwriting  of  J.  H.  Kagi.)417 
Oliver  Brown  and  Jeremiah  G.  Anderson  were  captains  in  the 

provisional  army.     A  copy  of  Brown's  commission  is  published 

herewith  : 

GREETING : 

HEADQUARTERS  WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

Near  Harper's  Ferry  Maryland. 

Whereas  Oliver  Brown  has  been  nominated  a  captain  in 
the  army  established  under  the  provisional  constitution, 

Now,  therefore,  in  pursuance  of  the  authority  vested  in  us 
by  said  constitution,  we  do  hereby  appoint  and  commission 
the  said  Oliver  Broivn  a  captain. 

Given  at  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  this  day,  Octo 
ber  15,  1859.  JOHN  BROWN, 
J.  H.  KAGI,                                             Commander  in  Chief. 

Secretary  of  War. 

(This  document  is  printed  in  the  original,  with  the  exception 
of  the  words  in  italics  and  the  figures,  which  are  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Kagi,  with  the  exception  of  the  signature  of  John 
Brown,  which  is  in  his  own  hand.)418 

Except  as  to  Mr.  Sanborn  and  Mr.  Stearns,  it  is  hard  to  be 
lieve  that  the  members  of  Brown's  war  committee  were  ig- 

417  Mason   Report,  59-6Q 

418  Mason  Report,  60. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  353 

norant  of  his  intention  to  incite  a  slave  insurrection,  and  invade 
the  South.     Rev.  Theodore  Parker  said  : 

I  should  like  of  all  things  to  see  an  insurrection  of  the     v 

Slaves.     It  must  be  tried  many  times  before  it  succeeds,  as 

at  last  it  must.419 

Dr.  Howe  also  knew  of  the  impending  insurrection.  Mr. 
Sanborn  says :  42° 

Dr.  Howe,  returning  from  Cuba,  ( whither  he  accompanied 
Theodore  Parker  in  February  1859),  journeyed  through  the 
Carolinas,  and  there  accepted  the  hospitality  of  Wade  Hamp 
ton,  and  other  rich  planters ;  and  it  shocked  him  to  think  that 
he  might  be  instrumental  in  giving  up  to  fire  and  pillage 
their  noble  mansions. 

Thaddeus  Hyatt,  of  New  York,  too,  seems  to  have  known 
what  Brown  intended  to  do,  and  from  whence  he  derived  his 
inspirations.  Also  the  indiscriminate  massacre  of  non-combat 
ants,  white  women  and  children,  by  the  negroes  of  Hayti  seems 
to  have  had  his  approbation.  He  presented  to  the  Black  Re 
public  a  portrait421  of  the  man,  John  Brown,  \vho  in  1859 
sought  to  incite  the  negroes  of  the  Southern  States  to  do  what 
the  negroes  of  San  Domingo  did,  when  "one  August  night,  in 
t)he  year  1791  the  wrhole  plain  of  the  north  was  swept  \vith  fire 
and  drenched  with  blood.  Five  hundred  thousand  negro  slaves 
in  the  depths  of  barbarism  revolted,  and  the  horrors  of  the 
massacre  made  Europe  and  America  shudder."  422 

August  27,  1859,  Gerrit  Smith  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
the  "Jerry  Rescue  Committee"  : 423 

It  is,  perhaps,  too  late  to  bring  slavery  to  an  end  by 

peaceable  means,  —  -    too  late  to  vote  it  down.     For  many 

419  Frothingham.  Parker,  475. 

420  Sanborn,  491,  note  2. 

421  Two  paintings  of   Brown  were  made  by   Nathan  B.   Onthank ;   the 
other  one  is  in   the   Boston  Athenaeum.     Villard,  xiii. 

422  Henry  Adams,  History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  i,  380. 

423  Frothingham,  Gerrit  Smith,  249. 


354  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

years  I  have  feared,  and  published  my  fears,  that  it  would  go 
out  in  blood.  These  fears  have  grown  into  a  belief.  So 
debauched  are  the  white  people  by  slavery  that  there  is  not 
virtue  enough  left  in  them  to  put  it  down.  .  .  The  feel 
ing  among  the  blacks  that  they  must  deliver  themselves  gains 
strength  with  fearful  rapidity.  No  wonder,  then,  is  it  that 
intelligent  black  men  in  the  States  and  in  Canada  should  see 
no  hope  for  their  race  in  the  practice  and  policy  of  white 
men.  .  .  Whoever  he  may  be  that  foretells  the  horrible 
end  of  American  slavery,  is  held  at  the  North  and  the  South 
to  be  a  lying  prophet,  —  another  Cassandra.  The  South 
would  not  respect  her  own  Jefferson's  prediction  of  servile 
insurrection ;  how  then  can  it  be  hoped  that  she  will  respect 
another's?  .  .  .  And  is  it  entirely  certain  that  these  in 
surrections  will  be  put  down  promptly,  and  before  they  can 
have  spread  far?  Will  telegraphs  and  railroads  be  too  swift 
for  the  swiftest  insurrections?  Remember  that  telegraphs 
and  railroads  can  be  rendered  useless  in  an  hour.  Remember 
too  that  many  who  would  be  glad  to  face  the  insurgents 
would  be  busy  in  transporting  their  wives  and  daughters  to 
places  where  they  would  be  safe  from  the  worst  fate  that 
husbands  and  fathers  can  imagine  for  their  wives  and  daugh 
ters.  I  admit  that  but  for  this  embarrassment  Southern  men 
would  laugh  at  the  idea  of  an  insurrection  and  would  quickly 
dispose  of  one.  But  trembling  as  they  would  for  beloved 
ones,  I  know  of  no  part  of  the  world,  where,  so  much  as  in 
the  South,  men  would  be  like,  in  a  formidable  insurrection, 
to  lose  the  most  important  time,  and  be  distracted  and  panic 
stricken. 

Commenting  upon  this  letter,  Mr.  Sanborn,  after  quoting 
from  Mr.  Smith's  biographer  the  expression  "This  Cassandra 
spoke  from  certainty,"  says  that  he  (Smith)  "knew  what 
Brown's  purpose  was ;  and  his  last  contribution  to  Brown's  cam 
paign  was  made  about  the  time  the  Syracuse  letter  was  written." 
Referring  to  the  same  letter,  his  biographer,  Frothingham, 
says: 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  355 

It  is  hard  to  believe  that  the  writer  of  these  passages  had 
not  had  John  Brown's  general  plan  in  mind.  There  was  no 
visible  sign  of  peril.  The  blacks,  North  and  South,  were  to 
all  appearances  quiet.  .  .  But  for  the  whole-handed 
destruction  of  documents  immediately  on  the  failure  of  the 
project,  Mr.  Smith's  participation  in  John  Brown's  general 
plans  could  be  made  to  appear  still  closer. 

As  late  as  1867,  Mr.  Smith  disclaimed  having  any  knowledge 
of  Brown's  plans  or  of  his  intentions.  He  denied  that  he  gave 
money  with  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  insurrection.  Concern 
ing  this  Mr.  Frothingham  continues  : 

Did  Gerrit  Smith  really  think  that  this  was  a  complete  and 
truthful  statement  of  his  relations  with  John  Brown?  A 
statement  in  which  nothing  true  was  suppressed,  and  nothing 
untrue  suggested?  A  statement  that  would  be  satisfactory 
to  Edward  Morton,  and  F.  B.  Sanborn  and  Dr.  Howe  and 
other  friends  of  the  Martyr  ?  .  .  .  We  must  believe  that 
his  insanity  obliterated  a  certain  class  of  impressions,  while 
another  class  of  impressions  on  the  same  subject  remained 
distinct. 

The  theory  of  Brown's  operations  being  the  conquest  of  the 
South  through  an  insurrection  of  the  slaves,  the  collapse  of  the 
scheme  was  coincident  with  the  failure  of  the  slaves  to  execute 
the  part  assigned  to  them  in  the  plan  of  the  invasion.  It  is 
herein  that  Brown's  leadership  may  be  criticised.  The  crea 
tion  of  the  army  depended  upon  the  success  of  the  insurrection. 
The  latter,  therefore,  should  have  been  made  safe  —  beyond 
the  possibility  of  failure  —  before  he  committed  any  subordin 
ate  irremediable  acts. 

At  Cleveland,  Brown  took  credit  for  never  having  killed  any 
body,  but  said,  in  a  self  conscious  manner,  referring  to  his 
Kansas  successes,  that  on  "some  occasions  he  had  shown  his 
young  men  with  him  how  some  things  might  be  done  as  well  as 
others  and  that  they  had  done  them."  Brown  plainly  attrib 
uted  the  failure  of  the  insurrection,  and  his  consequent  failure, 

23 


356  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

to  a  cause  which  he  could  have  controlled  —  to  his  failure  to  do 
things  which  he  could  have  done,  and  which  he  then  reproached 
himself  for  not  having  done. 

"It  is  my  own  fault,"  he  said,  October  18th,  "that  I  have  been 
taken.  I  could  easily  have  saved  myself  from  it,  had  I  exer 
cised  my  own  better  judgment  rather  than  yielded  to  my  feel 
ings." 

"You  mean  if  you  had  escaped  immediately?"  inquired  Mr. 
Mason. 

"No,"  he  said,  "I  had  the  means  to  make  myself  secure  with 
out  any  escape,  but  I  allowed  myself  to  be  surrounded  by  a  force 
tjf  by  being  too  tardy." 

Brown  had  planned  how  to  prevent  being  surrounded,  and 
continuing  said :  "I  do  not  know  that  I  should  reveal  my  plans. 
I  am  here  a  prisoner  and  wounded  because  I  foolishly  allowed 
myself  to  be  so.  You  overrate  yourself  in  supposing  I  could 
have  been  taken  if  I  had  not  allowed  it." 

Nat  Turner  had  shown  his  followers  how  to  start  an  insur 
rection.  He  personally  spilled  the  first  blood,  the  blood  which 
turned  loose  the  furies  in  Southampton  County,  and  Brown 
now  saw,  too  late,  that  if  he  and  his  captains  had  each  led  a 
party  of  negroes,  as  Turner  had  led ;  and  shown  them  how  to 
kill,  as  Turner  had  shown  his  followers;  they  too  might  have 
/,  turned  loose  the  furies  of  which  Brown  and  Forbes  dreamed, 
and  launched  the  hurricane  of  death.  Then,  with  thousands  of 
rioting  slaves,  brandishing  their  bloody  spears,  the  occupation 
of  Harper's  Ferry  would  have  been  but  an  incident  of  minor 
importance  in  this  history. 

Forbes  perceived  the  weak  link  in  the  chain  of  Brown's  fore 
cast,  and  made  the  point,  that  unless  the  slaves  were  "already  in 
a  state  of  agitation,  there  might  be  no  response,  or  a  feeble 
one."  But  Brown,  carried  away  by  an  enthusiasm  inspired  by 
a  continuous  contemplation  of  the  grandeur  of  his  scheme, 
failed  to  give  the  warning  the  consideration  which  its  impor- 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  357 

tance  deserved.  He  dismissed  Forbes's  caution  with  the  con 
fident  assertion  that  he  "was  sure  of  a  response."  His  over- 
confidence  led  to  his  immediate  undoing.  Upon  the  rock  that 
Forbes  had  pointed  out  foundered  the  new-born  ship  of  state. 
The  great  uprising  of  the  blacks  upon  which  he  relied,  failed  to 
materialize;  the  thousands  of  reinforcements  which  he  looked 
for,  appeared  not  at  all.424  The  plans  for  the  conquest  of  the 
Southern  States,  and  for  the  establishment  of  the  Provisional 
Government  miscarried. 

Concerning  Brown  and  his  plans  Mr.  Vallandigham  said  : 
It  is  in  vain  to  underestimate  the  man  or  the  conspiracy. 
Captain  John  Brown  is  as  brave  and  resolute  a  man  as  ever 
headed  an  insurrection,  and,  in  a  good  cause,  and  with  a  suf 
ficient  force,  would  have  been  a  consummate  partisan  com 
mander.     He   has   coolness,   daring,   persistency,  the   stoic 
faith  and  patience,  and  a  firmness  of  will  and  purpose  un 
conquerable.     He  is  the  farthest  possible  removed  from  the 
ordinary  ruffian,  fanatic  or  madman.     Certainly  it  was  the 
best  planned  and  best  executed  conspiracy  that  ever  failed.425 
John  Brown  was  not  a  pioneer  in  the  slave  insurrection  busi 
ness,  nor  does  his  plan  of  procedure  at  Harper's  Ferry  suggest 
any  novelties  or  anything  original  in  the  way  of  such  insurrec 
tions.     He  had  before  him  a  long  line  of  precedents  and  ex-    / 
amples  which  he  studied ;  and  ideals,  written  in  blood,  which  he  y 
sought  to  emulate.     His  heroes  were  Toussaint  L'Ouverture 
and  Nat  Turner,  their  hands  red  with  the  blood  of  innocence. 
Turner  had  killed  between  fifty  and  sixty  white  people,  mostly 
women  and  children,  and  Mr.  Redpath  tells  us  that  Brown 
"admired  this  negro  patriot  equally  with  George  Washing 
ton."     Turner  was  his  most  recent  and  most  direct  example. 
It  was  from  what  Turner  had  done,  that  Brown  and  Forbes 
formed  their  estimates  of  what  they   could  do.     From  the 

424Villard,  468. 
425  Redpath,  285. 


358  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

example  furnished  by  this  ideal  patriot,  they  framed  the  Mary 
land-Virginia  equation.  They  reasoned  in  this  way :  If  an 
ignorant  slave,  with  a  score  of  poorly  armed  negro  followers, 
who  were  also  slaves,  could  kill  sixty  white  people  in  a  day, 
how  many  white  people  could  a  thousand  negroes,  who  are  well 
equipped  for  midnight  slaughter,  kill  in  a  single  night?  Their 
solution  of  that  problem  found  expression  in  the  order  which 
they  placed,  in  March,  1857,  with  the  Collinsville  blacksmith. 
It  was  Brown's  answer  to  this  question,  expanded  as  Brown 
sought  to  expand  it  at  Harper's  Ferry,  that  was  to  "make 
slavery  totter  from  its  foundations." 

Upon  several  occasions  —  notably,  once  in  South  Carolina, 
and  twice  in  Virginia  —  the  slaves  of  this  country  had  en 
gaged  in  conspiracies  against  their  masters.  In  each  instance 
the  men  who  promoted  the  revolt  were  themselves  slaves.  In 
two  instances  the  insurgents  planned  to  seize  the  arsenals,  and 
public  arms  and  ammunition,  as  Brown  planned  to  do,  and  did, 
at  Harper's  Ferry.  In  each  instance  the  revolt  was  to  be  ac 
complished  by  a  general  massacre  of  the  white  inhabitants. 
Brown  and  Forbes,  in  1857,  studied  the  trails  that  had  been 
blazed  on  these  occasions,  and  planned  with  reference  to  the  ex 
periences  of  the  men  who  had  directed  the  efforts. 

The  first  attempt  at  insurrection  in  this  country  was  led  by 
"General"  Gabriel  in  September,  1800.  The  date  agreed  upon 
was  Saturday  [Monday],  September  1st.  The  place  of  rendez 
vous  was  on  a  brook  six  miles  from  Richmond,  Virginia.  The 
force  was  to  comprise  eleven  hundred  men,  divided  into  three 
divisions.  The  attack  was  to  have  been  made  upon  Richmond, 
then  a  town  of  eight  thousand  population,  under  cover  of  the 
night.426 

The  plan  for  the  occupation  of  Richmond  was  similar  in  some  , 
respects  to  Brown's  plans  at  Harper's  Ferry.  One  of  the  di-( 
visions  of  the  army  was  to  take  the  penitentiary,  which  had- 

426  Williams,  History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America,  84. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  359 

been  improvised  into  an  arsenal.  Another  division  was  to  seize 
the  powder-house.  A  statement  of  the  trouble  was  published 
in  the  United  States  Gazette  of  Philadelphia,  September  8, 
1800: 

The  penitentiary  held  several  thousand  stand  of  arms; 
the  powder-house  was  well  stocked;  the  capitol  contained 
the  State  Treasury;  the  mills  would  give  them  bread;  the 
control  of  the  bridge  across  the  James  river  would  keep  off 
enemies  from  beyond.  Thus  secured  and  provided,  they 
planned  to  issue  proclamations,  summoning  to  their  standard 
"their  fellow  negroes  and  the  friends  of  humanity  through 
out  the  continent."  In  a  week  they  estimated  they  would 
have  50,000  men  on  their  side,  when  they  would  possess 
themselves  of  other  towns.427 

A  formidable  insurrection  was  attempted  in  1822  by  Den 
mark  Vesey.  The  slaves  involved  in  this  plot  were  distributed 
over  a  territory  of  forty-five  to  fifty  miles  in  extent  around 
Charleston,  South  Carolina.  Vesey's  plan  of  revolt  contem 
plated  the  wholesale  slaughter  of  the  white  population  and  the 
occupation  of  the  country  by  the  blacks. 

"Every  slave  enlisted  was  sworn  to  secrecy.  Household 
servants  were  rarely  trusted.  Talkative  and  intemperate 
persons  were  not  enlisted.  Women  were  excluded  from  par 
ticipation  in  the  affair  that  they  might  take  care  of  the  chil 
dren.  Peter  Poyas,  it  is  said,  had  enlisted  six  hundred  with 
out  assistance. 

"During  the  excitement  and  the  trial  of  the  supposed  con 
spirators,  rumor  proclaimed  all,  and  doubtless  more  than  all 
the  horrors  of  the  plot.  The  city  was  to  be  fired  in  every 
quarter.  The  arsenal,  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  was  to  be 
broken  open,  and  the  arms  distributed  to  the  insurgents  and 
an  universal  massacre  of  the  white  inhabitants  was  to  take 
place.  Nor  did  there  seem  to  be  any  doubt  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  that  such  would  actually  have  been  the  result,  had 
not  the  plot,  fortunately,  been  detected  before  the  time  ap- 
w  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  x,  339. 


360  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

pointed  for  the  outbreak.  It  was  believed,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  that  every  black  in  the  city  would  join  in  the  insur 
rection,  and  that,  if  the  original  design  had  been  attempted 
and  the  city  taken  by  surprise,  the  negroes  would  have 
achieved  an  easy  victory,  nor  does  it  seem  at  all  impossible 
that  such  might  have  been,  or  yet  may  be  the  case,  if  any  well 
arranged  and  resolute  rising  should  take  place."  The  plot 
failed  because  a  negro,  William  Paul,  "made  enlistments 
without  authority,  and  revealed  the  scheme  to  a  house  ser 
vant.  The  leaders  of  this  attempt  at  insurrection  died  as 
bravely  as  they  had  lived ;  and  it  is  one  of  the  marvels  of  the 
remarkable  affair,  that  none  of  this  class  divulged  any  of  the 
secrets  to  the  court.  The  men  who  did  the  talking  were 
those  who  knew  but  little."  428 

Two  promoters  of  slave  insurrections  were  born  during  the 
year  1800:  John  Brown  and  Nat  Turner.  The  latter  was 
born  in  Southampton  County,  Virginia,  October  2d.  Turner 
became  a  preacher,  and  later,  saw  visions.  He  saw  visions 
of  conflicts  "between  white  spirits  and  black  spirits  engaged 
in  battle;  and  the  sun  was  darkened,  the  thunder  rolled  in 
the  heavens,  and  blood  flowed  in  the  streams.  .  ."  Af 
terward  he  had  another  vision  in  which  an  angel  told  him  that 
"the  time  is  fast  approaching  when  the  'first  shall  be  last  and 
the  last  first'  " ;  which  he  interpreted  as  foreshadowing  the  pro 
motion  of  the  blacks  to  control  in  public  affairs,  and  the  subor 
dination  of  the  whites.  Encouraged  by  his  conclusion,  he  de 
termined  to  attempt  the  promotion  of  the  blacks  by  eliminating 
the  whites.  In  pursuance  of  this  he  planned  a  general  uprising 
of  the  slaves  and  massacre  of  their  white  masters.  His  blow 
was  struck  on  the  night  of  August  21,  1831,  near  Jerusalem 
Court  House,  Virginia. 

Turner  trusted  his  plans  to  four  men  :  Sam  Edwards,  Hark 
Travis,  Henry  Porter,  and  Nelson  Williams.  After  the  plans 
had  been  completed,  Turner  made  a  speech  appropriate  to  the 

428  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  vii,  737. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  361 

occasion.  He  said :  "Our  race  is  to  be  delivered  from  slavery, 
and  God  has  appointed  us  as  the  men  to  do  his  bidding ;  and  let 
us  be  worthy  of  our  calling.  I  am  told  to  slay  all  the  whites  we 
encounter  without  regard  to  age  or  sex.  We  have  no  arms  or 
ammunition  but  we  will  find  these  in  the  homes  of  our  oppress 
ors;  and,  as  we  go  on,  others  can  join  us.  Remember  we  do 
not  go  for  the  sake  of  blood  and  carnage,  but  it  is  necessary  that 
in  the  commencement  of  this  revolution,  all  the  whites  we  meet 
should  die,  until  we  have  an  army  strong  enough  to  carry  on 
the  war  on  a  Christian  basis.  Remember  that  ours  is  not  war 
for  robbery  nor  to  satisfy  our  passions ;  it  is  a  struggle  for  free 
dom.  Ours  must  be  deeds,  not  words.  Then  let  us  away  to 
the  scene  of  action."  In  his  confession  after  sentence  of  death 
had  been  passed  upon  him,  Turner  described  the  scenes  of  the 
murders  which  they  committed.  Of  the  attack  upon  the  home 
of  Joseph  Travis,  his  master,  he  said : 429 

On  returning  to  the  house,  Hark  went  to  the  door  with 
an  axe,  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  it  open,  as  we  knew  we 
were  strong  enough  to  murder  the  family,  should  they  be 
awakened  by  the  noise;  but,  reflecting  that  it  might  create 
an  alarm  in  the  neighborhood,  we  determined  to  enter  the 
house  secretly,  and  murder  them  whilst  sleeping.  Hark  got 
a  ladder  and  set  it  against  the  chimney,  on  which  I  ascended, 
and,  hoisting  a  window,  entered  and  came  down  stairs,  un 
barred  the  doors,  and  removed  the  guns  from  their  places. 
It  was  then  observed  that  I  must  spill  the  first  blood,  on 
which,  armed  with  a  hatchet  and  accompanied  by  Will,  I 
entered  my  master's  chamber.  It  being  dark,  I  could  not 
give  a  death  blow.  The  hatchet  glanced  from  his  head.  He 
sprang  from  the  bed  and  called  his  wife.  It  was  his  last 
word.  Will  laid  him  dead  with  a  blow  of  his  axe. 

After  they  had  taken  the  lives  of  the  Travis  family,  "they 
went  from  plantation  to  plantation,  dealing  death  blows  to  every 
white  man,  woman  and  child  they  found."  A  list  of  the  "dead 

429  Williams,  History    of  the  Negro  Race  in  America,  vol.  ii,  88. 


362  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

that  have  been  buried"  was  published  August  24th :  At  Mrs. 
Whitehead's,  7;  Mrs.  Waller's,  13;  Mr.  Williams's,  3;  Mr. 
Barrow's,  2 ;  Mr.  Vaughn's,  5 ;  Mrs.  Turner's,  3 ;  Mr.  Travis's, 
5;  Mr.  J.  Williams's,  5;  Mr.  Recce's,  4;  names  unknown,  10; 
total,  57." 

The  news  of  the  massacre  spread  rapidly,  and  the  excited 
whites  quickly  armed  themselves  to  suppress  the  insurrection. 
As  a  result,  "Arms  and  ammunition  were  dispatched  in  wagons 
to  the  county  of  Southampton.  The  four  volunteer  companies 
of  Petersburg,  the  dragoons  and  Lafayette  Artillery  Company 
of  Richmond,  one  volunteer  company  from  Norfolk  and  one 
from  Portsmouth,  and  the  regiments  of  Southampton  and  Sus 
sex,  were  at  once  ordered  out.  The  cavalry  and  infantry  took 
up  their  line  of  march  on  Tuesday  evening,  while  the  artillery 
embarked  on  the  steamer  'Norfolk'  and  landed  at  Smithfield."  43° 
A  Mr.  Gray,  to  whom  Turner  made  his  confession,  said  of 
him: 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  describe  the  effects  of  his 
narrative,  as  told,  and  commented  on  by  himself,  in  the  con 
demned  hole  of  the  prison;  the  calm,  deliberate  composure 
with  which  he  spoke  of  his  late  deeds  and  intentions ;  the  ex 
pression  of  his  fiend-like  face,  when  excited  by  enthusiasm ; 
still  bearing  the  stains  of  the  blood  of  helpless  innocence 
about  him,  clothed  with  rags  and  covered  with  chains,  yet 
daring  to  raise  his  manacled  hands  to  Heaven  with  a  spirit 
soaring  above  the  attributes  of  man. 

And  yet,  such  were  the  phenomenal  inconsistencies  occurring 
in  the  philosophy  of  persons  who  professed,  and  who,  perhaps, 
believed  themselves  to  be  humane,  this  negro's  crime  was  ex- 
ultingly  approved  of  by  Brown's  Eastern  supporters.  Mr.  Wil 
liam  Lloyd  Garrison,  at  a  meeting  called  to  witness  "John 
Brown's  resurrection"  said  in  his  speech : 

.     .     .     As  a  peace  man  —  an  "ultra"  peace  man  —  I  am 

prepared  to  say :     "Success  to  every  slave  insurrection  at  the 

430  Richmond  Inquirer,  August  26,  1831. 


HIS  GREAT  ADVENTURE  363 

South,  and  in  every  slave  country."  And  I  do  not  see  how 
I  compromise  or  stain  my  peace  profession  in  making  that 
declaration.  .  431 


Villard,  560. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS 

No  man  can  produce  great  things  zvho  is  not  thoroughly 
sincere  in  dealing  with  himself.  —  LOWELL 

The  regular  semi-annual  term  of  the  court  of  Jefferson  Coun 
ty,  Virginia,  began  October  20th.  Brown  was  taken  into  cus 
tody  on  Tuesday,  October  18th,  and  on  Tuesday  morning, 
October  25th,  he  was  put  on  trial  for  his  life.  For  this  un 
seemly  haste  the  Virginia  authorities  have  been  censured.  The 
spectacle  of  an  old  man,  physically  incapacitated,  and  suffering 
because  of  recent  wounds,  being  rushed  to  trial  without  rea 
sonable  time  and  opportunity  to  even  secure  friendly  counsel, 
justified  harsh  criticism,  and  did  not  fail  to  win  sympathy  for 
Brown  from  right  thinking  men  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 
Also,  that  wrong  had  much  to  do  with  promoting  his  "martyr 
dom."  It  was,  however,  his  right  to  the  courtesies  of  judicial 
procedure,  in  such  cases,  rather  than  any  of  his  legal  rights,  that 
was  infringed.  In  his  efforts  to  explain  his  purpose  for  being 
at  Harper's  Ferry  he  had  not  only,  in  effect,  confessed  his 
guilt  of  all  the  charges  upon  which  he  was  being  held  for  trial, 
but  had  sought  to  justify  his  conduct  in  relation  to  them.  Mr. 
Greeley,  in  the  Tribune  of  October  25th,  wrote : 432 

As  the  Grand  Jury  of  Jefferson  County  is  already  in  ses 
sion,  the  trial  of  Brown  and  his  confederates  may  be  ex 
pected  to  take  place  at  once,  unless  delay  should  be  granted 
to  prepare  for  trial,  or  a  change  of  venue  to  some  less  ex 
cited  county  should  be  asked  for.  Neither  of  these  is  prob 
es  Villard,  480. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  365 

able.     The  prisoners  in  fact  have  no  defense,  and  their  case 

will  be  speedily  disposed  of. 

The  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  courts  in  the  premises,  was 
not  seriously  considered.  The  State  had  never  ceded  to  the 
United  States  its  jurisdiction  over  the  territory  that  Brown  had 
taken  possession  of,  in  behalf  of  the  Provisional  Government, 
and  from  which  he  had  directed  his  operations.  The  question 
was  raised  as  an  expedient,  because  the  Federal  court  afforded 
better  facilities  for  incriminating-  Brown's  northern  supporters, 
the  men  "higher  up,"  than  did  the  State  courts.  Later,  it  was 
agreed  upon  that  Stevens  should  be  surrendered  to  the  United 
States  for  trial.  Mr.  Hunter,  for  the  prosecution,  announced 
the  fact,  in  court,  November  7th,  saying,  that  they  were  now 
after  "higher  and  wickeder  game."  433  But  when,  on  Decem 
ber  15th,  the  President  inquired  by  wire  whether  Stevens  had 
been  so  surrendered,  the  prosecution  hesitated ;  Mr.  Hunter  re 
plying  : 

Stevens  has  not  been  delivered  to  the  authorities  of  the 

United   States.     Undetermined  as  yet  whether  he  will  be 

tried  here.343 

December  8th,  Governor  Wise  wrote  to  Mr.  Hunter  : 

In  reply  to  yours  of  the  15th,  I  say  definitely  that  Stevens 
ought  not  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Federal  authorities  for 
trial.  .  .  I  hope  you  informed  the  President  of  the  status 
of  his  case  before  the  court.435 

The  political  necessity  for  trying  Stevens  in  the  Federal 
court,  was  obviated  by  Congress.    December  14th,  a  select  com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  was  appointed  to  "inquire  into  the  late  in 
vasion  and  seizure  of  public  property  at  Harper's  Ferry."     It 
was  clothed  with  authority  to  investigate  the  whole  subject.  The 
members  were  Mason,  of  Virginia,  chairman ;  Davis,  of  Missis 
sippi ;  Fitch,  of  Indiana;  Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin;  and  Colla 
rs  Villard,  478. 
43*  Ibid. 
435  Ibid. 


366  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

mer,  of  Vermont;  the  majority  being  pro-slavery.  The  find 
ings  of  the  committee  constitute  the  Mason  Report,  referred  to 
in  this  book. 

At  the  preliminary  examination,  the  presiding  justice  of  the 
peace,  Mr.  Braxton  Davenport,  appointed  as  counsel  for  Brown 
Mr.  Charles  J.  Faulkner  and  Mr.  Lawson  Botts.  Mr.  Faulk 
ner  was  present  at  Harper's  Ferry  during  the  trouble,  and 
thought  it  would  be  improper  for  him  to  represent  the  prisoners 
as  counsel.  He  was  therefore  excused,  and  Mr.  Thomas  G. 
Green  was  appointed  in  his  stead.  Mr.  Villard  states  that  in 
"Messrs.  Green  and  Botts,  John  Brown  had  assigned  to  him 
far  abler  counsel  than  would  have  been  given  to  an  ordinary 
malefactor."  Brown's  reply  to  the  Court  when  asked  if  he 
had  counsel  is  deserving  of  a  place  in  this  history.  It  was 
worthy  of  a  leader  of  a  lost  cause.  Though  feebly  rising  to 
his  feet,  he  said  with  defiant  spirit : 436 

Virginians:  I  did  not  ask  for  any  quarter  at  the  time  I 
was  taken.  I  did  not  ask  to  have  my  life  spared.  The  Gov 
ernor  of  the  State  of  Virginia  tendered  me  his  assurance 
that  I  should  have  a  fair  trial,  but  under  no  circumstances 
whatever,  will  I  be  able  to  attend  to  my  trial.  If  you  seek 
my  blood  you  can  have  it  at  any  moment  without  this  mock 
ery  of  a  trial. 

I  have  had  no  counsel.  I  have  not  been  able  to  advise 
with  any  one.  I  know  nothing  about  the  feelings  of  my 
fellow-prisoners,  and  am  utterly  unable  to  attend  in  any  way 
to  my  own  defense.  My  memory  don't  serve  me,  my  health 
is  insufficient ;  although  improving. 

If  a  fair  trial  is  to  be  allowed  us,  there  are  mitigating  cir 
cumstances,  that  I  would  urge  in  our  favor.     But,  if  we  are 
to  be  forced  with  a  mere  form,  —  a  trial  for  execution,  — 
you  might  spare  yourselves  that  trouble.     I  am  ready  for  my 
fate.     I  do  not  ask  a  trial,  I  beg  for  no  mockery  of  a  trial  — 
no  insult  —  Nothing  but  that  which   conscience   gives,   or 
cowardice  drives  you  to  practice. 
«6  Redpath,  292. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  367 


I  ask  again  to  be  excused  from  a  mockery  of  a  trial.  I  do 
not  know  what  the  special  design  of  this  examination  is.  I 
do  not  know  what  the  benefit  of  it  is  to  this  Commonwealth. 
I  have  now  little  further  to  ask,  other  than  that  I  may  be  not 
foolishly  insulted,  only  as  cowardly  barbarians  insult  those 
that  fall  into  their  power.  / 

When  the  question  relating  to  counsel  was  submitted  to 
Stevens,  he  promptly  accepted  the  gentlemen  named  and  the 
examination  was  proceeded  with. 

At  2  o'clock  the  preliminary  court  of  examination  reported 
its  findings,  and  the  presiding  judge,  Hon.  Richard  Parker,  of 
the  circuit  court,  at  once  submitted  the  case  to  the  grand  jury 
in  an  able  and  dispassionate  address.  At  noon  the  next  day, 
the  26th,  a  true  bill  was  returned  against  each  of  the  prisoners 
on  the  following  counts  :  For  "Treason  to  the  commonwealth" ; 
for  "conspiring  with  slaves  to  commit  treason" ;  and  for  "mur 
der."  After  the  noon  hour  the  defendants  were  brought  into 
court  to  plead  to  the  indictments.  Brown,  refusing  to  appear 
voluntarily,  was  carried  into  the  court  room  on  a  cot.  He  then 
made  a  plea  for  delay. 

Mr.  Hunter  objected  to  consideration  of  Brown's  plea  until 
after  the  arraignment  had  been  made.  The  Court  held  that 
the  indictment  should  first  be  read,  so  that  the  prisoners  could 
plead  guilty  or  not  guilty ;  after  that  he  would  consider  Brown's 
request.  Each  prisoner  pleaded  not  guilty  and  having  de 
manded  separate  trials,  the  State  chose  to  try  Brown  first. 

The  Court  did  not  take  the  question  of  Brown's  guilt  or  in 
nocence  seriously.  The  trial  was  simply  to  be  a  dignified  con- 
formance  with  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth  relating  to  the 
subject.  Except  as  to  respect  for  this  formality,  it  was  not 
considered  important  whether  Brown  had  any  counsel  at  all. 
On  the  22d  of  October,  Mr.  Hunter,  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Wise  said : 

The  Judge  is  for  observing  all  the  judicial  decencies;  so 
am  I,  but  in  double  quick  time.  .  .  Stephens  will  hardly 


368  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

be  fit  for  trial.     He  will  probably  die  of  his  wounds  if  we 
don't  hang  him  promptly.437 

Immediately  upon  the  announcement  by  the  Court  that 
Brown  should  have  a  fair  trial,  arrangements  were  made  to 
provide  friendly  counsel  for  his  defense.  First,  Mr.  J.  W. 
Le  Barnes,  of  Boston,  at  his  personal  expense,  employed  Mr. 
George  H.  Hoyt,  a  young  lawyer  of  Athol,  Massachusetts,  to 
go  to  Charlestown  and  represent  Brown  in  the  dual  capacity  of 
counsel  and  spy.  His  instructions  were,  "first,  to  watch  and  be 
able  to  report  proceedings,  to  see  and  talk  with  Brown,  and  be 
able  to  communicate  with  his  friends  anything  Brown  might 
want  to  say;  and  second,  to  send  me  (Le  Barnes)  an  accurate 
and  detailed  account  of  the  military  situation  at  Charlestown, 
the  number  and  the  distribution  of  the  troops,  the  location  and 
defences  of  the  jail;  the  opportunities  for  a  sudden  attack  and 
the  means  of  retreat,  with  the  location  and  situation  of  the  room 
in  which  Brown  is  confined,"  etc.438 

Hoyt  arrived  at  Charlestown  on  Thursday  night,  and  on 
Friday  morning,  October  28th,  reported  to  the  Court  and  asked 
to  be  made  additional  counsel.  His  youth  and  his  evident  in 
efficiency,  aroused  a  suspicion,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Hunter,  that 
he  came  as  a  spy  rather  than  as  counsel.439  He  accordingly 
asked  that  Hoyt  be  excluded  from  participating  in  the  trial. 
In  this  he  was  overruled.  The  same  day  he  reported  to  Gov 
ernor  Wise  that  a  "beardless  boy  came  in  last  night  as  Brown's 
counsel."  And  that  he  thought  "he  is  a  spy."  44°  October 
21st,  Brown  wrote  letters,  similar  in  character,  to  Judge  Dan 
iel  Tilden,  of  Cleveland,  Ohio,  and  to  Hon.  Thomas  Russell, 
of  Boston,  asking  them  to  appear  for  him  as  counsel,  saying : 
"I  am  here  a  prisoner,  with  several  sabre-cuts  on  my  head  and 
bayonet  stabs  in  my  body."  441  In  response  to  his  request,  Judge 

4"  Villard,  485. 

438  Villard,  484. 

439  Ibid. 

440  Villard,  485. 

441  Sanborn,  588. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  369 

Tilden  secured  the  services  of  Mr.  Hiram  Griswold,  of  Cleve 
land,  to  appear  in  his  stead.  The  latter  arrived  at  Charlestown, 
Saturday  morning,  October  29th.  At  the  same  time  Mr.  Sam 
uel  Chilton,  of  Washington,  D.  C.,  also  arrived,  and  upon 
reporting  to  the  Court,  these  two  distinguished  lawyers  were 
assigned  as  counsel  to  Brown's  staff.  Mr.  Chilton  came  upon 
the  solicitation  of  Mr.  John  A.  Andrew,  of  Boston.442  Judge 
Russell  did  not  arrive  until  November  2d. 

On  Thursday  morning,  October  27th,  the  trial  was  begun 
with  a  surprise  for  the  prosecution  —  Mr.  Botts  reading  a  tele 
gram,  which  stated  that  insanity  was  hereditary  in  Brown's 
family ;  that  his  mother's  sister  had  died  while  insane,  and  that 
a  daughter  of  that  sister  had  been  two  years  in  a  lunatic  asylum, 
and  citing  other  instances  of  insanity  in  the  family.443 

Mr.  Botts  then  stated,  "That  upon  receiving  the  above  dis 
patch  he  went  to  the  jail,  with  his  associate,  Mr.  Green,  and 
read  it  to  Brown,  and  was  desired  by  him  to  say  that  in  his 
father's  family  there  has  never  been  any  insanity  at  all.  On 
his  mother's  side  there  have  been  repeated  instances  of  it.  .  . 
Brown  also  desires  his  counsel  to  say  that  he  does  not  put  in  a 
plea  of  insanity."  444 

His  counsel  again  moved  for  a  continuance,  and,  doubtless, 
pleaded  the  insanity  phase  of  the  question  in  support  of  the 
motion.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Botts's  remarks,  Brown 
raised  up  on  his  couch  and  said : 

I  will  add,  if  the  court  will  allow  me,  that  I  look  upon  it  as 
a  miserable  artifice  and  pretext  of  those  who  ought  to  take  a 
different  course  in  regard  to  me,  if  they  took  any  at  all,  and  I 
view  it  with  contempt  more  than  otherwise.  Insane  persons, 
so  far  as  my  experience  goes,  have  but  little  ability  to  judge 
of  their  own  sanity ;  and  if  I  am  insane,  of  course  I  should 
think  I  knew  more  than  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  But  I  do 
not  think  so.  I  am  perfectly  unconscious  of  insanity,  and  I 

442  Mason  Report,  138. 
4«Villard,  506. 
444Redpath,  509. 


370  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

reject,  so  far  as  I  am  capable,  any  attempts  to  interfere  in  my 

behalf  on  that  score.445 

Mr.  Griswold,  however,  after  coming  into  the  case,  revived 
the  question  of  Brown's  sanity,  and  on  November  7th,  enclosed 
to  the  Governor  a  petition  and  an  affidavit  affirming  the  claim 
that  Brown  was  insane.446  Replying  to  this  letter,  Mr.  Villard 
states  that  the  Governor  replied  that  "a  plea  of  insanity  could 
be  filed  at  any  time  before  conviction  or  sentence,  and  wrote 
an  admirable  letter  to  Dr.  Stribbling,  superintendent  of  the 
lunatic  asylum  at  Staunton,  Virginia,  ordering  him  to  pro 
ceed  to  Charlestown  and  examine  the  prisoner,  saying:  'If 
the  prisoner  is  insane  he  ought  to  be  cured ;  and  if  not  insane 
the  fact  ought  to  be  vouched  for  in  the  most  reliable  form,  now 
that  it  is  questioned  under  oath  and  by  counsel  since  convic 
tion.'  Unfortunately,  the  impetuous  Governor  countermand 
ed  these  instructions  and  the  letter  was  never  sent." 

Later,  acting  upon  the  advice  of  Mr.  Montgomery  Blair, 
the  defence  secured  nineteen  affidavits  made  by  friends  living 
at  Akron,  Cleveland,  and  Hudson,  Ohio,  in  support  of  the 
plea.  These  affidavits  were  delivered  to  Governor  Wise  by  Mr. 
Hoyt,  on  the  23d  day  of  November.  Mr.  Villard  states  that 
"these  people  in  their  efforts  to  save  Brown  laid  bare  some  sad 
family  secrets."  However,  upon  this  very  important  phase  of 
Brown's  condition  Governor  Wise  had  an  opinion  of  his  own. 
To  the  Virginia  Legislature  he  said :  "I  know  that  he  was 
sane,  if  quick  and  clear  perception,  if  assumed  rational  premises 
and  consecutive  reasoning  from  them,  if  cautious  tact  in  avoid 
ing  disclosures  and  in  covering  conclusions  and  inferences,  if 
memory  and  conception  and  practical  common  sense,  and  if 
composure  and  self-possession  are  evidence  of  a  sound  state  of 
mind.  He  was  more  sane  than  his  prompters  and  promoters, 
and  concealed  well  the  secret  which  made  him  seem  to  do  an  act 


445  Villard,  507. 
44«  Ibid. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  371 

of  mad  impulse,  by  leaving-  him,  without  his  backers,  at  Har 
per's  Ferry."  447 

Brown's  line  of  defense  is  set  forth  in  a  memorandum  of 
suggestions  which  he  personally  prepared  for  the  guidance  of 
his  counsel.448  It  reads  as  follows : 

JOHN  BROWN'S  DIRECTIONS  TO  HIS  COUNSEL 

We  gave  to  numerous  prisoners  perfect  liberty.  Get  all 
the  names. 

We  allowed  numerous  other  prisoners  to  visit  their  fam 
ilies,  to  quiet  their  fears.  Get  all  their  names. 

We  allowed  the  conductor  to  pass  his  train  over  the  bridge 
with  all  his  passengers,  I  myself  crossing  the  bridge  with 
him,  and  assuring  all  the  passengers  of  their  perfect  safety. 
Get  that  conductor's  name,  and  the  names  of  the  passengers, 
so  far  as  may  be. 

We  treated  all  our  prisoners  with  the  utmost  kindness  and 
humanity.  Get  all  their  names,  so  far  as  may  be. 

Our  orders  from  the  first  and  throughout,  were,  that  no 
unarmed  person  should  be  injured  under  any  circumstances 
whatever.  Prove  that  by  ALL  the  prisoners'. 

We  committed  no  destruction  or  waste  of  property.  Prove 
that. 

The  defense  began  Friday  afternoon.  Mr.  Villard  states 
that  Messrs.  Botts  and  Green,  following  John  Brown's  sugges 
tion,  "essayed  to  prove,  the  kindness  with  which  Brown  treated 
his  prisoners,"  which  drew  from  M.r.  Hunter  the  "caustic  and 
truthful  comment  that  testimony  as  to  Brown's  forbearance  in 
not  shooting  other  citizens  had  no  more  to  do  with  the  case 
than  had  the  dead  languages." 

Mr.  Hunter's  objections  being  overruled,  a  number  of 
Brown's  witnesses  were  examined  to  show  that  he  had  not  only 
not  killed  his  prisoners  and  everybody  else  who  came  within 
the  range  of  his  rifles,  but  that  he  had  treated  all  courteously, 

«7  Villard,  509. 
448  Redpath,  325. 

24 


372  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

notwithstanding  the  fact  that  his  enemies  had  fired  upon  his  flag 
of  truce,  and  had  killed  one  of  his  men,  William  Thompson, 
while  he  was  a  prisoner  in  their  hands. 

A  scene  was  precipitated  at  the  trial  when  the  names  of  some 
of  his  witnesses  were  called  and  it  was  found  that  they  were  not 
present;  Brown  thereupon  arose  and,  denouncing  his  counsel, 
demanded  that  the  proceedings  be  deferred  until  the  next  morn 
ing.  A  Herald  correspondent  stated : 449 

When  Brown  rose  and  denounced  his  counsel,  declaring 
that  he  had  no  confidence  in  them,  the  indignation  of  the 
citizens  scarcely  knew  bounds.     He  was  stigmatized  as  an 
ungrateful  villain,  and  some  declared  he  deserved  hanging 
for  that  act  alone.     His  counsel,  Messrs.  Botts  and  Green, 
had  certainly  performed  the  unpleasant  task  imposed  upon 
them  by  the  Court  in  an  able,  faithful  and  conscientious  man 
ner;  and  only  the  evening  before  Brown  had  told  Mr.  Botts 
that  he  was  doing  even  more  for  him  than  he  had  promised. 
Mr.  Hoyt,  of  Brown's  counsel,  added  to  the  interest  of  the 
scene  by  asking  that  the  case  be  postponed.     Anticipating  that 
his  colleagues  would  withdraw  from  the  case  as  a  result  of 
Brown's  speech,  he  said  that  he  was  utterly  unable  to  go  on 
with  the  case  alone  and  that  Judge  Tilden,  of  Ohio,  was  coming 
to  assist  the  defense,  and  would  arrive  during  the  night.     Coun 
sel  Botts  and  Green,  after  asserting  that  they  had  done  every 
thing  possible  for  their  client,  announced,  that  since  the  prisoner 
had  no  confidence  in  them  they  could  no  longer  act  in  his  behalf. 
Judge  Parker  thereupon  released  them,  as  counsel,  and  ad 
journed  the  trial  until  the  next  day  at  10  o'clock.45' 

When  court  convened  Saturday  morning,  Mr.  Griswold  and 
Mr.  Chilton  appeared  for  Brown,  and  asked  for  delay  —  a  few 
hours  only  —  in  which  to  make  some  preparation  for  the  de 
fense,  which  was  refused.  "This  term  will  end  very  soon," 
the  Judge  said,  "and  it  is  my  duty  to  endeavor  to  get  through 

4*»  Villard,  492. 
150  Ibid. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  373 

with  all  the  cases  if  possible,  in  justice  to  the  prisoners  and  to 
the  State." 

With  the  examination  of  a  few  additional  witnesses,  the  testi 
mony  for  the  defense  closed  and  the  battle  of  wits  began  with  a 
motion  by  Mr.  Chilton,  that  the  State  be  compelled  to  elect 
one  count  in  the  indictment  and  abandon  the  others.  That 
Brown  was  charged  with  treason,  and  with  conspiracy  and  ad 
vising  with  slaves  and  others  to  rebel,  and  with  murder  in  the 
first  degree.  He  contended,  and  cited  authorities  to  sustain  his 
contention,  that  in  a  case  of  treason,  different  descriptions  of 
treason  could  not  be  united  in  the  same  indictment ;  high  treason 
could  not  be  associated  with  other  treason.  If  an  inferior  grade 
of  the  same  character  could  not  be  included  in  separate  counts, 
still  less  could  offense  of  higher  grade,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.  Mr.  Hard 
ing,  associate  counsel  for  the  prosecution,  of  course,  could  not 
see  the  force  of  the  objection  made  by  the  learned  counsel  on  the 
other  side.  The  separate  offenses  charged  were  but  different 
parts  of  the  same  transactions.  "Murder  arose  out  of  the  trea 
son  as  the  natural  result  of  the  bloody  conspiracy."  Mr.  Hunter 
said  the  discretion  of  the  Court  on  one  count  in  the  indictment 
is  only  exercised  where  great  embarrassment  would  otherwise 
result  to  the  prisoner.  The  Court  held  that  the  point  might  be 
taken  advantage  of  to  move  an  arrest  of  judgment ;  but  since  the 
jury  had  been  charged,  and  had  been  sworn  to  try  the  prisoners 
on  the  indictment  as  drawn,  the  trial  must  go  on.  .  .  The 
very  fact  that  the  defense  can  be  charged  in  different  counts, 
varying  the  language  and  circumstances,  is  based  upon  the  idea 
that  distinct  offenses  may  be  charged  in  the  same  indictment. 
The  prisoners  are  to  be  tried  on  the  various  counts  as  if  they 
were  various  circumstances,  etc.  Mr.  Chilton  then  said  he 
would  reserve  the  motion  as  a  basis  for  a  motion  in  arrest  of 
judgment.451 

Mr.  Griswold  then  stated  that  the  prisoner  desired  that  the 

-<51  Redpath,  331-339. 


374  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

case  be  argued,  and  that  while  he  had  not  been  present  at  the 
trial,  counsel  could  obtain  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  evidence 
by  reading  the  notes ;  and  since  it  was  nearly  dark,  he  supposed 
argument  for  the  Commonwealth  would  engage  the  attention  of 
the  Court  until  the  usual  hour  of  adjournment;  and  asked  that 
the  Court  adjourn  after  the  opening  argument  by  the  prosecu 
tion.  Mr.  Hunter  opposed  opening  the  argument  "unless  the 
case  was  to  be  finished  to-night,"  and  protested  against  any 
further  delay.  The  Court  ordered  the  trial  to  proceed,  but  at 
the  close  of  Mr.  Hunter's  speech,  of  forty  minutes'  duration, 
adjournment  was  had  until  Monday.  Brown  sought  by  all  the 
means  in  his  power  on  Saturday,  to  delay  the  trial,  and  when 
court  convened  after  noon  he  sent  word  from  the  jail  that  he 
was  sick;  whereupon  the  jail  physician,  Dr.  Mason,  was  sum 
moned  in*  the  case.  He  reported  that  Brown  was  feigning  ill 
ness.  The  Court  then  directed  that  he  be  brought  into  court  on 
a  cot.  Mr.  Hunter  states  that  after  the  adjournment  was  pro 
cured,  the  "crafty  old  fiend  was  well  enough  to  walk." 

On  Monday,  at  1  :30  P.  M.,  the  argument  was  completed.  Mr. 
Chilton  asked  the  Court  to  instruct  the  jury  that  if  they  be 
lieved  the  prisoner  was  not  a  citizen  of  Virginia,  but  of  another 
State,  they  could  not  convict  on  a  count  of  treason.  The  Court 
declined,  saying  the  Constitution  did  not  give  rights  and  im 
munities  alone,  but  also  imposed  responsibilities. 

At  2:15  the  jury  returned  their  verdict  of  guilty.  It  was 
received  in  respectful  silence ;  no  demonstration  of  satisfaction 
or  evidence  of  elation  greeted  the  announcement.  Of  its  re 
ception  by  the  people  in  waiting  Mr.  Villard  says  :  "It  is  to  the 
credit  of  the  Charlestown  crowd  and  of  Virginia  that  not  a 
single  sound  of  elation  or  triumph  assailed  the  dignity  of  the 
court,  when  the  jury  sealed  Brown's  doom.  In  solemn  silence 
the  crowd  heard  Mr.  Chilton  make  his  formal  motion  for  an 
arrest  of  judgment,  because  of  errors  in  the  indictment  and  in 
the  verdict,  and  it  filed  out  equally  silent  when  Judge  Parker 
ordered  the  motion  to  stand  over  until  the  next  day." 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  375 

One  person  was  dissatisfied  with  Brown's  trial ;  not  the  pris 
oner  —  for  he  acknowledged  the  deep  sense  of  his  obligation,  to 
both  Court  and  counsel,  for  the  treatment  he  had  received  - 
but  Mr.  James  Redpath.     He  said  : 

I  do  not  intend  to  pollute  my  pages  with  any  sketch  of  the 
lawyers'  pleas.  They  were  able,  without  doubt,  and  erudite, 
and  ingenious ;  but  they  were  founded,  nevertheless,  on  an 
atrocious  assumption.  For  they  assumed  that  the  statutes  of 
the  State  were  just;  and,  therefore  if  the  prisoner  should  be 
proven  guilty  of  offending  against  them,  that  it  was  right 
that  he  should  suffer  the  penalty  they  inflict.  This  doctrine 
every  Christian  heart  must  scorn ;  John  Brown,  at  least,  de 
spised  it ;  and  so  also,  to  be  faithful  to  his  memory,  and  my 
own  instincts,  must  I.452 

On  November  1st  the  Court  heard  Mr.  Chilton's  motion  in 
arrest  of  judgment;  reserving  its  decision  upon  it  until  the  next 
day.  During  the  afternoon  of  November  2d,  Brown  was 
brought  into  court  for  the  final  scene  of  the  trial.  After  Mr. 
Chilton's  motion  had  been  overruled,  Brown  was  ordered  to 
rise,  and  when  asked  by  the  clerk  if  he  had  anything  to  say  why 
sentence  should  not  be  pronounced  upon  him,  he  delivered  the 
following  address : 453 

I  have,  may  it  please  the  Court,  a  few  words  to  say.     I 
the  first  place,  I  deny  everything  but  what  I  have  all  alon 
admitted,  —  the  design  on  my  part  to  free  the  slaves.     I  in 
tended  certainly  to  have  made  a  clean  thing  of  that  matter 
as  I  did  last  winter,  when  I  went  into  Missouri  and  ther 
took  slaves  without  the  snapping  of  a  gun  on  either  side 
moved  them  through  the  country,  and  finally  left  them  in 
Canada.     I  designed  to  have  done  the  same  thing  again,  on 
a  larger  scale.     That  was  all  I  intended.     I  never  did  intenc 
murder,  or  treason,  or  the  destruction  of  property,  or  to  ex 
cite  or  incite  slaves  to  rebellion,  or  to  make  insurrection. 
I  have  another  objection:  and  that  is,  it  is  unjust  that 

«2  Redpath,  334. 
453  Redpath,  340-342. 


I/ 


376  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

should  suffer  such  a  penalty.  Had  I  interfered  in  the  man 
ner  which  I  admit,  and  which  I  admit  has  been  fairly  proved 
(for  I  admire  the  truthfulness  and  candor  of  the  greater  por 
tion  of  the  witnesses  who  have  testified  in  this  case),  —  had 
I  so  interfered  in  behalf  of  the  rich,  the  powerful,  the  intel 
ligent,  the  so-called  great,  or  in  behalf  of  any  of  their  friends, 
—  either  father,  mother,  brother,  sister,  wife,  or  children,  or 
any  of  that  class,  —  and  suffered  and  sacrificed  what  I  have 
in  this  interference,  it  would  have  been  all  right;  and  every 
man  in  this  court  would  have  deemed  it  an  act  worthy  of  re 
ward  rather  than  punishment. 

This  court  acknowledges,  as  I  suppose,  the  validity  of  the 
law  of  God.  I  see  a  book  kissed  here  which  I  suppose  to  be 
the  Bible,  or  at  least  the  New  Testament.  That  teaches  me 
that  all  things  whatsoever  I  would  that  men  should  do  to  me, 
I  should  do  even  so  to  them.  It  teaches  me,  further,  to  "re 
member  them  that  are  in  bonds,  as  bound  with  them."  I  en 
deavored  to  act  up  to  that  instruction.  I  say,  I  am  yet  too 
young  to  understand  that  God  is  any  respecter  of  persons. 
I  believe  that  to  have  interfered  as  I  have  done  —  as  I  have 
always  freely  admitted  I  have  done  —  in  behalf  of  His  de 
spised  poor,  was  not  wrong,  but  right.  Now,  if  it  is  deemed 
necessary  that  I  should  forfeit  my  life  for  the  furtherance 
of  the  ends  of  justice,  and  mingle  my  blood  further  with  the 
blood  of  my  children  and  with  the  blood  of  millions  in  this 
slave  country  whose  rights  are  disregarded  by  wicked,  cruel, 
and  unjust  enactments,  —  I  submit ;  so  let  it  be  done ! 

Let  me  say  one  word  further. 

I  feel  entirely  satisfied  with  the  treatment  I  have  received 
on  my  trial.  Considering  all  the  circumstances,  it  has  been 
more  generous  that  I  expected.  But  I  feel  no  consciousness 
of  guilt.  I  have  stated  from  the  first  what  was  my  intention, 
and  what  was  not.  I  never  had  any  design  against  the  life 
of  any  person,  nor  any  disposition  to  commit  treason,  or  ex 
cite  slaves  to  rebel,  or  make  any  general  insurrection.  I 
never  encouraged  any  man  to  do  so,  but  always  discouraged 
any  idea  of  that  kind. 

Let  me  say,  also,  a  word  in  regard  to  the  statements  made 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  377 

by  some  of  those  connected  with  me.  I  hear  it  has  been 
stated  by  some  of  them  that  I  have  induced  them  to  join  me. 
But  the  contrary  is  true.  I  do  not  say  this  to  injure  them, 
but  as  regretting  their  weakness.  There  is  not  one  of  them 
but  joined  me  of  his  own  accord,  and  the  greater  part  of 
them  at  their  own  expense.  A  number  of  them  I  never  saw, 
and  never  had  a  word  of  conversation  with,  till  the  day  they 
came  to  me ;  and  that  was  for  the  purpose  I  have  stated. 

Now  I  have  done. 

Judge  Parker  then  pronounced  the  sentence  of  death  upon 
Brown,  fixing  the  2d  of  December,  1859,  as  the  date  for  the 
execution  of  it,  and  directing  that  the  execution  should  be  pub 
lic.  He  then  ordered  all  persons  present  to  remain  in  their 
seats  until  the  prisoner  was  removed.  "There  was  prompt 
obedience  and  John  Brown  reached  his  cell  unharmed,  without 
even  hearing  a  taunt." 

There  is  conflict  between  the  "authorities"  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  Brown  delivered  his  speech  to  the  Court.  In  describ 
ing  the  scene,  Mr.  Villard  gave  rein  to  his  bias  in  this  choice 
flight : 

Drawing  himself  up  to  his  full  stature,  with  flashing 
eagle  eyes  and  calm,  clear  and  distinct  tones,  John  Brown 
again  addressed,  not  the  men  who  surrounded  him  but  the 
whole  body  of  his  countrymen,  North,  South,  East  and 
West.455 

Mr.  Redpath,  who  has  not,  in  this  history,  overlooked  any 
favorable  opportunity  to  indulge  his  penchant,  is  not  a  bit  dra 
matic  in  his  statement  of  what  occurred.  He  says  that  when 
the  clerk  directed  Brown  to  stand  and  say  why  sentence  should 
not  be  passed  upon  him,  that  "he  rose  and  leaned  slightly  for 
ward,  his  hands  resting  on  the  table.  He  spoke  timidly  —  hes 
itatingly,  indeed  —  and  in  a  voice  singularly  gentle  and  mild. 
But  his  sentences  came  confused  from  his  mouth,  and  he  seemed 
to  be  wholly  unprepared  to  speak  at  this  time.  Types  can  give 

454  Villard,  500. 
«s  Villard,  497. 


378  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

no  intimation  of  the  soft  and  tender  tones,  yet  calm  and  manly 
withal,  that  filled  the  Court  room,  and,  I  think  touched  the 
hearts  of  many  who  had  come  only  to  rejoice  at  the  heaviest 
blow  their  victim  was  to  suffer."  456 

It  appears  then,  that  Mr.  Villard  has  framed  and  given  out 
an  exaggeration  of  the  performance;  but  it  is  unfortunate 
that  the  subject-matter  of  the  speech,  fails  to  measure  up  to  the 
height  of  the  exalted  standard  which  has  been  set  for  the  occa 
sion.  When  one  to  whom  a  prodigal  biographer  has  attributed 
a  pair  of  flashing  eagle  eyes,  dra\vs  himself  up  to  his  full  stature, 
and  addresses  the  whole  body  of  his  countrymen,  he  ought  to 
be  truthful  as  well  as  dramatic.  It  is  bad  form  for  an  orator  un 
der  such  circumstances,  to  make  statements  which  are  not  true; 
it  mars  the  dignity  of  his  utterances,  and  dwarfs  the  stateliness 
of  his  eloquence.  Also,  it  is  embarrassing  for  a  hero  to  be 
compelled  to  retract  his  more  heroic  periods,  as  in  this  case, 
after  they  have  "thrilled  the  world." 

On  the  18th  of  October,  Brown,  in  answer  to  a  question,  had 
distinctly  stated  to  Governor  Wise  and  others,  that  it  was  not 
his  purpose  to  run  the  slaves  out  of  the  country;  but  that  he 
"designed  to  put  arms  in  their  hands  to  defend  themselves 
against  their  masters,  and  to  maintain  their  position  in  Vir 
ginia  and  in  the  South.  -That,  in  the  first  instance,  he  expected 
they  and  the  non-slave-holding  whites  would  flock  to  his  stand- 
/  ard  as  soon  as  he  got  a  footing  there,  at  Harper's  Ferry;  and, 
as  his  strength  increased,  he  would  'gradually  enlarge  the  area 
under  his  control,  furnishing  a  refuge  for  the  slaves,  and  a  ren 
dezvous  for  all,  whites  who  were  disposed  to  aid  him,  until  event 
ually  he°6verrun  the  whole  South.  .  ."  457 

Later,  when  Governor  Wise  called  Brown's  attention  to  the 
discrepancy  between  these  statements  and  the  statement  which 
he  had  made  in  the  opening  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  the  Court 
on  November  2d,  he  retracted  what  he  had  said  to  the  Court. 


456Redpath,   340. 

;/  Keport.     Tistimony  of  Andrew  Hunter. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  379 

and  wrote  the  following  letter,  to  Mr.  Hunter,  explaining  the 

dereliction : 45S 

Charlestown, Jefferson  County,  Va. 
November  22,  1859. 

DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  just  had  my  attention  called  to  a  seem 
ing  connection  between  the  statement  I  made  to  Gov 
ernor  Wise  and  that  which  I  made  at  the  time  I  received  my 
sentence,  regarding  my  intentions  respecting  the  slaves  we 
took  about  the  Perry.  There  need  be  no  such  confliction, 
and  a  few  words  of  explanation  will,  I  think,  be  quite  suffi 
cient.  I  had  given  Governor  Wise  a  full  and  particular 
account  of  that,  arid  when  called  in  court  to  say  whether  I 
had  anything  further  to  urge,  I  was  taken  wholly  by  sur 
prise,  as  I  did  not  expect  my  sentence  before  the  others. 
In  the  hurry  of  the  moment,  I  forgot  much  that  I  had  before 
intended  to  say,  and  did  not  consider  the  full  bearing  of  what 
/  then  said.  I  intended  to  convey  the  idea,  that  it  was  my 
object  to  place  the  slaves  in  a  condition  to  defend  their  liber 
ties,  if  they  would,  without  any  bloodshed,  but  not  that  I  in 
tended  to  run  them  out  of  the  slave  States.  I  was  not  aware 
of  any  such  apparent  confliction  until  my  attention  was 
called  to  it,  and  I  do  not  suppose  that  a  man  in  my  then  cir 
cumstances  should  be  superhuman  in  respect  to  the  exact  pur 
port  of  every  word  he  might  utter.  What  I  said  to  Gov 
ernor  Wise  was  spoken  with  all  the  deliberation  I  was  mas 
ter  of,  and  wa^  intended  for  the  truth;  and  what  I  said  in 
court  was  equally  intended  for  truth,  but  required  a  more 
full  explanation  than  I  then  gave.  Please  make  such  use 
of  this  as  you  think  calculated  to  correct  any  wrong  im 
pressions  T  may  have  given. 

Very  respectfully  yours,          JOHN  BROWN. 
Andrew  Hunter,  Esq.,  Present. 

Mr.  Emerson,  in  his  oration  at  the  funeral  services  of  Abra 
ham  Lincoln,  held  at  Concord,  April  19th,  1865,  saw  fit  to  com 
pare  Brown's  discredited  speech  with  the  greatest  orations  of 
time.  He  said  : 

158  Sanborn.  584. 


380  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

His  speech  at  Gettysburg  will  not  easily  be  surpassed  by 
words  on  any  recorded  occasion.  This  and  one  other  Amer 
ican  speech,  that  of  John  Brown  to  the  court  that  tried  him, 
and  a  part  of  Kossuth's  speech  at  Birmingham,  can  only  be 
compared  with  each  other,  and  with  no  fourth.459 

But  is  this  comparison  really  relevant?  Will  the  historian 
accept  Mr.  Emerson's  comparison  of  this  exhibit  of  Brown's 
prevarication,  with  the  immortal  words  of  the  immortal  Lin 
coln  ?  The  speeches  are  characteristic  of  the  men  who  uttered 
them.  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  begin  his  sublime  oration  with  a 
falsehood.  Brown  made  a  speech  October  25th,  which  was 
truly  an  heroic  utterance  and  deserving  of  a  place  in  history.460 
His  words  on  that  occasion,  were  hurled  at  his  enemies,  the 
"Virginians"  whom  he  addressed.  That  speech  was  as  char 
acteristic  of  his  splendid  courage,  as  his  speech  of  November 
2d,  was  of  his  craftiness,  for  John  Brown  was  as  brave  as  he 
was  crafty. 

In  a  letter  to  Governor  Wise,  Mr.  Fernando  Wood  commend 
ed  him  for  the  firmness  and  moderation  which  had  characterized 
the  Governor's  course  in  the  emergency,  and  asked,  if  he  dared 
to  "do  a  bold  thing  and  temper  justice  with  mercy  ?  Have  you 
nerve  enough  to  send  Brown  to  State's  Prison  instead  of  hang 
ing  him?"  He  thought  Brown  should  not  be  hung,  "though 
Seward  should,  and  would  be  if  he  could  catch  him."  The 
Governor  replied  that  he  had  nerve  enough  to  send  him  to  prison 
and  would  do  so  if  he  didn't  think  he  ought  to  be  hung  and  that 
he  would  be  inexcusable  for  mitigating  his  punishment.  "I 
could  do  it,"  he  said,  "without  flinching,  without  a  quiver  of  a 
muscle  against  a  universal  clamor  for  his  life."  Continuing  he 
said  :  "He  shall  be  executed  as  the  law  sentences  him,  and  his 
body  shall  be  delivered  over  to  surgeons,  and  await  the  resur 
rection  without  a  grave  in  our  soil.  I  have  shown  him  all  the 
mercy  which  humanity  can  claim."  461 


646,  note  81. 

460  Ante,  note  436. 

461  Villard,  502. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  381 

Immediately  after  Brown's  incarceration,  a  movement  was 
started  by  Mr.  Higginson  to  have  Mrs.  Brown  go  to  Harper's 
Ferry  to  visit  her  husband.  But  when  the  information  reached 
Brown,  he  peremptorily  forbade  her  coming;  wiring  Mr.  Hig 
ginson  :  "For  God's  sake  don't  let  Mrs.  Brown  come.  Send 
her  word  by  telegraph  wherever  she  is."  462 

This  arbitrary  action  should  not  excite  surprise.  There  was 
no  atonement  that  Brown  could  make  for  the  ruin  which  he  had 
wrought :  for  the  dead  who  would  never  return.  There  were 
no  words  that  he  could  say  which  would  carry  consolation  to  this 
woman's  stricken  heart,  nor  was  it  possible  for  him  to  make  any 
rift  in  the  clouds  of  her  unutterable  woe.  He  shrank,  instinct 
ively,  from  a  presence  of  the  bleeding  heart  of  the  woman 
whom  he  had  wronged.  November  9th,  he  wrote  to  Mr. 
Higginson  : 

If  my  wife  were  to  come  here  just  now  it  would  only  tend 
to  distract  her  mind  TEN  FOLD;  and  would  only  add  to 
my  affliction ;  and  can  not  possibly  do  me  any  good.  It  will 
also  use  up  the  scanty  means  she  has  to  supply  Bread  &  cheap 
but  comfortable  clothing,  fuel,  &c  for  herself  &  children 
through  the  winter.  DO  PERSUADE  her  to  remain  at 
home  for  a  time  (at  least)  till  she  can  learn  further  from 
me.  She  will  receive  a  thousand  times  the  consolation  AT 
HOME  that  she  can  possibly  find  elsewhere.  I  have  just 
written  her  there  &  will  write  her  CONSTANTLY.  Her 
presence  here  would  deepen  my  affliction  a  thousand  fold.  I 
beg  of  her  to  be  calm  and  submissive ;  &  not  to  go  wild  on  my 
account.  I  lack  for  nothing  &  was  feeling  quite  cheerful 
before  I  heard  she  talked  of  coming  on  —  I  ask  her  to  com 
pose  her  mind  &  to  remain  quiet  till  the  last  of  this  month', 
out  of  pity  to  me.  I  can  certainly  judge  better  in  the  mat 
ter  than  any  one  ELSE.  My  warmest  thanks  to  yourself 
and  all  other  kind  friends. 

God  bless  you  all.  Please  send  this  line  to  my  afflicted 
wife  by  first  possible  conveyance.463 

46-J  Villard,  513. 
463  Ibid. 


382  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

In  a  letter  addressed  to  his  wife  and  children,  dated  Novem 
ber  8th,  he  said : 464 

.  .  .  I  wrote  most  earnestly  to  my  dear  and  afflicted 
wife  not  to  come  on  for  the  present,  at  any  rate.  I  will  now 
give  her  my  reasons  for  doing  so.  First,  it  would  use  up 
all  scanty  means  she  has,  or  is  at  all  likely  to  have,  to  make 
herself  and  children  comfortable  hereafter.  For  let  me  tell 
you  that  the  sympathy  that  is  now  aroused  in  your  behalf 
may  not  always  follow  you.  There  is  but  little  more  of  the 
romantic  about  helping  poor  widows  and  their  children  than 
there  is  about  trying  to  relieve  poor  "niggers."  Again, 

Xthe  little  comfort  it  might  afford  us  to  meet  again  would  be- 
dearly  bought  by  the  pains  of  a  final  separation.  We  must 
part ;  and  I  feel  assured  for  us  to  meet  under  such  dreadful 
circumstances  would  only  add  to  our  distress.  It"  she  comes 
on  here,  she  must  be  only  a  gazing-stock  throughout  the 
whole  journey,  to  be  remarked  upon  in  every  look,  word,  and 
action,  and  by  all  sorts  of  creatures,  and  by  all  sorts  of  pa 
pers,  throughout  the  whole  country.  Again,  it  is  my  most 
decided  judgment  that  in  quietly  and  submissively  staying 
at  home  vastly  more  of  generous  sympathy  will  reach  her, 
without  such  dreadful  sacrifice  of  feeling  as  she  must  put  up 
with  if  she  comes  on.  The  visits  of  one  or  two  female  friends 
that  have  come  on  here  have  produced  great  excitement, 
which  is  very  annoying;  and  they  cannot  possibly  do  me  any 
good.  Oh,  Mary !  do  not  come,  but  patiently  wait  for  the 
meeting  of  those  who  love  God  and  their  fellow-men,  where 
no  separation  must  follow.  ''They  shall  go  no  more  out 
forever."  I  greatly  long  to  hear  from  some  one  of  you,  and 
to  learn  anything  that  in  any  way  affects  your  welfare.  I 
sent  you  ten  dollars  the  other  day;  did  you  get  it?  I  have 
also  endeavored  to  stir  up  Christian  friends  to  visit  and  write 
to  you  in  your  deep  affliction.  I  have  no  doubt  that  sonic  of 
them,  at  least,  will  heed  the  call.  Write  to  me,  care  of 
Captain  John  Avis,  Chaflestown,  Jefferson  County,  Vir 
ginia.  .  . 
464  Sanborn,  586. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  383 

The  thirty  days  ensuing  November  2d,  were  days  of  great 
anxiety  for  the  Virginia  authorities.  It  was  natural  that  they 
should  suspect  that  schemes  would  be  formed  to  rescue  Brown 
from  his  impending  fate.  In  this  they  were  not  mistaken.  In 
fact  the  planning  to  effect  his  rescue  was  begun  as  soon  as  it 
became  known  that  he  was  not  seriously  wounded ;  and  it  is 
probable  that  something  in  this  direction  might  have  been  at 
tempted,  if  the  schemers  had  received  any  encouragement  from 
the  prisoner.  But  to  the  man  who  had  planned  and  dreamed 
of  conquest,  as  Brown  had  planned,  and  dreamed,  their  schem 
ing  was  the  merest  of  trifling;  they  had  no  conception  of  daring 
and  striving,  as  he  had  dared  and  striven.  As  to  heroics,  he 
was  blase.  In  the  collapse  of  his  great  undertaking  he  had  had  / 
a  surfeit  of  tragedies  and  disappointments.  The  heart  of  the  * 
man  of  iron  was  subdued.  And  there  can  be  no  doubt  that,  at 
this  supreme  hour  in  his  life,  the  world  looked  small  to  John 
Brown.  He  had  toyed  with  it  as  with  a  bauble,  and  was  ready 
to  throw  it  away.  Besides,  he  had  too  often  measured  situa 
tions,  and  calculated  the  chances  for  success  against  formidable 
odds,  to  waste  any  time  with  adventures  such  as,  in  his  opinion, 
his  rescuers  were  capable  of  executing.  Hence,  when  Mr. 
Hoyt  informed  Brown,  October  28th,  that  a  plan  was  being- 
formed  to  storm  the  jail  and  set  the  prisoners  free,  he  promptly 
refused  to  encourage  the  attempt.  Conveying  Brown's  reply 
to  Mr.  Le  Barnes,  October  30th,  Mr.  Hoyt  wrote : 

There  is  no  chance  of  his  (Brown's)  ultimate  escape; 
there  is  nothing  but  the  most  unmitigated  failure,  and  the 
saddest  consequences  which  it  is  possible  to  conjure,  to  ensue 
upon  an  attempt  at  rescue.  The  country  all  around  is 
guarded  by  armed  patrols  and  a  large  body  of  troops  are  con 
stantly  under  arms.  If  you  hear  anything  about  such  an 
attempt,  for  Heaven's  sake  do  not  fail  to  restrain  the  enter 
prise. 

The  planning  for  his  rescue,  however,  did  not  cease  because 
Brown  disapproved  of  any  attempt  being  made  to  execute  such 


384  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

plans.  Mr.  Villard,  on  pages  511  to  528,  gives  a  full  and  very 
interesting  account  of  various  schemes  that  were  proposed  to 
accomplish  something,  by  force,  in  Brown's  behalf;  as  well  as  of 
the  precautionary  measures  that  were  taken  by  the  Virginians 
to  prevent  the  possibility  of  a  rescue. 

Mr.  Stearns,  thinking  that  Charles  Jennison  was  a  co-phi 
lanthropist,  sought  to  enlist  him  and  James  Stewart  in  one  of 
these  schemes.  Naturally  he  received  no  reply.  The  plan  for 
another  Kansas  rescue  measure  was  to  be  communicated  to 
Brown  by  a  young  Kansas  woman  —  Miss  Mary  Partridge. 
She  was  to  visit  Brown  in  his  cell  at  Charlestown ;  embrace  him 
affectionately  and,  incidentally,  put  a  paper  containing  the  plan 
of  the  rescue  into  his  mouth.465 

Mr.  Lysander  Spooner,  of  Boston,  proposed  to  kidnap  Gov 
ernor  Wise,  carry  him  out  to  sea  on  a  fast-going  boat,  and  hold 
him  as  a  hostage  for  Brown.  Mr.  Le  Barnes  worked  out  the 
scheme.  He  found  the  man  who  would  undertake  to  execute 
the  job;  and  a  boat  that  would  steam  fifteen  to  eighteen  knots 
an  hour  could  be  had  for  $5,000  to  $7,000.  The  expedition 
would  cost  $10,000  to  $15,000.  But  the  necessary  funds  were 
not  forthcoming  and  the  scheme  failed.  Another  plan  was  for 
an  open  invasion  of  Jefferson  County,  Virginia.  The  volun 
teer  forces  that  were  coming  from  Kansas  under  Colonel  Hin- 
ton,  as  reported  by  rumor,  were  to  be  consolidated  with  smaller 
forces  that  were  being  organized  in  Ohio,  under  John  Brown, 
Jr.,  and  to  these  were  to  be  added  the  "volunteers  from  New 
York  City  and  Boston."  They  were  all  to  unite  near  Charles- 
town  ;  "make  a  cross  country  rush  on  that  town  and,  after  free 
ing  the  prisoners,  they  were  to  seize  the  horses  of  the  cavalry 
companies  and  escape."  "Dr.  Howe,"  it  is  said,  "suggested 
that  they  be  armed  with  'Orisini'  bombs  and  hand-grenades,  in 
lieu  of  artillery."  Money  was  wanted  for  this  campaign, 
"fifteen  hundred  or  two  thousand  dollars  by  Tuesday  morning 
the  29th,  and  five  hundred  or  a  thousand  dollars  the  day  after. 

465  Villard,  514. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  385 

Mr.  Le  Barnes,  Mr.  James  Redpath,  and  Mr.  Sanborn  seem 
to  have  been  at  the  front,  in  the  promotion  of  these  visionary 
schemes.  Mr.  Hoyt,  in  the  meantime,  returned  from  a  fruitless 
mission  to  Ohio,  to  raise  funds,  and  reported  that  no  money 
could  be  had  in  that  quarter.  Upon  receiving  this  report  Mr. 
Sanborn  "gave  up  the  undertaking  and  wired  Le  Barnes  to 
return." 

October  31st,  Brown  wrote  the  following  letter  to  his  fam 
ily  : 466 

MY  DEAR  WIFE,  &  CHILDREN  EVERY  ONE 

I  suppose  you  have  learned  before  this  by  the  newspapers 
that  Two  weeks  ago  today  we  were  fighting  for  our  lives  at 
Harpers  ferry:  that  during  the  fight  Watson  was  mortally 
wounded;  Oliver  killed,  Wm.  Thompson  killed,  &  Dauphin 
slightly  wounded.  That  on  the  following  day  I  was  taken 
prisoner  immediately  after  which  I  received  several  Sabre- 
cuts  in  my  head ;  &  Bayonet  stabs  in  my  body.  As  nearly 
as  I  can  learn  Watson  died  of  his  wound  on  Wednesday  the 
2d  or  on  Thursday  the  3d  day  after  I  was  taken. 

Dauphin  was  killed  when  I  was  taken ;  &  Anderson  I  sup 
pose  also.  I  have  since  been  tried,  &  found  guilty  of  Treas 
on,  etc ;  and  of  murder  in  the  first  degree.  I  have  not  yet 
received  my  sentence.  No  others  of  the  company  with  whom 
you  were  acquainted  were,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  either  killed 
or  taken.  Under  all  these  terrible  calamities ;  I  feel  quite 
cheerful  in  the  assurance  that  God  reigns ;  &  will  overrule  all 
for  his  glory;  &  the  best  possible  good.f"'!  feel  no  conscious 
ness  of  guilt  in  the  matter ;  nor  even  mortification  on  account  .. 
of  my  imprisonment;  &  irons;  &  I  feel  perfectly  sure  that 
very  soon  no  member  of  my  family  will  feel  any  possible  dis 
position  to  "blush  on  my  account."  Already  dear  friends  at 
a  distance  with  kindest  sympathy  are  cheering  me  with  the 
assurance  that  posterity  at  least  will  do  me  justice.  I  shall 
commend  you  all  together,  with  my  beloved;  but  bereaved 
daughters  in  law,  to  their  sympathies  which  I  do  not  doubt  j 
will  reach  you. 

•1(i(!  Villard,  537. 


386  JOHN  BROWN:  A  CRITIQUE 

]'  I  also  commend  you  all  to  Him  "whose  mercy  endureth 
/  forever:"  to  the  God  of  my  fathers  "whose  I  am;  &  whom 
I  serve."  "He  will  never  leave  you  nor  forsake  you,"  unless 
you  forsake  Him.  Finally  my  dearly  beloved  be  of  good 
comfort.  Be  sure  to  remember  &  to  follozv  my  advice  & 
my  example  too;  so  far  as  it  has  been  consistent  with  the 
holy  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  in  which  I  remain  a  most  firm, 
&  humble  believer,  j  Never  forget  the  poor  nor  think  any 
thing  you  bestow  on  them  to  be  lost,  to  you  even  though 
they  may  be  as  black  as  Ebedmelch  the  Ethiopean  eunuch  who 
cared  for  Jeremiah  in  the  pit  of  the  dungeon ;  or  as  black 
as  the  one  to  whom  Phillip  preached  Christ.  Be  sure  to  en 
tertain  strangers,  for  thereby  some  have  —  "Remember  them 
that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with  them."  I  am  in  charge  of  a 
jailor  like  the  one  who  took  charge  of  "Paul  &  Silas" ;  &  you 
may  rest  assured  that  both  kind  hearts  &  kind  faces  are  more 
or  less  about  me ;  whilst  thousands  are  thirsting  for  my  blood. 
"These  light  afflictions  which  are  but  for  a  moment  shall  work 
out  for  us  a  far  more  exceeding  &  eternal  weight  of  Glory." 
I  hope  to  be  able  to  write  you  again.  My  wounds  are  doing 
well.  Copy  this  and  send  it  to  your  sorrow  stricken  broth 
ers,  Ruth ;  to  comfort  them.  Write  me  a  few  words  in  re 
gard  to  the  welfare  of  all.  God  Allmighty  bless  you  all ;  & 
"make  you  joyful  in  the  midst  of  all  your  tribulations." 
Write  to  John  Brown  Charlestown  Jefferson  Co.  Va,  care  of 
Capt  John  Avis. 

Your  affectionate  Husband  and  Father, 

JOHN  BROWN. 

..  P.  S.  Yesterday  Nov  2d.  I  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged 
I  on  Decem  2d  next.  Do  not  grieve  on  my  account.  I  am 
\  still  quite  cheerful.  God  bless  you  all. 

Yours  ever  J.  BROWN. 

This  letter  is  written  in  the  soft  language  and  in  the  apparent 
ly  consecrated  spirit  that  is  characteristic  of  Brown's  domestic 
and  social  correspondence.  But  the  beauty  of  his  lines  is 
marred,  and  the  sincerity  of  his  purpose  in  putting  them  forth, 
as  well  as  his  claims  to  a  Christian  character,  are  discredited 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  387 

by  the  falsehoods  contained  in  the  opening  paragraph.  Brown 
was  not  seriously  hurt  at  Harper's  Ferry.  He  received  two 
wounds,  a  light  dress-swrord  cut,  on  the  neck  and  head,  and  a 
sword  thrust  in  the  body  46T  and  these  he  received,  not  after  he 
had  been  taken  prisoner,  but  while  he  was  yet  bravely  fighting. 
Evidence  of  what  he  was  doing,  when  he  was  struck  down, 
appears  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  November  29th,  to  Mr.  J.  G. 
Anderson  concerning  one  of  his  captains.  He  said :  468 

Jeremiah  G.  Anderson  was  fighting  bravely  by  my  side 
at  Harper's  Ferry  up  to  the  moment  when  I  fell  wounded, 
and  I  took  no  further  notice  of  what  passed  for  a  little 
time.  .  . 

Brown  may  have  written  "the  truth  concerning  his  own  spirit 
and  composure,  in  this  his  first  letter  from  the  jail  to  his  fam 
ily,"  469  but  he  did  not  write  the  truth  concerning  the  character 
of  his  wounds,  and  the  conditions  under  which  he  received 
them. 

With  the  freedom  of  correspondence  that  was  granted  to  him 
came  Brown's  great  opportunity,  and  the  masterful  manner  in 
which  he  quickly  turned  it  to  his  advantage  is  one  of  the  marvels  /  «, 
of  this  history.     Equipped  with  a  vocabulary  of  devotional/ 
phrases  and  an  ample  magazine  of  biblical  quotations,  this  caged/ 
soldier  of  fortune,   the  would-be  Catiline  of  his  generation^ 
stormed  the  heights  of  public  opinion  ;  and  disarming  righteous 
ness  of  its  opposition  to  wrong,  won  a  moral  victory  as  marvel-\ 
ous  as  it  was  triumphant.     These  beautifully  devotional  letters,  s 
that  stand  as  monuments,  certifying  to  an  humble  Christian 
character,  like  flights  in  oratory,  were  written  with  regard  for 
the  effect  which  he  desired  to  accomplish,  but  without  regard 
for  the  truth  of  what  he  uttered. 

The  opinion  that  the  letters,  which  crowned  Brown's  char- 


467  See  Appendix   II.     Recollection  of   Hon.   Alexander  R.   Boteler   of 
Virginia. 

468  Sanborn,    611. 
469Villard,  537. 

25 


388  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 


acter  with  a  dignity  akin  to  sancity,  were  artfully  written,  and 
were  not  characteristic  of  him,  is  not  based  merely  upon  a  vul 
gar  suspicion.  It  finds  ample  justification  in  the  reckless  disre 
gard  for  the  truth  \vhich  prevails  throughout  the  entire  series ; 
and  in  direct  evidence.  The  invasion  had  failed.  Wounded, 
and  a  prisoner  in  irons,  with  the  gallows  for  his  portion,  Brown 
had  the  opportunty,  which  solitude  affords,  to  contemplate  the 
terrible  disaster  which  had  befallen  him  :  the  wreck  of  his  hopes  ; 
the  ruin  of  his  family;  their  utter  wretchedness,  and  the  shame 
and  humiliation  which  they  suffered  because  of  him.  In  his 
extremity,  he  planned  how  best  to  meet  the  problems  of  his  en 
vironment;  and,  substituting  the  mightier  pen  for  the  sword  of 
the  great  Frederick,  which  had  been  stricken  from  his  hand, 
he  began  a  systematic  campaign  for  a  martyr's  crown,  and  for 
pecuniary  assistance  for  his  family,  whenever  a  favorable  oppor 
tunity  presented  itself. 

November  10th,  he  disclosed  to  his  wife  the  plan  of  this,  his 
final  conception:  "I  have  been  whipped  as  the  saying  w,"  he 
said,  "but  I  am  sure  I  can  recover  all  the  lost  capital  occasioned 
by  the  disaster ;  by  only  hanging  a  few  moments  by  the  neck ; 
&  I  feel  determined  to  make  the  utmost  possible  out  of  a  defeat. 
I  am  dayly  &  hourly  striving  to  gather  up  what  little  I  may 
from  the  wreck."  47° 

In  reply  to  a  letter  from  a  kinsman,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Humphrey, 
of  Pottsfield,  Massachusetts,  he  wrote  November  25th : 4T1 

I  discover  that  you  labor  under  a  mistaken  impression  as 
to  some  important  facts  which  my  peculiar  circumstances  will 
in  all  probability  prevent  the  possibility  of  my  removing ;  and 
I  do  not  propose  to  take  up  any  argument  to  prove  that  any 
motion  or  act  of  my  life  is  right.  But  I  will  here  state  that 
I  know  it  to  be  wholly  my  own  fault  as  a  leader  that  caused 
our  disaster.  .  . 

If  you  do  not  believe  I  had  a  murderous  intention  (while  I 

540. 


1  Sanborn,  603. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  389 

know  I  had  not)  why  grieve  so  terribly  on  my  account  ?  The 
scaffold  has  but  few  terrors  for  me.  God  has  often  covered 
my  head  in  the  day  of  battle,  and  granted  me  many  times 
deliverances  that  were  almost  so  miraculous  that  I  can  scarce 
realize  the  truth ;  and  now,  when  it  seems  quite  certain  that 
he  intends  to  use  me  shall  I  not  most  cheerfully  go  ?  I  may 
be  deceived,  but  I  humbly  trust  that  he  will  not  forsake  me 
"till  I  have  showed  his  favor  to  this  generation  and  his 
strength  to  every  one  that  is  to  come." 

October  27th,  a  Quaker  lady  wrote  to  Brown  from  Newport, 
Rhode  Island : 472 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  BROWN. 

DEAR  FRIKND  :  —  Since  thy  arrest  I  have  often  thought  of 
thee,  and  have  wished  that,  like  Elizabeth  Fry  toward  her 
prison  friends,  so  I  might  console  thee  in  thy  confinement. 
But  that  can  never  be ;  and  so  I  can  only  write  thee  a  few 
lines  which,  if  they  contain  any  comfort,  may  come  to  thee 
like  some  little  ray  of  light.  .  . 

Oh,  I  wish  I  could  plead  for  thee  as  some  of  the  other  sex 
can  plead,  how  I  would  seek  to  defend  thee !  If  I  now  had 
the  eloquence  of  Portia,  how  I  would  turn  the  scale  in  thy 
favor  !  But  I  can  only  pray  "God  bless  thee !"  God  pardon 
thee  and  through  our  Redeemer  give  thee  safety  and  hap 
piness  now  and  always'!  From  thy  friend,  E.  B. 

Posing  as  if  in  the  shadow  of  the  sheltering  wings  of  the 
Almighty,  answering  this  letter,  Brown  asserted  that  he  had 
been  the  special  instrument  on  earth  of  a  militant  Christ,  to 
execute  the  divine  will  in  Kansas ;  and  incidentally  solicited  a 
contribution  for  his  family.  He  said  : 473 

.  .  .  You  know  that  Christ  once  armed  Peter.  So 
also  in  my  case  I  think  he  put  a  sword  into  my  hand  and 
there  continued  it  so  long  as  he  saw  best,  and  then  kindly 
took  it  from  me.  I  mean  when  I  first  went  to  Kansas.  I 
wish  you  could  know  with  what  cheerfulness  I  am  now  wield- 

472  Sanborn,  581. 

473  Sanborn,  582. 


V 


V 


390  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

ing  the  "sword  of  the  spirit"  on  the  right  hand  and  on  the 
left.  I  bless  God  that  it  proves  "mighty  to  the  pulling  down 
of  strongholds."  I  always  loved  my  Quaker  friends  and  I 
commend  to  their  regard  my  poor  bereaved  widowed  wife 
and  my  daughters  and  daughters-in-law,  whose  husbands  fell 
at  my  side.  One  is  a  mother  and  the  other  likely  to  become 
so  soon.  They,  as  well  as  my  own  sorrow  stricken  daugh 
ters,  are  left  very  poor,  and  have  much  greater  need  of  sym 
pathy  than  I,  who  through  Infinite  Grace,  and  the  great 
kindness  of  strangers,  am  "joyful  in  all  my  tribulations." 

Dear  Sister,  write  to  them  at  North  Elba,  Essex  County, 
N.  Y.,  to  comfort  their  sad  hearts.  Direct  to  Mary  A. 
Brown,  wife  of  John  Brown.  .  . 

It  may  be  said  of  this  unsophisticated  woman,  whose  heart 
was  touched  by  a  sympathy  undeserved,  that  if  she  had  known 
what  took  place  at  the  humble  cabin  of  the  Doyles  on  the  night 
of  May  24,  1856,  when  the  murderous  sword,  which  Brown 
says  Christ  placed  in  his  hands,  was  run  through  Doyle's  breast, 
(while  others  of  the  party  secured  the  helpless  widow's  and 
orphans'  horses)  she  would  not  have  made  her  contribution  to 
this  history.  Also,  Brown's  letter  to  this  woman  may  be  taken 
as  an  exhibit  or  sample  of  the  sacrilege  and  artful  dissimulation 
that  is  characteristic  of  his  prison  correspondence.  And,  since 
his  claims  to  sincerity  of  purpose,  and  a  devotion  to  humanity 
depend  largely  upon  this  correspondence,  it  discloses  the  fiction, 
wherewith  his  fame  has  been  promoted.  November  29th  he 
wrote  to  his  friend,  Mrs.  George  L.  Stearns :  474 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  No  letter  I  have  received  since  my 
imprisonment  here,  has  given  me  more  satisfaction,  or  com 
fort,  than  yours  of  the  8,  instant.  I  am  quite  cheerful ;  & 
was  never  more  happy.  Have  only  time  to  write  a  word. 
May  God  forever  reward  you  &  all  yours.  My  love  to  All 
who  love  their  neighbors.  I  have  asked  to  be  spared  from 
having  any  mock;  or  hypocritical  prayers  made  over  me, 
when  I  am  publicly  murdered :  &  that  my  only  religious  at- 

^Sanborn,  610. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  391 

tendants  be  poor  little,  dirty,  ragged,  bareheaded  &  barefooted 
Slave  Boys ;  &  Girls  led  by  some  old  gray-headed  Slave  Moth 
er.     Farewell.     Farewell. 
The  last  paper  written  by  John  Brown  was  handed  to  one  of 

his  guards  in  the  jail  on  the  morning  of  his  execution.     It 

read : 475 

I  John  Brown,  am  now  quite  certain  that  the  crimes  of  \      ^ 
this  guilty  land  will  never  be  purged  away  but  with  blood.       \^ 
I  had  as  I  now  think,  vainly  flattered  myself  that  without        // 
very  much  blood-shed  it  might  be  done. 

November  24th  Governor  Wise  wrote  to  General  Taliaferre.r/ 
giving  him  directions  as  follows : 

Keep  full  guard  on  the  line  of  the  frontier  from  Mar- 
tinsburg  to  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the  day  of  2d.  Dec.  Warn 
the  inhabitants  to  arm  and  keep  guard  and  patrol  on  that  day 
and  for  days  beforehand.  These  orders  are  necessary  to 
prevent  seizures  of  hostages.  Warn  the  inhabitants  to  stay 
away  and  especially  to  keep  the  women  and  children  at  home. 
Prevent  all  strangers,  and  especially  all  parties  of  strangers, 
from  proceeding  to  Charlestown  on  2d  of  Dec.  To  this 
end  station  a  guard  at  Harper's  Ferry  sufficient  to  control 
crowds  on  the  cars  from  the  East  and  West.  Form  two 
concentric  squares  around  the  gallows,  and  have  a  strong 
guard  at  the  jail  and  for  escort  to  execution.  Let  no  crowd 
be  near  enough  to  the  prisoner  to  hear  any  speech  he  may 
attempt.  Allow  no  more  visitors  to  be  admitted  to  the 
jail.476 

Appealing  to  the  President  for  troops  Governor  Wise  stated  1 
that  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  an  attempt  would  "be  made  to  j 
rescue  the  prisoners,  and  if  that  fails  then  to  seize  citizens  of  * 
this  State  as  hostages  and  victims  in  case  of  execution."  477 

In  addition  to  the  Virginia  militia  assembled  at  Charlestown 
December  2d,  were  a  detachment,  264  men,  from  the  Artillery 

•*75  Sanborn,  620. 
476Villard,  523. 
477  Villard,  527. 


392  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

Corps,  United  States  army,  and  the  corps  of  cadets  from  the 
Virginia  Military  Institute  at  Lexington.  These  organizations 
were  commanded,  respectively,  by  two  men  who  were  soon  to 
win  great  renown ;  whose  names  were  to  become  famous  in  the 
world's  history  for  deeds  of  military  glory :  Colonel  Robert  E. 
Lee  and  Prof.  Thomas  J.  Jackson. 

From  the  home  of  Mr.  J.  M.  McKim,  in  Philadelphia,  No 
vember  21st,  'Mrs.  Brown  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Governor 
asking  for  the  "mortal  remains  of  my  husband  and  his  sons" 
for  burial,  to  which  he  replied  as  follows : 478 

I  am  happy,  Madam,  that  you  seem  to  have  the  wisdom 
and  virtue  to  appreciate  my  position  of  duty.  Would  to  God 
that  "public  considerations  could  avert  his  doom,"  for  The 
Omniscient  knows  that  I  take  not  the  slightest  pleasure  in 
the  execution  of  any  whom  the  laws  condemn.  May  He 
have  mercy  on  the  erring  and  the  afflicted. 

Enclosed  is  an  order  to  Major  Genl.  Wm.  B.  Taliaferro, 
in  command  at  Charlestown,  Va.  to  deliver  to  your  order,  the 
mortal  remains  of  your  husband  "when  all  shall  be  over" ; 
to  be  delivered  to  your  agent  at  Harper's  Ferry ;  and  if  you 
attend  the  reception  in  person,  to  guard  you  sacredly  in  your 
solemn  mission. 

With  Tenderness  and  Truth,  I  am 
Very  respectfully,  your  humble  servant, 

HENRY  A.  WISE. 

Under  the  authority  of  this  letter,  Mrs.  Brown,  in  company 
with  Mrs.  McKim  and  Mr.  Hector  Tyndale,  arrived  at  Har 
per's  Ferry,  November  30th.  There  she  received  a  telegram 
from  the  Governor  giving  her  permission  to  visit  her  husband, 
alone,  on  the  following  day,  stipulating  that  she  return  to  Har 
per's  Ferry  the  same  evening.  She  was,  accordingly,  driven 
to  Charlestown  the  next  afternoon  in  care  of  an  escort  —  a  ser 
geant  and  eight  men  —  of  the  Fauquier  Cavalry,  a  captain  of 
infantry  occupying  a  seat  beside  her.  When  the  time  came  for 
478Villard,  549. 


A  SOLDIER  OF  THE  CROSS  393 

her  to  return,  Brown  begged  that  her  visit  might  be  extended 
until  morning,  but,  under  his  orders,  the  general  in  command 
could  not  grant  this  request.  The  hour  for  the  final  parting 
had  come ;  the  heart-broken  woman,  with  her  grief,  returned  to 
Harper's  Ferry  to  await  the  tragedy  of  the  tomorrow. 

December  2d,  about  an  hour  before  his  execution,  Brown 
disposed  of  the  wreckage  of  his  campaign  supplies  in  a  "will 
and  codicil"  which  were  written  for  him  by  Mr.  Hunter.479  It 
provided  that  all  his  property,  being  personal  property,  "which 
is  scattered  about  in  the  States  of  Virginia  and  Maryland," 
should  be  carefully  gathered  up  by  his  executor  and  "disposed 
of  to  the  best  advantage  and  the  proceeds  thereof  paid  over  to 
his  beloved  wife,  Mary  A.  Brown."  He  trusted  that  his  right 
to  such  articles  as  were  not  of  a  "war-like  character"  and  all 
other  property  that  he  might  be  entitled  to  might  be  respected. 
He  appointed  Sheriff  James  W.  Campbell,  "Executor  of  this 
my  true  last  Will,  hereby  revoking  all  others."  The  document 
was  sealed,  and  witnessed  by  John  Avis,  the  jailer,  and  Andrew 
Hunter. 

At  10 :30  Brown  was  notified  by  the  sheriff  to  prepare  for  the 
execution.  He  then  visited  his  late  companions  in  arms.  To 
all,  except  Hazlett  and  Cook,  he  gave  such  adieux  as  he  could, 
in  view  of  the  painful  circumstances  into  which  he  had  led  them. 
Hazlett  he  had  refused  to  recognize  when  he  was  first  brought 
before  him  in  the  prison,  and  continued  to  the  end  to  deny  that 
he  had  been  a  member  of  his  band.  As  to  Cook,  the  relations 
between  them  were  not  cordial.  .He  had  stated  in  his  "con 
fession"  that  Brown  had  sent  him  to  Harper's  Ferry  in  June, 
1858.  This  Brown  denied;  and  charged  Cook  with  having 
made  false  statements,  saying,  "you  know  I  protested  against 
your  coming."  To  which  Cook  replied:  "Captain  Brown, 
you  and  I  remember  differently."  Cook  may  have  asked  for 
the  Harper's  Ferry  detail,  but  Brown  must  have  consented  to 

*79  Villard.  669. 


394  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

the  arrangement,  for  he  furnished  the  money  to  defray  the  ex 
penses  of  his  going  thereto.  Cook  secured  valuable  informa 
tion  there,  which  he  reported  to  Brown,  including,  among  other 
things,  a  census  of  the  slave  population  of  that  vicinity.480 

The  spectacle  which  met  Brown's  gaze  as  he  stepped  upon  the 
porch  from  the  door  of  the  jail  on  his  way  to  the  scaffold,  could 
not  otherwise  than  recall  to  his  mind  the  dreams  of  conquest  and 
of  military  glory  which  he  had  cherished.  Three  thousand  men 
—  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery  —  were  under  arms.  In  ad 
miration  of  the  display  —  for  the  "street  was  full  of  marching 
men,"  he  said :  "I  had  no  idea  that  Governor  Wise  considered 
my  execution  so  important,"  *81  and  for  that  reason,  Mr.  Vil- 
lard  says,  "no  little  slave-child  was  held  up  for  the  benison  of  his 
lips,  for  none  but  soldiery  was  near." 

The  undertaker's  wagon,  a  t\vo  seated  vehicle,  drawn  by 
two  white  horses,  stood  near,  the  driver  and  undertaker  occu 
pying  the  front  seat.  Brown  took  his  place  in  the  second  seat 
between  the  sheriff  —  Campbell  —  and  his  jailer,  Avis.  The 
party  then  moved  to  the  place  of  execution.  The  escort,  under 
the  command  of  Colonel  T.  P.  August,  consisted  of  a  company 
of  cavalry  under  Captain  Scott,  arid  a  battalion  of  infantry  under 
Major  Loring.  On  the  way  to  the  field,  Brown  spoke  only  of 
unimportant  things,  the  weather  and  the  scenery.  "This  is  a 
beautiful  country,"  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "I  never  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  it  before."  It  was  a  solemn  procession,  and 
was  void  of  any  effects  in  heroic  phraseology. 

The  time  was  ripe  for  the  final  metamorphosis  of  John  Brown. 
A  blow  of  a  hatchet  cut  the  cord  that  linked  him  to  earthly 
things :  The  Soldier  of  Fortune  became  the  historical  Soldier 
of  the  Cross. 


480  Mason  Report,  47. 

481  Villard,  554. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE" 

Much  ado  about  nothing. 


—  SHAKESPEARE 


JOHN  BROWN'S  fame  is  an  unearned  increment.  It  was  se 
cured  by  misrepresentations  put  forth  by  himself  and  members 
of  his  family,  and  by  the  Disunionists  —  "Union-splitters" 
of  his  time,  who  inspired  his  final  actions.  Through  these  agen 
cies  he  acquired  a  creditable  rating  in  history;  not  because  of 
the  things  which  he  did;  nor  because  of  the  things-which-he 
sought  to  do ;  but  because  of  the  things  which  were  said  about 
him ;  and  because  of  the  things  which  were  done  to  him.  His 
fame  is  the  result  of  an  exploitation,  in  eloquent  phrases,  of 
virtues,  purposes,  and  motives,  which  were  attributed  to^frim. 
It  has  thus  been  overcapitalized.  The  stock  was  watered.  In 
respect  to  the  truth  of  history,  his  fame  is  all  "water."  It  was 
not  based  upon  fact,  but  upon  fancy ;  upon  untenable  conclusions 
concerning  his  character,  and  wildly  extravagant  and  irrelevant 
assumptions  concerning  his  emotions.  These  are  the  sole  as 
sets  to  be  found  in  the  appraisement  of  his  public  estate. 

Of  him  Mr.  Redpath  said,  in  part : 

He  was  too  large  a  man  to  stand  on  any  platform.     He 

planted  his  feet  on  the  Rock  of  Ages  —  the  Eternal  truth  — 

and  was  therefore  never  shaken  in  his  policy  or  principles. 
He  scouted  the  idea  of  rest  while  he  held  a  commission 

direct  from  God  Almighty  to  act  against  Slavery.     .     . 
Where  the  Republicans  said,  Halt !  John  Brown  shouted, 

Forward !   to  the   rescue !     He   was   an  abolitionist  of  the 

Bunker  Hill  school. 


396  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

It  did  not  concern  Mr.  Redpath  that  the  "Bunker  Hill"  school 
of  abolitionists  were  themselves  slave-holders. 

Mr.  Thoreau,  who  was  also  a  Union-splitter,  said  : 

No  man  in  America  has  ever  stood  up  so  persistently 
for  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  knowing  himself  for  man 
and  the  equal  of  any  and  all  governments.  He  could  not 
have  been  tried  by  his  peers,  for  his  peers  did  not  exist. 

He  did  not  go  to  Harvard.  He  was  not  fed  on  the  pap 
that  is  there  furnished,  but  he  went  to  the  University  of 
the  West  where  he  studied  the  science  of  Liberty,  and  hav 
ing  taken  his  degree,  he  finally  commenced  the  practice  of 
humanity  in  Kansas. 

Of  Thoreau,  Mr.  Alcott  wrote  in  his  diary,  Saturday,  No 
vember  5,  1859: 

.  .  .  Thoreau  talks  freely  and  enthusiastically  about 
Brown,  denouncing  the  Union,  the  President,  the  States, 
and  Virginia  particularly ;  wishes  to  publish  his  late  speech, 
and  has  seen  Boston  publishers,  but  failed  to  find  any  to 
print  it  for  him.482 

Mr.  Sanborn  said: 

Such  was  the  man  —  of  the  best  New  England  blood,  of 
the  stock  of  the  Plymouth  Pilgrims,  and  bred  up  like  them 
"in  the  nurture  and  admonition  of  the  Lord"  -  —  who  was 
selected  by  God,  and  knew  himself  to  be  so  chosen,  to  over 
throw  the  bulwark  of  oppression  in  America.  He  seems  to 
have  declared  a  definite  plan  of  attacking  slavery  in  one  of 
its  strongholds,  by  force,  as  early  as  1839 ;  and  it  was  to 
obtain  money  for  this  enterprise  that  he  engaged  in  land- 
speculations  and  wool-merchandise  for  the  next  ten  or  twelve 
years.  .  .  Other  men  might  have  been  spared  but  Brown 
was  indispensable.483 

Said  Wendell  Phillips  : 

God  makes  him  the  text,  and  all  he  asks  of  our  compara 
tively  cowardly  lips  is  to  preach  the  sermon,  and  say  to  the 

482  Sanborn,  506. 

483  Sanborn,  Recollections  of  Seventy  Years,  75. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  397 

American  people  that,  whether  this  old  man  succeeded  in  a 
worldly  sense  or  not,  he  stood  as  a  representative  of  law,  of 
g-overnment,  of  right,  of  justice,  of  religion,  and  they  were 
pirates  that  gathered  about  him,  and  sought  to  wreak  venge 
ance  by  taking  his  life.  The  banks  of  the  Potomac  are 
doubly  dear  now  to  History  and  to  Man !  The  dust  of 
Washington  rests  there ;  and  History  will  see  forever  on  that 
river  side  the  brave  old  man  on  his  pallet,  whose  dust,  when 
God  calls  him  hence,  the  Father  of  his  Country  would  be 
proud  to  make  room  for  beside  his  own. 

Mr.  Higginson  said : 

Such  men  as  he  needed  are  not  to  be  found  ordinarily ; 
they  must  be  reared.  John  Brown  did  not  merely  look  for 
men,  therefore,  he  reared  them  in  his  sons. 

John  A.  Andrew,  who  did  not  believe  that  Brown  was  present 
or  in  any  way  connected  with  the  robberies  and  murders  on  the 
Pottawatomie,  said : 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  John  Brown's  acts,  John 

Brown  himself  was  right. 

The  Rev.  Theodore  Parker,  who  believed  in  slave  insurrec 
tions  and  their  horrors,  wrote : 

Let  the  American  State  hang  his  body  and  the  American 
Church  damn  his  soul.  Still,  the  blessing  of  such  as  are 
ready  to  perish  will  fall  on  him,  and  the  universal  justice  of 
the  Infinitely  Perfect  God  will  make  him  welcome  home. 
The  road  to  heaven  is  as  short  from  the  gallows  as  from  the 
throne. 

Mr.  Emerson  said : 

That  new  saint,  than  whom  none  purer  or  more  brave  was 
ever  led  by  love  of  men  into  conflict  and  death  —  the  ne\v 
saint  awaiting  his  martyrdom,  and  who,  if  he  shall  suffer, 
will  make  the  gallows  glorious  like  the  cross. 

Into  a  carnival  of  rhetoric  so  picturesque,  Mr.  John  James 
Ingalls  could  not  fail  to  enter  the  lists  and  compete  for  the  prize. 
Poising  his  shining  lance  he  delivered  this  thrust: 


398  JOHN  BROWN :  A  CRITIQUE 

But  the  three  men  of  this  era  who  will  loom  forever 
against  the  remotest  horizon  of  time,  as  the  pyramids 
above  the  voiceless  desert,  or  the  mountain  peaks  above  the 
subordinate  plains,  are  Abraham  Lincoln,  Ulysses  S.  Grant 
and  Old  John  Brown  of  Osawatomie. 
^Victor  Hugo  said : 

The  punishment  of  John  Brown  may  consolidate  slavery  in 
Virginia,  but  it  will  certainly  shatter  the  American  Democ 
racy.     You  preserve  your  shame  but  you  kill  your  glory. 
Similar  exhibits,  in  the  hyperbolical  optimism  that  constitutes 
this  promotion  by  wind,  might  be  added  hereto  indefinitely ;  for 
the  output  of  such  fantastical  flights  was  limited  only  by  the 
boundaries  of  taste  and  imagination.     Probably  the  best  things 
have  been  said.     But  that  does  not  wholly  discourage  the  later 
generations.     Emulation  in  the  phrase  making  competition  still 
places  a  premium  upon  inconsistency.     Mr.  Villard  said  fifty 
years  after : 

In  Virginia,  John  Brown  atoned  for  Pottawatomie  by  the 
nobility  of  his  philosophy  and  his  sublime  devotion  to  prin 
ciple,  even  on  the  gallows. 

Perhaps  nowhere  else  than  in  the  peculiar  philosophy  of  those 
who  attribute  virtue  to  Brown  as  a  motive  for  vice,  may  we 
find  nobility  in  dissimulation  ;  atonement  without  reconciliation  ; 
and  the  sublimity  of  devotion  to  principle  in  the  denial  of  the 
truth.  Awaiting  death  in  the  Charlestown  jail,  Brown  denied 
that  he  had  been  a  party  to  the  murders  and  the  robberies  on  the 
Pottawatomie ;  and  went  from  the  gallows  into  the  presence  of 
the  Almighty  to  answer  for  both  his  participation  in  that  horror 
and  for  his  repeated  denials  of  having  been  personally  concerned 
in  it.484 

December  10,  1911,  Mr.  Clyde  McGee,  of  Chicago,  said, 
among  many  other  worked-over  things : 

It  grew  upon  him  as  he  prayed,  for  John  Brown  was  a 

484  Villard,   545. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  399 

man  who  talked  with  God  as  confidently  as  a  friend  speaketh 

with  friend.485 

When  Brown  and  his  sons  planned,  during  March  and  April  \ 
and  May,  1856,  to  steal  Doyle's,  and  Wilkinson's,  and  other  \ 
settlers'  horses  and  leave  the  country;  they  planned,  as  a  pre 
cautionary  measure,  to  first  make  widows  and  orphans  of  the 
wives  and  children  of  these  men,  and  then  to  steal  the  horses ; 
not  from  the  dead  men,  but  from  the  weeping  women  and  help-     / 
less  children.     Who  think  you  talked  with  Brown  and  his  swag 
gering  sons  as  "friend  speaketh  with  friend"  during  the  time 
their  plans  were  being  made  for  these  assassinations  and  rob 
beries,  and  while  they  executed  them:     The  Almighty,  or  the 
Devil?     Brown  was  not  sure  who  it  was  that  prompted  him 
to  incite  the  slaves  to  strike  for  their  liberty,  by  assassinating 
their  masters.     He  answered  Mr.  Vallandigham  at  Harper's 
Ferry  : 

No  man  sent  me  here ;  it  was  my  own  prompting  and  that 

of  my  Maker,  or  that  of  the  Devil ;  whichever  you  please  to 

ascribe  it  to.     I  acknowledge  no  master  in  human  form.486 

Kansas  has  done  much  in  honor  of  John  Brown.  An  asso 
ciation,  organized  for  the  purpose,  erected  a  stately  monument 
at  Osawatomie,  which  was  dedicated  to  his  memory  August  30, 
1877,  by  Kansas'  most  picturesque  orator  and  statesman,  the 
late  John  James  Ingalls.  Later,  the  patriotic  women  connected 
with  the  society  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  in  Kansas, 
purchased  the  site  of  the  Battle  of  Osawatomie,  for  a  "State 
Park" ;  which  was  dedicated,  as  such,  by  ex-President  Theo 
dore  Roosevelt,  August  30,  1910.  Also,  the  State  Legislature 
of  1895,  authorized  a  society  to  place  a  statue  of  Brown  in  the 
national  hall  of  fame,  Statuary  Hall,  in  the  rotunda  of  the 
national  capitol ;  thus,  to  the  world,  certifying  his  life  and  public 
services  to  have  been  the  most  conspicuous  and  illustrious  of  all 

485  The  Chicago  Reminder,  vol.  x,  no.  5. 
4S6  Villard,  457. 


400  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

its  citizens.     The  text  of  the  resolution  concerning  this  statue 
is  as  follows : 

Whereas,  The  Lincoln  Sailors'  and  Soldiers'  National 
Monument  Association  now  has  in  process  of  construction  a 
statue  or  monument  of  John  Brown ;  and 

Whereas,  Said  association  has  made  application  to  the 
authorities  at  Washington  to  have  such  monument  put  in 
statuary  hall  in  the  capitol  building,  and  has  been  advised  by 
the  general  government  that  before  this  permission  could  be 
granted  a  request  from  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  Kansas 
would  be  necessary :  therefore,  be  it 

Resolved  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  Senate  Con 
curring  therein,  That  we  hereby  request  the  proper  author 
ities  in  charge  of  the  United  States  Statuary  hall,  at  Wash 
ington,  D.  C.,  to  permit  such  monument  to  be  placed  therein ; 
be  it  further 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  forwarded 
to  each  of  our  senators  and  representatives  in  Washington, 
D.  C. 

For  a  reason  unexplained  by  his  later  biographers,  the  au 
thority  to  confer  this  honor  upon  Brown  —  the  highest  honor 
within  the  power  of  the  State  to  bestow  —  was  never  exercised ; 
a  delinquency  which  excites  a  suspicion  that  the  resolution 
stated  conditions,  as  existing,  which  did  not  exist. 

At  the  head  of  the  schedule  of  assumptions  concerning  the 
innocence  of  Brown's  intentions,  the  purity  of  his  motives,  and 
the  exaltation  of  his  devotion  to  humanity,  is  his  "martyrdom." 
This  item  has  been  illuminated  with  a  halo  of  holiness.  As 
"Christ  died  to  make  men  holy,"  so  Brown  is  said  to  have  died 
to  "make  men  free."  No  one  has  claimed  that  Hugh  Forbes 
was  an  humanitarian,  or  other  than  an  adventurer.  Yet  in 
relation  to  Brown's  insurrection,  the  minds  of  the  two  men  - 
John  Brown  and  Hugh  Forbes  —  met  in  full  accord ;  there  was 
agreement  between  them.  Together  they  planned  the  invasion 
of  the  South,  for  the  promotion  of  their  personal  fortunes. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  401 

Their  aims,  their  ambitions,  and  their  hopes  were  identical. 
If  Brown's  exchequer  had  been  ample,  Forbes  too  would  have 
appeared  at  Harper's  Ferry  and  there  would  have  been  a  pair 
of  martyrs  there :  "Two  of  a  kind." 

The  logic  of  the  fiction  of  his  martyrdom  is  founded  upon 
the  assumption  that  Brown  held  an  option  upon  his  life  which 
he  elected  to  forfeit ;  and  that  he  offered  it  as  a  sacrifice :  that 
he  chose  to  die,  as  the  Redeemer  of  Men  died ;  and  in  thus  dy 
ing  made  "the  gallows  glorious  like  the  cross.''  Brown  did  not 
contemplate  dying  at  Harper's  Ferry  any  more  than  did  Hugh 
Forbes,  or  Stevens,  or  Cook,  or  Kagi ;  and  he  would  not  have 
died  at  Charlestown  if  he  could  have  controlled  the  event. 
These  men  knew  that  some  of  them  would,  probably,  die,  but 
each  passed  the  subject  over  lightly,  believing  that  in  some  in 
scrutable  way,  if  fatalities  occurred,  it  would  be  some  of  the 
others  who  would  fall.  Men  of  their  type  "die  but  once." 
Brown  accepted  the  chances  of  war  as  did  his  followers,  and  as 
Forbes  sought  the  opportunity  of  doing.  Men  who  have  sim 
ilarly  risked  their  lives,  times  almost  without  number,  are  not 
impressed  by  such  martyrdoms.  To  his  faithful  Sanborn, 
Brown  wrote :  "I  am  now  rather  anxious  to  live  for  a  few 
years."  488  He  desired  to  live  to  organize,  and  to  command 
the  army  of  the  Provisional  Government :  and  to  be  the  head  of 
a  new  nation :  a  new  "United  States."  He  hoped  for  longevity, 
that  he  might  wear  the  honors  and  enjoy  the  fame  and  thC| 
emoluments  of  his  prospective  achievement. 

The  years  of  Brown's  life  were  a  constant,  persistent,  stren 
uous  struggle  to  get  money.  As  to  the  means  which  should 
be  employed  in  the  getting  of  it,  he  was  indifferent.  In  his 
philosophy,  results  were  paramount ;  the  means  to  the  end  were 
of  no  consequence.  A  stranger  to  honor,  he  violated  every  con 
fidence  that  should  be  held  sacred  among  men ;  and  in  his  avarice 
trampled  upon  every  law,  moral  and  statute,  human  and  Di- 

488  Ante,  note  281. 


402  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

vine.  Consistent  with  the  speculative  instinct  so  distinctly 
characteristic  of  his  life,  his  greatest  or  principal  object  was  to 
get  money,  and  to  get  it  quickly. 

Mr.  Villard  asserts  that  Brown's  greatest  or  principal  obiert 
was  to  assault  slavery,  and  so  entitles  an  important  chapter  in 
the  recent  biography.  Assuming  his  premises  to  be  correct,  he 
commences  the  chapter  with  this  inquiry : 

When  was  it  that  John  Brown,  practical  shepherd,  tanner, 
farmer,  surveyor,  cattle  expert,  real-estate  speculator  and 
wool  merchant,  first  conceived  what  he  calls  in  his  autobio 
graphy  "his  greatest  or  principal  object"  in  life  —  the  forci 
ble  overthrow  of  slavery  in  his  native  land  ?  The  question  is 
not  an  idle  one,  etc.489 

The  question,  nevertheless,  is  an  idle  one.  During  the  in 
terview  which  Brown  gave  out  at  Harper's  Ferry,  October 
18th,  Mr.  Vallandigham  asked  him  this  pointed  question: 
"How  long  have  you  been  engaged  in  this  business  ?"  49°  To 
which  Brown  replied : 

From  the  breaking  out  of  the  difficulties  in  Kansas.     Four 

of  my  sons  had  gone  there  to  settle  and  they  wanted  me  to 

go.491 

Also,  Brown  stated  over  his  signature,  in  March,  1859,  that 
it  was  "since  1855"  that  it  had  been  his  judgment  that  the  wray 
to  successfully  oppose  slavery  "would  be  to  meddle  directly 
with  the  peculiar  institution."  492  That  he  had  the  subject 
under  consideration  prior  to  1845  is  expressly  discredited  by 
Brown,  in  his  autobiography,  in  the  statement  that  he  was 
"averse  to  military  affairs" ;  that  he  refused  to  "train  or  drill; 
but  paid  fines  &  got  along  like  a  Quaker  until  his  age  finally 
cleared  him  of  military  duty."  493 

489  Villard,  42. 

490  Sanborn,  562. 

491  Mr.  Villard  omits  this  question  and  answer  from  his  account  of  the 
interview. 

492  Ante,  note  340. 

493  Autobiography,  433. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  403 

The  record  of  Brown's  life,  prior  to  1857,  is  barren  of  any 
contemporaneous  expression  by  ,him  or  by  any  member  of  his 
family  which  even  remotely  suggests  the  possibility  that  he 
might  have  contemplated  attempting  a  forcible  assault  against 
slavery.  If  his  mind  had  been  preoccupied  with  a  desire  of 
such  overshadowing  importance  the  fact  would  have  shone  in 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  children  January  23,  and  Aug 
ust  6,  1852,  relating  to  the  conduct  of  their  lives.494  There  is 
much,  however,  in  this  history  which  discredits  the  assumption 
that  he  gave  the  subject  any  consideration  whatever.  A  man 
whose  life  was  a  "burning"  devotion  to  an  ambition  so  heroic 
as  to  become  the  "David  of  the  Goliath  of  Slavery,"  '5  ought 
to  have  shown  some  personal  interest  in  the  matter ;  he  should 
not  have  left  it  wholly  to  his  panegyrists.  It  appears  however 
that  the  peaceful  "tanner  and  shepherd"  was  so  unconscious  of 
having  any  object  in  life  worth  living  for  that  he  "felt,"  during 
this  time,  "a  strong  and  steady  desire  to  die" ; 496  a  condition  of 
mind  wholly  inconsistent  with  heroism  or  with  one  "burning" 
to  bear  anus,  or  with  a  "man  of  war  emerging  from  the  chrys 
alis  of  peace."  *97  The  assumptions  upon  which  Mr.  Villard  re 
lies  for  the  relevancy  of  his  question  are  gratuitous.  The 
chapter  is  a  scholarly  example,  put  forth  by  a  scholar,  of  the  art 
of  making  "much  ado  about  nothing." 

It  would  be  proper  to  say  that  the  conquest  of  the  Southern 
States  was  the  greatest  or  principal  undertaking  in  Brown's 
career,  and  that  it  was  in  1857  that  he  first  planned  to  attempt    I 
it.     His  capture  of  Pate's  horses  and  mules  at  Black  Jack  in   | 
June ;  and  the  days  which  he  spent  in  stealing  cattle,  at  and  11 
around  Osawatomie,  during  the  last  days  of  August,  1856;  and  II 
his  plundering  in  Missouri  and  Kansas  in  1858,  may  be  called  Ij 
meddling  with  slavery;  though  grafting  upon  the  anti-slavery  I 

4^  Villard,  69-70. 
4»5  Villard,  56. 
4!Ki  Ante,  note  281. 
«*  Villard,  50. 


404  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

/    s 

sentiment  of  the  time,  would  more  accurately  describe  the  re 
lation,  if  any,  of  his  operations  to  slavery. 

i  /  *    There  was  this  difference  -between  Nat  Turner  and  John 
|  Brown :  the  negro   was  a   religious   fanatic ;   he  was   sincere 
j  and  consistent.^  Falsehood,  deception,  greed,  selfishness,  are 
/    not   attributes   of   fanaticism,   but   they   are   characteristic   of 
/     Brown's  life.     The  sincerity  of  his  "death-bed"  professions  of 
/     godliness,  and  of  sympathy  for  the  men  in  bondage,  is  discred 
ited  by  the  actions  of  a  lifetime  as  conspicuous  for  its  turpitude 
as  it  was  barren  of  virtues.  /  Neither  charitable  deed,  nor  mani 
festation  of  a  benevolent,  or  of  a  patriotic  spirit,  appears,  even 
incidentally,  along  the  lines  of  his  life,  to  break  the  monotone  of 
selfishness  that  distinguishes  it.;    In  public  affairs  he  took  no 
part  worthy  of  consideration. 

Mr.  Gill  gave  up  a  view  of  his  natural  or  unassumed  per 
sonality  that  is  consistently  discreditable,  and  Brown's  corre 
spondence  is  a  confirmation  of  that  estimate.  It  teaches  the 
lesson  that  he  administered  his  deportment  to  suit  the  circum 
stances  of  the  occasion  existing  at  the  time;  and  that  it  covered 
the  entire  range  of  the  various  phases  of  human  intercourse ; 
from  that  of  a  coarse,  brutal  vulgarity,  to  the  saintliness  of  his 
latest  metamorphosis ;  from  the  use  of  language  so  distinctly 
vulgar  and  obscene,  as  to  be,  in  the  opinion  of  the  writer,  un 
printable,408  to  the  crafty  assumptions  of  godliness  contained 
in  his  letter  to  the  innocent  Quakeress.499 

Brown  was  crafty  in  the  sublimest  degree  of  the  art.  His 
craftiness  was  a  distinction.  It  will  be  difficult  to  find  in  our 
literature  a  more  interesting  example  of  the  refinements  of  the 
art  than  the  piece  which  he  set  for  Mrs.  Steams:  his  "Old 
Brown's  Farewell :  to  the  Plymouth  Rocks ;  Bunker  Hill  Monu 
ments ;  Charter  Oaks;  and  Uncle  Toms  Cabbins."  In  the  set 
ting,  and  in  the  dramatic  execution  of  the  play,  he  exhibited  the 

— ±     49S  Mason    Report,    220.     Testimony    of    Augustus    Wattles ;    letter    of 
April  8,  1857. 

499  Letter  to  Mrs.  E.  B.,  November  1st,  ante,  note  473. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  405 

perfection  of  the  actor.  The  paper  was  not  drawn  for  Mr. 
Parker  to  read  to  his  congregation.  Brown  was  not  "casting 
his  pearls  before  swine."  It  was  for  Mrs.  Stearns  personally 
that  the  paper  was  written ;  it  was  her  heart  that  he  intended  to 
touch,  and  her  generous  emotions  that  he  intended  to  prey  upon. 
How  successfully  he  played  the  part  she  has  related.500 

Of  Brown,  it  may  be  truthfully  said  that  within  the  limits  of 
his  resources,  he  did  nothing  in  a  small  way,  nor  did  he  move 
with  a  faint  heart.  With  him,  there  was  neither  halting  nor 
trifling  in  action.  He  was  consistently  an  adventurer.  /  His 
theology  scorned  all  creeds.  Without  capital  he  was  a  plunger 
among  speculators.  The  deception  which  he  practiced  upon 
the  New  England  \Voolen  Company  netted  him  a  fortune  little 
below  the  average  of  that  period.  In  the  commission  busines 
he  was  an  acrobat,  rather  than  a  merchant ;  his  operations  were 
a  series  of  feats  in  commercial  gymnastics.  Chafing  because 
of  the  restrictions  of  an  extreme  poverty  that  kept  him- "like  a 
toad  under  a  harrow,"  he  determined  to  burst  the  bands  of  his 
environment,  and  there  was  a  massacre  in  the  valley  of  the  Pot- 
tawatomie  out  of  which  he  rode  with  a  herd  of  horses.  And 
he  would  have  ridden  away  from  Black  Jack  with  Pate's  horses 
and  mules,  if  Pate  had  not  deceived  him,  and  led  him  to  believe 
that  he  held  his  sons  —  John  and  Jason  —  prisoners,  as  host 
ages.  A  guerrilla  leader  for  six  days,  he  drove  two  hundred 
and  fifty  head  of  cattle  into  his  camp  at  Osawatomie,  and  in 
1858,  as  a  Kansas  raider,  he  dwarfed  the  operations  of  James 
Montgomery.  In  the  East,  as  a  crafty  imposter  and  grafter,  he 
secured  $30,000  in  cash  and  plunder,  and  attempted  a  coup 
upon  the  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York  for 
$200,000  more.  And  then,  within  one  year  from  the  date  of 
the  outburst  of  his  determination  to  be  freed  from  poverty,  he 
indulged  hopes  of  a  successful  conquest :  hopes  of  riches  and 
of  fame.  An  habitual  cruelty  in  his  domestic  life,  which  is  more 

500  Ante,  note  233. 


406  JOHN  BROWN  :  A  CRITIQUE 

/than  hinted  at  by  his  friend  and  confidant,  George  R.  Gill, 
nerved  his  hand  to  execute  the  ferocious  butchery  of  his  neigh 
bors  on  the  Pottawatomie,  and  steeled  his  heart  to  incite  the 
slaves  at  Harper's  Ferry  to  emulate  the  example  of  Southamp 
ton.  His  attempt  at  revolution  was  not  the  result  of  a  previous 
conviction  and  consecration  to  duty  and  to  the  cause  of  human 
ity,  but  of  a  growth  —  the  indulgence  and  development  of  an 
abnormal  passion  for  speculation :  the  culmination  downward 
of  his  speculative  and  criminal  instincts.  Closing  a  commercial 
sas  indulging  the  reasonable  hope  that  in  the  new  country  he 
would  find  opportunity  to  improve  his  condition.  In  the  horses 
owned  by  the  Shermans,  and  by  other  well-to-do  neighbors,  he 
saw,  and  grasped,  the  opportunity  —  a  desperate  one  —  to 
make  a  "coup  to  restore  his  fortunes."  Out  of  that  plunge  in 
robbery  and  murder  came  the  leader  of  a  gang  of  horse  thieves 
-  the  chrysalis  of  the  guerrilla  captain  of  Osawatomie. 

Driven  out  of  the  Territory  by  the  establishment  of  order,  the 
crafty  marauder  raided  the  East  as  the  militant  defender  of 
Kansas.  In  the  practice  of  his  impositions  there,  he  met  and 
established  confidential  relations  with  men  who  plotted  against 
fthe  life  of  the  nation ;  men  who  planned  how  to  provoke  a  revo 
lution  ;  how  best  to  "split  the  Union"  ;<501  men  who  wished  "suc 
cess  to  every  slave  insurrection  '?  From  this  atmosphere,  preg 
nant  with  the  sentiment  of  disloyalty  to  the  Union,  Brown  de 
rived  the  inspiration  which  encouraged  him  to  plan  to  do  what 
his  mentors  had  not  the  courage  to  undertake.  Out  of  his  nego 
tiations  with  them  came  money;  munitions  of  war;  Hugh 
Forbes,  the  revolutionist ;  mutual  planning  for  a  revolution,  and 
a  dream  of  empire?  ] 

John  Brown  will  live  in  history;  but  his  name  will  not  be 
found  among  the  names  of  those  who  have  wrought  for  hu 
manity  and  for  righteousness ;  or  among  the  names  of  the  mar- 

501  Sanborn  to  Higginson,  ante,  note  248. 


"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE"  407 

tyrs  and  the  saints  who  "washed  their  robes  and  made  them 
white  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb." 

"YET  SHALL  HE  LIVE":  but  it  will  be  as  a  soldier  of 
fortune,  an  adventurer.  He  will  take  his  place  in  history  as 
such;  and  will  rank  among  adventurers  as  Napoleon  ranks 
among  marshals ;  as  Captain  Ividd  among  pirates :  and  as  Jon 
athan  Wild  among  thieves. 


K,<A'*'e*|  ,  ,,,,.--£ 
D/L 


APPENDICES 


APPENDIX  I 

CORRESPONDENCE  WITH   THE  LATE  D.   W.   WILDER  CON 
CERNING  JOHN   BROWN 

Topeka,  Kansas,  Dec.  18th.  1902. 
General  D.  W.  Wilder, 

Hiawatha,  Kansas. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL: 

I  would  like  to  have  you  kindly  tell  me  something  valuable 
about  John  Brown.  I  listened  to  your  tribute  to  his  memory, 
read  before  the  Historical  Society  on  the  2nd  inst.  It  recalled  the 
admiration  which  I  entertained  for  the  "Old  Hero"  throughout  the 
many  years  of  my  life  ;  from  young  manhood  up  to  about  four  years 
ago ;  when  I  attempted  to  write  a  sketch  of  his  life.  It  was  in  read 
ing  up  to  obtain  data  for  this  sketch  that  the  idol,  which  my  credu 
lity,  I  suppose,  or  imagination  had  set  up,  went  utterly  to  pieces  in 
my  hands.  I  read  faithfully  what  his  biographers,  Sanborn,  and 
Redpath,  and  the  other  fellows,  have  written  about  him,  but  none 
of  them  give  up  any  valuable  facts.  They  all  seem  to  be  long  on 
eulogy.  They  do  overtime  on  that.  The  whole  performance  is 
a  continuous  eulogium ;  but  historical  facts,  upon  which  to  pred 
icate  a  story,  or  upon  which  his  "immortal  fame"  is  supposed  to 
rest,  are  painfully  lacking.  .  .  These  are  some  of  the  things  which 
I  went  up  against  when  I  tried  in  good  faith  to  write  about  him, 
and  they  broke  me  all  up,  so  I  had  to  quit.  John  Brown,  the 
"Hero"  and  "Martyr,"  is  a  creation  —  Charlestown  furnished  a 
simple  text  and  the  genius  of  his  generation  did  the  rest.  The 
brilliant  minds  of  this  age  have  exploited  him  in  literary  effects, 
in  prose,  in  poetry  and  oratory.  They  have  placarded  him  "upon 
the  walls  of  time" ;  but  I  am  compelled  to  believe  that  his  fame 
thus  acquired,  will  not  survive.  The  "why"  may  "repel  the  phil 
osophic  searcher,"  but  it  cannot  "defy"  the  historical  searchers. 
History  has  no  enigmas. 


412  APPENDICES 

I  will  be  very  glad  indeed  to  have  your  opinions  on  this  business. 

Very  truly  yours, 

HILL  P.  WILSON. 

In  this  letter  the  writer  asked  Mr.  Wilder  for  his  opinion  upon 
Brown's  motives  in  their  relation  to  several  incidents  that  occurred 
in  his  life.  His  reply  is  as  follows :  x 

Hiawatha,  Kansas,  Dec.  20,  1902. 
MY  DEAR  WILSON  : 

You  have  stood  on  various  platforms  and  made  many 
political  speeches.  Did  any  of  them  endorse  the  sentiments  you 
now  hold?  The  elder  Booth,  a  man  of  genius,  once  staggered  up 
to  the  footlights  and  said  to  the  crowded  house:  "You  are  all 
drunk,"  and  staggered  off. 

You  think  the  people  of  your  county,  your  state,  your  country 
and  of  the  civilized  world,  including  its  noblest  spirits,  do  not  know 
a  hero,  an  emancipator  —  first  of  his  state,  then  of  his  nation. 
Only  one  Kansan  has  made  a  speech  that  thrilled  the  world  and 
is  immortal.  You  never  read  it.  Only  one  Kansan  lives  in  poe 
try,  in  song,  in  human  hearts,  and  is  the  constant  theme  of  the 
historian,  the  dramatist,  the  man  of  letters.  You  think  he  was  a 
fool.  The  whole  world  has  pronounced  its  verdict  on  John  Brown. 
Yours  truly,  D.  W.  WILDER. 

To  this  letter  the  writer  replied: 

Topeka,  Kans.,  January  3,  1903. 
MY  DEAR  GENERAL  : 

Your  letter  of  the  20th  ult.,  is  received.  I  told  you  that  I  had 
gone  the  limit  of  my  vocabulary  in  expressing  my  admiration  of 
John  Brown.  I  read  the  "speech  that  thrilled  the  world."  I 
have  read  the  poetry  and  have  sung  the  songs.  I  make  the  point 
that  the  speeches,  the  poetry,  and  the  songs  are  all  there  is  behind 
John  Brown.  When  I  asked  you  about  some  historical  facts,  you 
gave  me  more  oratory.  It  seems  to  have  become  a  habit.  If  you 
ever  analyze  this  man's  character,  you  will  reverse  your  estimate 
of  him. 

The  world  sees  Brown  fighting,  heroically,  in  the  engine-house 
at  Harper's  Ferry,  but  it  does  not  inquire  how  he  came  to  be 

1  Original   in  possession  of   the   author. 


APPENDICES  413 

there.  It  was  his  death,  and  not  his  life,  that  gave  him  renown. 
Usually  it  is  a  man's  life  —  his  actions,  that  determine  his  place 
among  men.  If  it  be  true  that  one  unimpeachable  fact  will  set 
aside  the  most  plausible  opposing  theory,  then  Brown's  fame 
will  not  survive.  The  facts  of  his  life  impeach  the  popular  verdict. 

Very  truly  yours, 

HILL  P.  WILSON. 
General  D.  W.  Wilder, 

Hiawatha,  Kansas. 


APPENDIX  II 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  THE  JOHN  BROWN  RAID  BY  THE  HON. 

ALEXANDER  R.  BOTELER,  A  VIRGINIAN  WHO 

WITNESSED  THE  FIGHT 

Taken  from  The  Century 

On  entering  the  room  where  John  Brown  was,  I  found  him  alone, 
lying  on  the  floor  on  his  left  side,  and  with  his  back  turned  toward 
me.  The  right  side  of  his  face  was  smeared  with  blood  from  a 
sword  cut  on  his  head,  causing  his  grim  and  grizzled  countenance 
to  look  like  that  of  some  aboriginal  savage  with  his  war-paint  on. 
Approaching  him  I  began  the  conversation  with  the  inquiry : 

"Captain  Brown,  are  you  hurt  anywhere  except  on  the  head?" 

"Yes,  in  my  side,  here,"  said  he,  indicating  the  place  with  his 
hand. 

I  then  told  him  that  a  surgeon  would  be  in  presently  to  attend 
to  his  wounds,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  they  were  not  very 
serious.  Thereupon  he  asked  me  who  I  was,  and  on  giving  him 
my  name  he  muttered  as  if  speaking  to  himself. 

"Yes,  yes  —  I  know  you  now  —  member  of  congress  —  this 
district." 

I  then  asked  the  question : 

"Captain,  what  brought  you  here?" 

"To  free  your  slaves,"  was  the  reply. 

"How  did  you  expect  to  accomplish  it  with  the  small  force  you 
brought  with  you  ?" 

"I  expected  help." 

"Where,  whence,  and  from  whom.  Captain,  did  you  expect  it?" 

"Here  and  from  elsewhere,"  he  answered. 

6  "Did  you  expect  to  get  assistance  from  whites  here  as  well  as 
•om  the  blacks?"  was  my  next  question. 
"I  did,"" he  replied. 


APPENDICES  415 

"Then,"  said  I,  "you  have  been  disappointed  in  not  getting  it 
from  either?" 

"Yes,"  he  muttered,  "I  have  —  been  —  disappointed." 

Then  I  asked  him  who  planned  his  movement  on  Harper's  Fer 
ry,  to  which  he  replied :  "I  planned  it  all  myself,"  and  upon  my 
remarking  that  it  was  a  sad  affair  for  him  and  the  country,  and 
that  I  trusted  no  one  would  follow  his  example  by  undertaking  a 
similar  raid,  he  made  no  response.  I  next  inquired  if  he  had  any 
family  besides  the  sons  who  accompanied  him  on  his  incursion,  to 
which  he  replied  by  telling  me  he  had  a  wife  and  children  in  the 
State  of  New  York  at  North  Elba,  and  on  my  then  asking  if  he 
would  like  to  write  to  them  and  let  them  know  how  he  was,  he 
quickly  responded : 

"Yes,  I  would  like  to  send  them  a  letter." 

"Very  well,"  I  said,  "you  doubtless  will  be  permitted  to  do  so. 
But,  Captain,"  I  added,  "probably  you  understand  that,  being  in 
the  hands  of  the  civil  authorities  of  the  State,  your  letters  will  have 
to  be  seen  by  them  before  they  can  be  sent." 

"Certainly,"  he  said. 

"Then,  with  that  understanding,"  continued  I.  "There  will,  I 
am  sure,  be  no  objection  to  your  writing  home;  and  although  I 
have  no  authority  in  the  premises,  I  promise  to  do  what  I  can  to 
have  your  wishes  in  that  respect  complied  with." 

"Thank  you  —  thank  you,  sir,"  he  said  repeating  his  acknowl 
edgment  for  the  proffered  favor  and,  for  the  first  time,  turning 
his  head  toward  me. 

In  my  desire  to  hear  him  distinctly,  I  had  placed  myself  by  his 
side,  with  one  knee  resting  on  the  floor ;  so  that,  when  he  turned,  it 
brought  his  face  quite  close  to  mine,  and  I  remember  well  the 
earnest  gaze  of  the  gray  eye  that  looked  straight  into  mine.  I  then 
remarked : 

"Captain,  we,  too,  have  wives  and  children.  This  attempt  of 
yours  to  interfere  with  our  slaves  has  created  great  excitement  and 
naturally  causes  anxiety  on  account  of  our  families.  Now,  let  me 
ask  you :  Is  this  failure  of  yours  likely  to  be  followed  by  similar 
attempts  to  create  disaffection  among  our  servants  and  bring  upon 
our  homes  the  horrors  of  a  servile  war?" 


416  APPENDICES 

"Time  will  show,"  was  his  significant  reply. 

Just  then  a  Catholic  priest  appeared  at  the  door  of  the  room. 
He  had  been  administering  the  last  consolations  of  religion  to 
Quinn,  the  marine,  who  was  dying  in  the  adjoining  office;  and  the 
moment  Brown  saw  him  he  became  violently  angry,  and  plainly 
showed,  by  the  expression  of  his  countenance,  how  capable  he  was 
of  feeling  "hatred,  malice,  and  all  uncharitableness." 

"Go  out  of  here  —  I  don't  want  you  about  me  —  go  out !"  was 
the  salutation  he  gave  the  priest,  who,  bowing  gravely,  immediate 
ly  retired.  Whereupon  I  arose  from  the  floor,  and  bidding  Brown 
good-morning,  likewise  left  him. 

In  the  entry  leading  to  the  room  where  Brown  was,  I  met  Major 
Russell,  of  the  marine  corps,  who  was  going  to  see  him,  and  I 
detailed  to  him  the  conversation  I  had  just  had.  Meeting  the 
major  subsequently  he  told  me  that  when  he  entered  the  apartment 
Brown  was  standing  up  —  with  his  clothes  unfastened  —  exam 
ining  the  wound  in  his  side,  and  that,  as  soon  as  he  saw  him,  forth 
with  resumed  his  former  position  on  the  floor ;  which  incident 
tended  to  confirm  the  impression  I  had  already  formed,  that  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  vitality  left  in  the  old  man,  notwithstanding  his 
wounds  —  a  fact  more  fully  developed  that  evening  after  I  had 
left  Harper's  Ferry  for  home,  when  he  had  his  spirited  and  his 
toric  talk  with  Wise,  Hunter  and  Vallandigham. 


APPENDIX  III 

THE  CONSTITUTION  ADOPTED  AT  CHATHAM,  CANADA 

Copy  of  the  Constitution,  adopted  at  Chatham,  Canada,  May  8, 
1858.  Mason  Report,  p.  48. 

PROVISIONAL  CONSTITUTION  AND  ORDINANCE  FOR 
THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

PREAMBLE 

AVhereas,  slavery  throughout  its  entire  existence  in  the  United 
States,  is  none  other  than  a  most  barbarous,  unprovoked,  and  un 
justifiable  war  of  one  portion  of  its  citizens  upon  another  portion, 
the  only  conditions  of  which  are  perpetual  imprisonment  and  hope 
less  servitude  or  absolute  extermination ;  in  utter  disregard  of 
those  eternal  and  self-evident  truths  set  forth  in  our  Declaration 
of  Independence :  Therefore, 

We,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Oppressed  People, 
who,  by  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  are  declared  to  have  no 
rights  which  the  White  Man  is  bound  to  respect ;  together  with  all 
other  people  degraded  by  the  laws  thereof,  Do,  for  the  time  being 
ordain  and  establish  for  ourselves,  the  following  PROVISIONAL 
CONSTITUTION  and  ORDINANCES,  the  better  to  protect 
our  Persons,  Property,  Lives  and  Liberties ;  and  to  govern  our 
actions : 

ARTICLE  I 

QUALIFICATIONS    FOR    MEMBERSHIP 

All  persons  of  mature  age,  whether  Proscribed,  oppressed,  and 
enslaved  Citizens,  or  of  the  Proscribed  or  oppressed  races  of  the 
United  States,  who  shall  agree  to  sustain  and  enforce  the  Pro 
visional  Constitution  and  Ordinance  of  this  organization,  together 
with  all  minor  children  of  such  persons,  shall  be  held  to  be  fully 
entitled  to  protection  under  the  same. 


418  APPENDICES 

ARTICLE  II 

BRANCHES  OF  GOVERNMENT 

The  provisional  government  of  this  organization  shall  consist 
of  three  branches,  viz. :  Legislative,  Executive,  and  Judicial. 

ARTICLE  III 

LEGISLATIVE 

The  legislative  branch  shall  be  a  Congress  or  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  composed  of  not  less  than  five,  or  more  than  ten  mem 
bers,  who  shall  be  elected  by  all  the  citizens  of  mature  age  and 
of  sound  mind,  connected  with  this  organization ;  and  who  shall 
remain  in  office  for  three  years,  unless  sooner  removed  for  mis 
conduct,  inability,  or  death.  A  majority  of  such  members  shall 
constitute  a  quorum. 

ARTICLE  IV 

EXECUTIVE 

The  executive  branch  of  this  organization  shall  consist  of  a 
President  and  Vice-President,  who  shall  be  chosen  by  the  citizens 
or  members  of  this  organization,  and  each  of  whom  shall  hold  his 
office  for  three  years,  unless  sooner  removed  by  death,  or  for  in 
ability  or  misconduct. 

ARTICLE  V 

JUDICIAL 

The  judicial  branch  of  this  organization  shall  consist  of  one 
Chief- Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  of  four  Associate  Judges 
of  said  Court ;  each  constituting  a  Circuit  Court.  They  shall  each 
be  chosen  in  the  same  manner  as  the  President,  and  shall  continue 
in  office  until  their  places  have  been  filled  in  the  same  manner  by 
election  of  the  citizens.  Said  court  shall  have  jurisdiction  in  all 
civil  or  criminal  causes,  arising  under  this  constitution,  except 
breaches  of  the  Rules  of  War. 

ARTICLE  VI 

VALIDITY  OF  ENACTMENTS 

All  enactments  of  the  legislative  branch  shall,  to  become  valid 
during  the  first  three  years,  have  the  approbation  of  the  President 
and  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 


APPENDICES  419 

ARTICLE  VII 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

A  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  shall  be  chosen  by  the  Pres 
ident,  Vice-President,  a  majority  of  the  Provisional  Congress,  and 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  he  shall  receive  his  commission  from 
the  President,  signed  by  the  Vice-President,  the  Chief  Justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Secretary  of  War:  and  he  shall  hold 
his  office  for  three  years,  unless  removed  by  death,  or  on  proof  of 
incapacity  o>f  misbehavior.  He  shall,  unless  under  arrest  (and 
till  his  place  is  actually  filled  as  provided  by  the  constitution) 
direct  all  movements  of  the  army,  and  advise  with  any  allies.  He 
shall,  however,  be  tried,  removed,  or  punished,  on  complaint  by 
the  President,  by,  at  least,  three  general  officers,  or  a  majority  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  or  of  the  Supreme  Court ;  which 
House  of  Representatives  (the  President  presiding)  ;  the  Vice 
President,  and  the  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  shall  constitute 
a  court-martial,  for  his  trial ;  with  power  to  remove  or  punish,  as 
the  case  may  require ;  and  to  fill  his  place  as  above  provided. 

ARTICLE  VIII 

OFFICERS 

A  Treasurer,  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of  War,  and  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  shall  each  be  chosen  for  the  first  three  years, 
in  the  same  way  and  manner  as  the  Commander-in-Chief;  subject 
to  trial  or  removal  on  complaint  of  the  President,  Vice-President, 
or  Commander  in  Chief,  to  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court;  or  on  complaint  of  the  majority  of  the  members  of  said 
court,  or  the  Provisional  Congress.  The  Supreme  Court  shall 
have  power  to  try  or  punish  either  of  those  officers ;  and  their 
places  shall  be  filled  as  before. 

ARTICLE  IX 

SECRETARY  OF  WAR 

The  Secretary  of  War  shall  be  under  the  immediate  directions 
of  the  Commander  in  Chief;  who  may  temporarily  fill  his  place, 
in  case  of  arrest,  or  of  any  inability  to  serve. 

27 


420  APPENDICES 

ARTICLE  X 

CONGRESS  OR  HOUSE  Off  REPRESENTATIVES 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  make  ordinances  for  the 
appointment  (by  the  President  or  otherwise)  of  all  civil  officers 
except  those  already  named ;  and  shall  have  power  to  make  all 
laws  and  ordinances  for  the  general  good,  not  inconsistent  with 
this  Constitution  and  these  ordinances. 

ARTICLE  XI 

APPROPRIATION    OF    MONEY,    ETC. 

The  Provisional  Congress  shall  nave  power  to  appropriate 
money  or  other  property  actually  in  the  hands  of  the  Treasurer, 
to  any  object  calculated  to  promote  the  general  good,  so  far  as 
may  be  consistent  with  the  provisions  of  this  Constitution ;  and  may 
in  certain  cases,  appropriate,  for  a  moderate  compensation  of 
agents,  or  persons  not  members  of  this  organization,  for  important 
service  they  are  known  to  have  rendered. 

ARTICLE  XII 

SPECIAL    DUTIES 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  Congress  to  provide  for  the  instant  re 
moval  of  any  civil  officer  or  policeman,  who  becomes  habitually 
intoxicated,  or  who  is  addicted  to  other  immoral  conduct,  or  to 
any  neglect  or  unfaithfulness  in  the  discharge  of  his  official  duties. 
Congress  shall  also  be  a  standing  committee  of  safety,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  important  information ;  and  shall  be  in  constant 
communication  with  the  Commander-in-Chief ;  the  members  of 
which  shall  each,  as  also  the  President  and  Vice-President,  mem 
bers  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  Secretary  of  State,  have  full 
power  to  issue  warrants  returnable  as  Congress  shall  ordain 
(naming  Witnesses  etc)  upon  their  own  information,  without  the 
formality  of  a  complaint.  Complaint  shall  be  made  immediately 
after  arrest,  and  before  trial ;  the  party  arrested  to  be  served  with 
a  copy  at  once. 

ARTICLE  XIII 

TRIAL  OF  PRESIDENT  AND  OTHER  OFFICERS 

The  President  and  Vice  President  may  either  of  them  be  tried, 
removed,  or  punished,  on  complaint  made  by  the  Chief  Justice  of 


APPENDICES  421 

the  Supreme  Court,  by  a  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  House,  together  with  the  Associate  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  the  whole  to  be  presided  over  by  the  Chief  Justice  in  the 
cases  of  the  trial  of  the  Vice  President,  shall  have  full  power  to 
try  such  officers,  to  remove,  or  punish  as  the  case  may  require,  and 
to  fill  any  vacancy  so  occurring,  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief. 

ARTICLE  XIV 

TRIAL  OF  MEMBERS  OF  CONGRESS 

The  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  may,  any  and  all 
of  them,  be  tried,  and  on  conviction,  removed  or  punished  on  com 
plaint  before  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  made  by 
any  number  of  members  of  said  House,  exceeding  one  third, 
which  House,  with  the  Vice  President  and  Associate  Judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  shall  constitute  the  proper  tribunal,  with  power 
to  fill  such  vacancies. 

ARTICLE  XV 

IMPEACHMENT  OF   JUDGES 

Any  member  of  the  Supreme  Court,  tried,  convicted,  or  pun 
ished  by  removal  or  otherwise,  on  complaint  to  the  President,  who 
shall,  in  such  case,  preside ;  the  Vice-President,  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  and  other  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  constituting 
the  proper  tribunal  (with  power  to  fill  vacancies)  ;  on  complaint 
of  a  majority  of  said  House  of  Representatives,  or  of  the  Su 
preme  Court;  a  majority  of  the  whole  having  power  to  decide. 

ARTICLE  XVI 

DUTIES   OF   PRESIDENT   AND    SECRETARY   OF    STATE 

The  President,  with  the  Secretary  of  State,  shall  immediately 
upon  entering  on  the  duties  of  their  office,  give  special  attention 
to  secure,  from  amongst  their  own  people,  men  of  integrity,  in 
telligence,  and  good  business  habits  and  capacity ;  and  above  all, 
of  first  rate  moral  and  religious  character  and  influence,  to  act  as 
civil  officers  of  every  description  and  grade,  as  well  as  teachers, 
chaplains,  physicians,  surgeons,  mechanics,  agents  of  every  descrip 
tion,  clerks  and  messengers.  They  shall  make  special  effort  to 


422  APPENDICES 

induce  at  the  earliest  possible  period,  persons  and  families  of  that 
description,  to  locate  themselves  within  the  limits  secured  by  this 
organization ;  and  shall,  moreover,  from  time  to  time,  supply  the 
names  and  residence  of  such  persons  to  the  Congress,  for  their 
special  notice  and  information,  as  among  the  most  important  of 
their  duties,  and  the  President  is  hereby  authorized  and  em 
powered  to  afford  special  aid  to  such  individuals,  from  such  mod 
erate  appropriations  as  the  Congress  shall  be  able  and  may  deem 
it  advisable  to  make  for  that  object. 

The  President  and  Secretary  of  State,  and  in  case  of  disagree 
ment,  the  Vice-Presiclent  shall  appoint  all  civil  officers,  but  shall 
not  have  power  to  remove  any  officer.  All  removals  shall  be  the 
result  of  a  fair  trial,  whether  civil  or  military. 

ARTICLE  XVII 

FURTHER  DUTIES 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State,  to 
find  out  (as  soon  as  possible)  the  real  friends,  as  well  as  the  en 
emies  of  this  organization  in  every  part  of  the  country ;  to  secure 
among  them,  innkeepers,  private  postmasters,  private  mail  con 
tractors,  messengers  and  agents :  through  whom  may  be  obtained 
correct  and  regular  information,  constantly ;  recruits  for  the  ser 
vice,  places  of  deposit  and  sale ;  together  with  needed  supplies : 
and  it  shall  be  matter  of  special  regard  to  secure  such  facilities 
through  the  Northern  States. 

ARTICLE  XVIII 

DUTIES  OF  THE  PRESIDENT 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President,  as  well  as  the  House  of 
Representatives,  at  all  times,  to  inform  the  Commander-in-Chief 
of  any  matter  that  may  require  his  attention,  or  that  may  affect 
the  public  safety. 

ARTICLE  XIX 

DUTY  OF  PRESIDENT  —  CONTINUED 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  to  see  that  the  provisional 
ordinances  of  this  organization,  and  those  made  by  Congress,  are 


APPENDICES  423 

properly  and  faithfully  executed ;  and  he  may  in  cases  of  great 
urgency  call  on  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army,  or  other 
officers  for  aid;  it  being,  however,  intended  that  a  sufficient  civil 
police  shall  always  be  in  readiness  to  secure  implicit  obedience  to 
law. 

ARTICLE  XX 

THE  VICE-PRESIDENT 

The  Vice-President  shall  be  the  presiding  officer  of  the  Pro 
visional  Congress  and  in  case  of  tie  shall  give  the  casting  vote. 

ARTICLE  XXI 

VACANCIES 

In  case  of  death,  removal,  or  inability  of  the  President,  the  Vice- 
President,  and  next  to  him,  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  shall  be  the  President  during  the  remainder  of  the  term : 
and  the  place  of  Chief-Justice  thus  made  vacant  shall  be  filled  by 
Congress  from  some  of  the  members  of  said  Court ;  and  places  of 
the  Vice-President  and  Associate  Justice  thus  made  vacant,  filled 
by  an  election  by  the  united  action  of  the  Provisional  Congress  and 
members  of  the  Supreme  Court.  All  other  vacancies,  not  hereto 
fore  specially  provided  for,  shall,  during  the  first  three  years,  be 
filled  by  the  united  action  of  the  President,  Vice- President,  Su 
preme  Court,  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army. 

ARTICLE  XXII 

PUNISHMENT  OF  CRIMES 

The  punishment  of  crimes  not  capital,  except  in  the  case  of  in 
subordinate  convicts  or  other  prisoners,  shall  be  (so  far  as  may 
be)  by  hard  labor  on  the  public  works,  roads,  etc. 

ARTICLE  XXIII 

A R M  Y   APPOI N T M  EN TS 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  commissioned  officers  of  the  army 
to  name  candidates  of  merit  for  office  or  elevation  to  the  Comman 
der-in-Chief,  who,  with  the  Secretary  of  War,  and,  in  cases  of 
disagreement,  the  President,  shall  be  the  appointing  power  of  the 


424  APPENDICES 

army :  and  all  commissions  of  military  officers  shall  bear  the  sig 
natures  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  and  the  Secretary  of  War. 
And  it  shall  be  the  special  duty  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  keep 
for  constant  reference  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  a  full  list  of 
names  of  persons  nominated  for  office,  or  elevation,  by  officers  of 
the  army,  with  the  name  and  rank  of  the  officer  nominating,  stat 
ing  distinctly  but  briefly  the  grounds  for  such  notice  or  nomina 
tion.  The  Commander-in-Chief  shall  not  have  power  to  remove 
or  punish  any  officer  or  soldier ;  but  he  may  order  their  arrest  and 
trial  at  any  time,  by  court-martial. 

ARTICLE  XXIV 

COURT-MARTIALS 

Court  martials  for  Companies,  Regiments,  Brigades,  etc.,  shall 
be  called  by  the  chief  officer  of  each  command,  on  complaint  to  him 
by  any  officer,  or  any  five  privates,  in  such  command,  and  shall 
consist  of  not  less  than  five  nor  more  than  nine  officers,  and  pri 
vates,  one-half  of  whom  shall  not  be  lower  in  rank  than  the  person 
on  trial,  to  be  chosen  by  the  three  highest  officers  in  the  command, 
which  officers  shall  not  be  a  part  of  such  court.  The  chief  officer 
of  any  command  shall,  of  course  be  tried  by  a  court-martial  of  the 
command  above  his  own.  All  decisions  affecting  the  lives  of  per 
sons,  or  office  of  persons  holding  commission,  must,  before  taking 
full  effect,  have  the  signature  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  who 
may  also,  on  the  recommendation  of,  at  least,  one-third  of  the  mem 
bers  of  the  court  martial  finding  any  sentence,  grant  a  reprieve  or 
commutation  of  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XXV 

SALARIES 

No  person  connected  with  this  organization  shall  be  entitled  to 
any  salary,  pay,  or  emoluments,  other  than  a  competent  support  of 
himself  and  family,  unless  it  be  from  an  equal  dividend,  made  of 
public  property,  on  the  establishment  of  peace,  or  of  special  pro 
vision  by  treaty;  which  provision  shall  be  made  for  all  persons 
who  may  have  been  in  any  active  civil  or  military  service  at  any 
time  previous  to  any  hostile  action  for  Liberty  and  Equality. 


APPENDICES  425 

ARTICLE  XXVI 

TREATIES  OF  PEACE 

Before  any  treaty  of  peace  shall  take  effect,  it  shall  be  signed  by 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  the  Commander-in-Chief,  a  ma 
jority  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  majority  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  a  majority  of  all  general  officers  of  the  army. 

ARTICLE  XXVII 

DUTY  OF  THE  MILITARY 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Commander-in-Chief,  and  all  officers 
and  soldiers  of  the  army,  to  afford  special  protection  when  needed, 
to  Congress,  or  any  member  thereof ;  to  the  President,  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  Treasurer,  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of  Treasury  and 
Secretary  of  War;  and  to  afford  general  protection  to  all  civil 
officers,  other  persons  having  right  to  the  same. 

ARTICLE  XXVIII  ' 

PROPERTY 

All  captured  or  confiscated  property,  and  all  property  the  pro 
duct  of  the  labor  of  those  belonging  to  this  organization  and  their 
families,  shall  be  held  as  the  property  of  the  whole,  equally,  with 
out  distinction ;  and  may  be  used  for  the  common  benefit,  or  dis 
posed  of  for  the  same  object;  and  any  person,  officer  or  otherwise, 
who  shall  improperly  retain,  secrete,  use,  or  needlessly  destroy 
such  property,  or  property  found,  captured,  or  confiscated,  belong 
ing  to  the  enemy,  or  shall  willfully  neglect  to  render  a  full  and  fair 
statement  of  such  property  by  him  so  taken  or  held,  shall  be 
deemed  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor  and,  on  conviction,  shall  be  pun 
ished  accordingly. 

ARTICLE  XXIX 

SAFETY   OR   INTELLIGENCE   FUND 

All  money,  plate,  watches  or  jewelry,  captured  by  honorable 
warfare,  found,  taken  or  confiscated,  belonging  to  the  enemy, 
shall  be  held  sacred,  to  constitute  a  liberal  safety  or  intelligence 
fund ;  and  any  person  who  shall  improperly  retain,  dispose  of, 
hide,  use,  or  destroy  such  money  or  other  article  above  mentioned, 


426  APPENDICES 

contrary  to  the  pro  visions  and  spirit  of  this  article,  shall  be 
deemed  guilty  of  theft,  and,  on  conviction  thereof,  shall  be  pun 
ished  accordingly.  The  Treasurer  shall  furnish  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  at  all  times  with  a  full  statement  of  the  condition  of  such 
fund  and  its  nature. 

ARTICLE  XXX 

THK    COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF    AND   THE    TREASURY 

The  Commander-in-Chief  shall  have  power  to  draw  from  the 
Treasury  the  money  and  other  property  of  the  fund  provided  for 
it  in  ARTICLE  twenty-ninth,  but  his  orders  shall  be  signed  also 
by  the  Secretary  of  War,  who  shall  keep  strict  account  of  the 
same;  subject  to  examination  by  any  member  of  Congress,  or  gen 
eral  officer. 

ARTICLE  XXXI 

St'RPLUS  Ol-    THK  SA1-KTV  OR   TNTEU.ICENCE    FUND 

It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  to  advise  the 
President  of  any  surplus  of  the  Safety  or  Intelligence  Fund ;  who 
shall  have  power  to  draw  such  surplus  (his  order  being  also  signed 
by  the  Secretary  of  State)  to  enable  him  to  carry  out  the  pro 
visions  of  Article  Seventeenth. 

ARTICLE  XXXI 1 

PRISONERS 

No  person,  after  having  surrendered  himself  or  herself  a  pris 
oner,  and  who  shall  properly  demean  himself  or  herself  as  such, 
to  any  officer  or  private  connected  with  this  organization,  shall 
afterward  be  put  to  death,  or  be  subject  to  any  corporal  punish 
ment,  without  first  having  had  the  benefit  of  a  fair  and  impartial 
trial :  nor  shall  any  prisoner  be  treated  with  any  kind  of  cruelty, 
disrespect,  insult,  or  needless  severity :  but  it  shall  be  the  duty  of 
all  persons,  male  and  female,  connected  herewith,  at  all  times  and 
under  all  circumstances,  to  treat  all  such  prisoners  with  every  de 
gree  of  respect  and  kindness  the  nature  of  the  circumstances  will 
admit  of;  and  to  insist  on  a  like  course  of  conduct  from  all  others, 
as  in  the  fear  of  Almighty  God,  to  whose  care  and  keeping  we 
commit  our  cause. 


APPENDICES  427 

ARTICLE  XXXIII 

VOLUNTARIES 

All  persons  who  may  come  forward  and  shall  voluntarily  de 
liver  up  their  slaves,  and  have  their  names  registered  on  the  Books 
of  the  organization,  shall,  so  long  as  they  continue  at  peace,  be  en 
titled  to  the  fullest  protection  of  person  and  property,  though  not 
connected  with  this  organization,  and  shall  be  treated  as  friends, 
and  not  merely  as  persons  neutral. 

ARTICLE  XXXIV 

NEUTRALS 

The  persons  and  property  of  all  non-slaveholders  who  shall  re 
main  absolute  neutral,  shall  be  respected  so  far  as  the  circum 
stances  can  allow  of  it ;  but  they  shall  not  be  entitled  to  any  active 
protection. 

ARTICLE  XXXV 

NO   NEEDLESS   WASTE 

The  needless  waste  or  destruction  of  any  useful  property  or 
article,  by  fire,  throwing  open  of  fences,  fields,  buildings,  or  need 
less  killing  of  animals,  or  injury  of  either,  shall  not  be  tolerated  at 
any  time  or  place,  but  shall  be  promptly  and  properly  punished. 

ARTICLE  XXXVI 

PROPERTY  CONFISCATED 

The  entire  and  real  property  of  all  persons  known  to  be  acting 
either  directly  or  indirectly  with  or  for  the  enemy,  or  found  in 
arms  with  them,  or  found  wilfully  holding  slaves,  shall  be  con 
fiscated  and  taken,  whenever  and  wherever  it  may  be  found,  in 
either  free  or  slave  States. 

ARTICLE  XXXVII 

DESERTION' 

Persons  convicted,  on  impartial  trial,  of  desertion  to  the  enemy 
after  becoming  members,  acting  as  spies,  or  of  treacherous  sur 
render  of  property,  arms,  ammunition,  provisions,  or  supplies  of 


428  APPENDICES 

any  kind,  roads,  bridges,  persons  or  fortifications  shall  be  put  to 
death  and  their  entire  property  confiscated. 

ARTICLE  XXXVIII 

VIOLATION  OF  PAROLE  OP  HONOR 

Persons  proven  to  be  guilty  of  taking  up  arms  after  having 
been  set  at  liberty  on  parole  of  honor,  or,  after  the  same,  to  have 
taken  an  active  part  with  or  for  the  enemy,  direct  or  indirect,  shall 
be  put  to  death  and  their  entire  property  confiscated. 

ARTICLE  XXXIX 

ALL    MUST   LABOR 

All  persons  connected  in  any  way  with  this  organization,  and 
who  may  be  entitled  to  full  protection  under  it,  shall  be  held  as 
under  obligation  to  labor  in  some  way  for  the  general  good,  and 
any  persons  refusing,  or  neglecting  so  to  do,  shall  on  conviction 
receive  a  suitable  and  appropriate  punishment. 

ARTICLE  XL 

IRREGULARITIES 

Profane  Swearing,  filthy  conversation,  indecent  behavior,  or  in 
decent  exposure  of  person,  or  intoxication,  or  quarreling,  shall  not 
be  allowed  or  tolerated,  neither  unlawful  intercourse  of  the  sexes. 

ARTICLE  XLI 

CRIMES 

Persons  convicted  of  the  forcible  violation  of  any  female  pris 
oner  shall  be  put  to  death. 

ARTICLE  XLII 

THE  MARRIAGE  RELATION  —  SCHOOLS  —  THE  SABBATH 

The  marriage  relation  shall  be  at  all  times  respected,  and  the 
families  kept  together  as  far  as  possible,  and  broken  families  en 
couraged  to  re-unite,  and  intelligence  offices  established  for  that 
purpose,  schools  and  churches  established,  as  soon  as  may  be,  for 
the  purpose  of  religious  and  other  instructions ;  and  the  first  day 
of  the  week  regarded  as  a  day  of  rest  and  appropriated  to  moral 


APPENDICES  429 

and  religious  instruction  and  improvement ;  relief  to  the  suffering, 
instruction  of  the  young  and  ignorant,  and  the  encouragement  of 
personal  cleanliness ;  nor  shall  any  person  be  required  on  that  day 
to  perform  ordinary  manual  labor,  unless  in  extremely  urgent 
cases. 

ARTICLE  XLIII 

CARRY   ARMS   OPENLY 

All  persons  known  to  be  of  good  character,  and  of  sound  mind 
and  suitable  age,  who  are  connected  with  this  organization,  whether 
male  or  female,  shall  be  encouraged  to  carry  arms  openly. 

ARTICLE  XLIV 

NO  PERSON  TO  CARRY  CONCEALED  WEAPONS 

No  person  within  the  limits  of  the  conquered  territory,  except 
regularly  appointed  policemen,  express  officers  of  the  army,  mail 
carriers,  or  other  fully  accredited  messengers  of  the  Congress, 
President,  Vice-President,  members  of  the  Supreme  Court,  or  com 
missioned  officers  of  the  army  —  and  those  only  under  peculiar 
circumstances  —  shall  be  allowed,  at  any  time,  to  carry  concealed 
weapons ;  and  any  person  not  specially  authorized  so  to  do,  who 
shall  be  found  so  doing,  shall  be  deemed  a  suspicious  person,  and 
may  be  at  once  arrested  by  any  officer,  soldier,  or  citizen,  without 
the  formality  of  a  complaint  or  warrant,  and  may  at  once  be  sub 
ject  to  thorough  search,  and  shall  have  his  or  her  case  thoroughly 
investigated ;  and  be  dealt  with  as  circumstances,  or  proof,  may 
require. 

ARTICLE  XLV 

PERSONS  TO  BE  SEIZED 

Persons  within  the  limits  of  the  territory  holden  by  this  organ 
ization,  not  connected  with  this  organization,  having  arms  at  all, 
concealed  or  otherwise,  shall  be  seized  at  once,  or  taken  in  charge 
of  by  some  vigilant  officer  ;  and  their  case  thoroughly  investigated : 
and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  all  citizens  and  soldiers,  as  well  as 
officers,  to  arrest  such  parties  as  are  named  in  this  and  the  pre 
ceding  Section  or  Article,  without  formality  of  complaint  or  war 
rant  :  and  they  shall  be  placed  in  charge  of  proper  officer  for  ex 
amination  or  for  safe  keeping. 


430  APPENDICES 

ARTICLE  XLVI 

THESE  ARTICLES  NOT  FOR  THE  OVERTHROW  Ob'  GOVERNMENT 

The  foregoing1  articles  shall  not  be  construed  so  as  in  any  way 
to  encourage  the  overthrow  of  any  State  Government  of  the 
United  States :  and  look  to  no  dissolution  of  the  Union,  but  simply 
to  Amendment  and  Repeal.  And  our  Flag  shall  be  the  same  as 
our  Fathers  fought  under  in  the  Revolution. 

ARTICLE  XLVII 

NO    PLURALITY   OF   OFFICES 

No  two  offices  specially  provided  for,  by  this  Instrument,  shall 
be  filled  by  the  same  person  at  the  same  time. 

ARTICLE  XVLIII 

OATH 

Every  Officer,  civil  or  military,  connected  with  this  organiza 
tion,  shall,  before  entering  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  make  sol 
emn  oath  or  affirmation,  to  abide  by  and  support  this  Provisional 
Constitution  and  these  Ordinances.  Also,  every  Citizen  and  Sol 
dier,  before  being  fully  recognized  as  such,  shall  do  the  same. 


APPENDIX  IV 

JOHN  BROWN'S  AUTOBIOGRAPHY 

Written  to  Henry  L.  Stearns,  son  of  George  L.  Stearns,  and  bear 
ing  date  Red  Rock,  loiva,  July  7,  /#57.1 

JOHN  was  born  May  9th,  1800,  at  Torrington,  Litchfield  County.. 
Connnecticut ;  of  poor  but  respectable  parents :  a  descendant  on  the 
side  of  his  father  of  one  of  the  company  of  the  Mayflower  who 
landed  at  Plymouth  1620.  His  mother  was  descended  from  a  man 
who  came  at  an  early  period  to  New  England  from  Amsterdam, 
in  Holland.  Both  his  Father's  &  Mother's  Fathers  served  in  the 
war  of  the  revolution:  His  Father's  Father  died  in  a  barn  at 
New  York  while  in  the  service,  in  1776. 

I  cannot  tell  you  of  anything"  in  the  first  Four  years  of  John's 
life  worth  mentioning  save  that  at  that  early  age  he  was  tempted 
by  Three  large  Brass  Pins  belonging  to  a  girl  who  lived  in  the 
family  &  stole  them.  In  this  he  was  detected  by  his  Mother ;  & 
after  having  a  full  day  to  think  of  the  wrong:  received  from  her 
a  thorough  whipping.  When  he  was  Five  years  old  his  Father 
moved  to  Ohio;  then  a  wilderness  filled  with  wild  beasts,  &  In 
dians.  During  the  long  journey  which  was  performed  in  part  or 
mostly  with  an  ox  team ;  he  was  called  on  by  turns  to  assist  a  boy 
Five  years  older  (who  had  been  adopted  by  his  Father  &  Mother) 
&  learned  to  think  he  could  accomplish  smart  things  in  driving  the 
cows,  and  riding  the  horses.  Some  times  he  met  with  Rattle 
Snakes  which  were  very  large ;  &  which  some  of  the  company  gen 
erally  managed  to  kill.  After  getting  to  Ohio  in  1805  he  was  for 
some  time  rather  afraid  of  the  Indians,  &  of  their  Rifles ;  but  this 
soon  wore  off;  &  he  used  to  hang  about  them  quite  as  much  as 
was  consistent  with  good  manners ;  &  learned  a  trifle  of  their  talk. 

1  Ante  p.  165. 


432  APPENDICES 

His  Father  learned  to  dress  Deer  Skins,  &  at  6  years  old  John  was 
installed  a  young  Buck  Skin  —  He  was  perhaps  rather  observing 
as  he  ever  after  remembered  the  entire  process  of  Deer  Skin 
dressing',  so  that  he  could  at  any  time  dress  his  own  leather  such 
as  Squirl,  Raccoon,  Cat,  Wolf,  or  Dog  Skin;  &  also  learned  to 
make  Whip  Lashes:  which  brought  him  some  change  at  times; 
&  was  of  considerable  service  in  many  ways.  At  Six  years  old 
John  began  to  be  quite  a  rambler  in  the  wild  new  country  finding 
birds  &  Squirels,  and  sometimes  a  wild  Turkey's  nest.  But  about 
this  period  he  was  placed  in  the  school  of  adversity :  which  my 
young  friend  was  a  most  necessary  part  of  his  early  training. 
You  may  laugh  when  you  come  to  read  about  it;  but  these  were 
sore  trials  to  John :  whose  earthly  treasures  were  very  few  &  small. 
These  were  the  beginnings  of  a  severe  but  much  needed  course  of 
discipline  which  he  afterwards  was  to  pass  through ;  &  which  it  is 
to  be  hoped  has  learned  him  before  this  time  that  the  Heavenly 
Father  sees  it  best  to  take  all  the  little  things  out  of  his  hand  which 
he  has  ever  placed  in  them.  When  John  was  in  his  Sixth  year  a 
poor  Indian  boy  gave  him  a  Yellow  Marble  the  first  he  had  ever 
seen.  This  he  thought  a  great  deal  of ;  &  kept  it  a  good  while ; 
but  at  last  he  lost  it  beyond  recovery.  It  took  years  to  heal  the 
wound]  &  I  think  he  cried  at  times  about  it.  About  Five  months 
after  this  he  caught  a  young  Squirrel  tearing  off  his  tail  in  doing 
it;  &  getting  severely  bitten  at  the  same  time  himself.  He  how 
ever  held  to  the  little  bob  tail  Squirrel ;  &  finally  got  him  perfectly 
tamed,  so  that  he  almost  idolized  his  pet.  This  too  he  lost',  by 
wandering  away ;  or  by  getting  killed :  &  for  a  year  or  Two  John 
was  in  mourning ;  and  looking  at  all  the  Squirrels  he  could  see  to 
try  and  discover  Bobtail  if  possible,  I  must  not  neglect  to  tell  you 
of  a  very  bad  &  foolish  habbit  to  which  John  was  somewhat  ad 
dicted.  I  mean  telling  lies:  generally  to  screen  himself  from 
blame;  or  from  punishment.  He  could  not  well  endure  to  be  re 
proached;  &  I  now  think  had  he  been  oftener  encouraged  to  be 
entirely  frank ;  frv  making  frankness  a-  kind  of  atonement  for  some 
of  his  faults ;  he  would  not  have  been  so  often  guilty  of  this  fault ; 
nor  have  been  obliged  to  struggle  so  long  in  after  life  with  so  mean 
a  habit. 


APPENDICES  433 

John  was  never  quarrelsome]  but  was  excessively  fond  of  the 
hardest  &  roughest  kind  of  plays ;  &  could  never  get  enough  [of] 
them.  Indeed  when  for  a  short  time  he  was  sometimes  sent  to 
School  the  opportunity  it  afforded  to  wrestle  &  Snow  ball  &  run 
&  jump  &  knock  off  old  seedy  wool  hats ;  offered  to  him  almost 
the  only  compensation  for  the  confinement  &  restraints  of  school. 
I  need  not  tell  you  that  with  such  a  feeling  &  but  little  chance  of 
going-  to  school  at  all :  he  did  not  become  much  of  a  schollar.  He 
would  always  choose  to  stay  at  home  &  work  hard  rather  than  be 
sent  to  school ;  &  during  the  warm  season  might  generally  be  seen 
barefooted  &  bareheaded:  with  Buck  skin  Breeches  suspended 
often  with  one  leather  strap  over  his  shoulder  but  sometimes  with 
Two.  To  be  sent  off  through  the  wilderness  alone  to  very  con 
siderable  distances  was  particularly  his  delight;  &  in  this  he  was 
often  indulged  so  that  by  the  time  he  was  Twelve  years  old  he 
was  sent  off  more  than  a  Hundred  Miles  with  companies  of  cattle ; 
&  he  would  have  thought  his  character  much  injured  had  he  been 
obliged  to  be  helped  in  any  such  job.  This  was  a  boyish  kind  of 
feeling  but  characteristic  however. 

At  Eight  years  old  John  was  left  a  Motherless  boy  which  loss 
was  complete  &  permanent,  for  notwithstanding  his  Father  again 
married  to  a  sensible,  inteligent,  &  on  many  accounts  a  very 
estimable  woman:  yet  he  never  adopted  her  in  feeling:  but  con 
tinued  to  pine  after  his  own  Mother  for  years.  This  opperated 
very  unfavorably  uppon  him:  as  he  was  both  naturally  fond  of 
females ;  &  withall  extremely  diffident ;  &  deprived  him  of  a  suit 
able  link  between  the  different  sexes;  the  want  of  which  might 
under  some  circumstances  have  proved  his  ruin. 

When  the  war  broke  out  -with  Hngtiand,  his  Father  soon  com 
menced  furnishing  the  troops  with  beef  cattle,  the  collecting  & 
driving  of  which  afforded  him  some  opportunity  for  the  chase 
(on  foot)  of  wild  steers  &  other  cattle  through  the  woods.  During 
this  war  he  had  some  chance  to  form  his  own  boyish  judgement 
of  men  &  measures :  &  to  become  somewhat  familiarly  acquainted 
with  some  who  have  figured  before  the  country  since  that  time. 
The  effect  of  what  he  saw  during  the  war  was  to  so  far  disgust 
him  with  military  affairs  that  he  would  neither  train,  or  drill:  but 


434  APPENDICES 

paid  fines ;  and  got  along  like  a  Quaker  untill  his  age  had  finally 
cleared  him  of  Military  duty. 

During  the  war  with  England  a  circumstance  occurred  that  in 
the  end  made  him  a  most  determined  Abolitionist :  &  led  him  to  de 
clare,  or  Swear:  Eternal  war  with  Slavery.  He  was  staying  for 
a  short  time  with  a  very  gentlemanly  landlord  once  a  United  States 
Marshal  who  held  a  slave  boy  near  his  own  age  very  active,  in 
telligent  and  good  feeling;  &  to  whom  John  was  under  consider 
able  obligation  for  numerous  little  acts  of  kindness.  The  master 
made  a  great  pet  of  John :  brought  him  to  table  with  his  first  com 
pany  ;  &  friends ;  called  their  attention  to  every  little  smart  thing 
he  said  or  did:  &  to  the  fact  of  his  being  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  from  home  with  a  company  of  cattle  alone ;  while  the  negro 
boy  (who  was  fully  if  not  more  than  his  equal)  was  badly  clothed, 
poorly  fed  ;  &  lodged  in  cold  weather ;  &  beaten  before  his  eyes 
with  Iron  Shovels  or  any  other  thing  that  came  first  to  hand.  This 
brought  John  to  reflect  on  the  wretched ;  hopeless  condition,  of 
Fatherless  &  Motherless  slave  children  :  for  such  children  have 
neither  Father  nor  Mothers  to  protect,  &  provide  for  them.  He 
would  sometimes  raise  the  question  is  God  their  Father? 

At  the  age  of  Ten  years  an  old  friend  induced  him  to  read  a  little 
history ;  &  offered  him  the  free  use  of  a  good  library ;  by  which 
he  acquired  some  taste  for  reading:  which  formed  the  principle 
part  of  his  early  education:  &  diverted  him  in  a  great  measure 
from  bad  company,  &  conversation  of  old  &  inteligent  persons. 
He  never  attempted  to  dance  in  his  life ;  nor  did  he  ever  learn  to 
know  one  of  a  pack  of  cards  from  another.  He  learned  nothing 
of  Grammar ;  nor  did  he  get  at  school  so  much  knowledge  of  com 
mon  Arithmetic  as  the  Four  ground  rules.  This  will  give  you 
some  idea  of  the  first  Fifteen  years  of  his  life ;  during  which  time 
he  became  very  strong  and  large  of  his  age  and  ambitious  to  per 
form  the  full  labour  of  a  man  ;  at  almost  any  kind  of  hard  work. 
By  reading  the  lives  of  great,  wise  &  good  men  their  sayings,  and 
Writings ;  he  grew  to  a  dislike  of  vain  &  frivolous  conversation  & 
persons;  &  was  often  greatly  obliged  by  the  kind  manner  in  which 
older  &  more  intelligent  persons  treated  him  at  their  houses :  &  in 
conversation ;  which  was  a  great  relief  on  account  of  his  extreme 
bashfulness. 


APPENDICES  435 

He  very  early  in  life  became  ambitious  to  excell  in  doing  any 
thing  he  undertook  to  perform.  This  kind  of  feeling  I  would 
recomend  to  all  persons  both  male  &  female:  as  it  will  certainly 
tend  to  secure  admission  to  the  company  of  the  more  intelligent 
&  better  portion  of  every  community.  By  all  means  endeavor  to 
excell  in  some  laudable  pursuit. 

I  had  like  to  forgotten  to  tell  you  of  one  of  John's  misfortunes 
which  set  rather  hard  on  him  while  a  young  boy.  He  had  by  some 
means  perhaps  by  gift  of  his  father- become  the  owner  of  a  little 
Ewe  Lamb  which  did  finely  till  it  was  about  Two  Thirds  grown ; 
and  then  sickened  &  died.  This  brought  another  protracted 
mourning  season :  not  that  he  felt  the  pecuniary  loss  so  much :  for 
that  was  never  his  disposition ;  but  so  strong  and  earnest  were  his 
attachments. 

John  had  been  taught  from  earliest  childhood  to  fear  God  and 
keep  his  commandments ;  &  though  quite  skeptical  he  had  always 
by  turns  felt  much  serious  doubt  as  to  his  future  well  being  &  about 
this  time  became  to  some  extent  a  convert  to  Christianity  &  ever 
after  a  firm  believer  in  the  divine  authenticity  of  the  Bible.  With 
this  book  he  became  very  familiar,  &  possessed  a  most  unusual 
memory  of  its  entire  contents. 

Now  some  of  the  things  I  have  been  telling  of;  were  just  such 
as  I  would  recomend  to  you :  &  I  wd  like  to  know  that  you  had 
selected  these  out;  &  adopted  them  as  part  of  your  own  plan  of 
life ;  &  I  wish  you  to  have  some  definite  plan.  Many  seem  to  have 
none ;  &  others  never  stick  to  any  that  they  do  form.  This  was 
not  the  case  with  John.  He  followed  up  with  tenacity  whatever 
he  set  about  so  long  as  it  answered  his  general  purpose :  &  hence 
he  rarely  failed  in  some  good  decree  to  effect  the  things  he  under 
took.  This  was  so  much  the  case  that  he  habitually  expected  to 
succeed  in  his  undertakings.  With  this  feeling  should  be  coupled ; 
the  consciousness  that  our  plans  are  right  in  themselves. 

During  the  period  I  have  named  John  had  acquired  a  kind  of 
ownership  to  certain  animals  of  some  little  value  but  as  he  had 
come  to  understand  that  the  title  of  minor's  might  be  a  little  imper 
fect  :  he  had  recource  to  various  means  in  order  to  secure  a  more 
independent',  &  perfect  right  of  property.  One  of  those  means 
was  to  exchange  with  his  Father  for  something  of  far  less  value. 


436  APPENDICES 

Another  was  trading  with  other  persons  for  something  his  Father 
had  never  owned.  Older  persons  have  some  times  found  difficulty 
with  titles. 

From  fifteen  to  Twenty  years  old,  he  spent  most  of  his  time 
working  at  the  Tanner  &  Currier's  trade  keeping  Bachelors  hall ; 
&  he  was  acting  as  Cook ;  &  for  most  of  the  time  as  foreman  of  the 
establishment  under  his  father.  During  this  period  he  found  much 
trouble  with  some  of  the  bad  habits  I  have  mentioned  &  with  some 
that  I  have  not  told  you  of:  his  conscience  urging  him  forward 
with  great  power  in  this  matter:  but  his  close  attention  to  business; 
&  success  in  his  management ;  together  with  the  way  he  got  along 
with  a  company  of  men ;  &  boys ;  made  him  quite  a  favorite  with  the 
serious  &  more  intelligent  portion  of  older  persons.  This  was  so 
much  the  case ;  &  secured  for  him  so  many  little  notices  from  those 
he  esteemed ;  that  his  vanity  was  very  much  fed  by  it ;  &  he  came 
forward  to  manhood  quite  full  of  self-conceit;  &  self-confidence; 
notwithstanding  his  extreme  bashfulness.  A  younger  brother  used 
sometimes  to  remind  him  of  this :  and  to  repeat  to  him  this  expres 
sion  which  you  may  somewhere  find,  'A  King  against  whome  there 
is  no  rising  up.'  The  habit  so  early  formed  of  being  obeyed  ren 
dered  him  in  after  life  too  much  disposed  to  speak  in  an  imperious 
&  dictating  way.  From  Fifteen  years  &  upward  he  felt  a  good 
deal  of  anxiety  to  learn;  but  could  only  read  and  study  a  little; 
both  for  want  of  time ;  &  on  account  of  inflammation  of  the  eyes. 
He  however  managed  by  the  help  of  books  to  make  himself  toler 
ably  well  acquainted  with  common  arithmetic ;  &  Surveying ;  which 
he  practiced  more  or  less  after  he  was  Twenty  years  old. 

At  a  little  past  Twenty  years  led  by  his  own  inclination  & 
prompted  also  by  his  Father,  he  married  a  remarkably  plain ;  but 
neat  industrious  &  economical  girl ;  of  excellent  character ;  earnest 
piety ;  &  good  practical  common  sense ;  about  one  year  younger 
than  himself.  This  woman,  by  her  mild,  frank,  &  more  than  all 
else:  by  her  very  consistent  conduct;  acquired  &  ever  while  she 
lived  maintained  a  most  powerful ;  &  good  influence  over  him. 
Her  plain  but  kind  admonitions  generally  had  the  right  effect; 
without  arousing  his  hauty  obstinate  temper.  John  began  early 
in  life  to  discover  a  great  liking  to  fine  Cattle,  Horses,  Sheep,  & 


APPENDICES  437 

Swine ;  &  as  soon  as  circumstances  would  enable  him  he  began  to 
be  a  practical  Shepherd',  it  being  a  calling  for  which  in  early  life 
he  had  a  kind  of  enthusiastic  longing :  with  the  idea  that  as  a  bus 
iness  it  bid  fair  to  afford  him  the  means  of  carrying  out  his  greatest 
or  principle  object.  I  have  now  given  you  a  kind  of  general  idea 
of  the  early  life  of  this  boy ;  &  if  I  believed  it  would  be  worth  the 
trouble;  or  afford  much  interest  to  any  good  feeling  person:  I 
might  be  tempted  to  tell  you  something  of  his  course  in  after  life ; 
or  manhood.  I  do  not  say  that  I  will  do  it. 

You  will  discover  that  in  using  up  my  half  sheets  to  save  paper ; 
I  have  written  Two  pages,  so  that  one  does  not  follow  the  other  as 
it  should.  I  have  no  time  to  write  it  over ;  &  but  for  unavoidable 
hindrances  in  traveling  I  can  hardly  say  when  I  should  have  writ 
ten  what  I  have.  With  an  honest  desire  for  your  best  good,  I 
subscribe  myself,  Your  Friend, 

J.  BROWN 

P.  S.  I  had  like  to  have  forgotten  to  acknowledge  your  contri 
bution  in  aid  of  the  cause  in  which  I  serve.  God  Allmighty  bless 
you ;  my  son.  J.  B. 


INDEX 


ABBOTT,  Maj.  J.  B.,  143,  175,  219,  274,  279 
Adair,  Rev.  S.   I,.,  77,  108,  146,   152,  221. 

234,  264,  273 
Adams,    Mrs.     Anne     Brown,    quoted,    82, 

290,  291,  292;  293 

Adams,  Henry,  History  of  U.  S..  353 
Alcott,  Amos  B.,  284,   396 
Alburtis,  Capt.   F,.  G.,  302,   306 
Alderman,  Amos,    160 
Allstadt,  John  H.,  298,  300 
Anderson,  Capt.  Geo.  T.,  U.  S.  Army,  260 
Anderson,  Jeremiah  Goldsmith,  Capt.  Prov. 

Army,    295 ;    killed    at    Harper's    Ferry, 

312;    quoted.    333,    387;    262,    269,    284, 

285,  348 
Anderson,    Osborne     P.,    colored,    M.    C., 

250;   private    Prov.  Army,   295:   escaped 

from  H.  F.,  305;  298 
Andrew,  Hon.  John  A.,  of  Boston,  quoted, 

397;  369 

Army  of  Liberation,  343 
Arny,  Wm.  F.,  quoted,  43,  82,  83;   188 
Artillery  Corps  U.   S.   Army,   392 
Astor    House,   N.    Y.,    187 
Atchison,    David    R.,    U.    S.    Senator,    Ma 
jor  General,  51,  52,  55,  65,  66,  69,   163, 

174,   176 

Atlantic  Monthly,   16,    17,  359,  360 
August,  Col.  T.  P.,  commands  B.'s  escort. 

394 

Austin  Freeman,   160 
Avery,  Dr.,   158 
Avis,  Capt.  John.  B.'s  jailor.  302.  304.  382, 

394 

"B.  K.,"  Mrs.,  letter  to  B.,  389;  404 

Bacon,  Cook  &  Co.,  214 

Baltimore  American,  quoted,   320 

Baltimore  Greys,  321 

Ball,   A.   M.,   Master  Machinist  at    U.    F.. 

prisoner,  306 
Bank  of  Wooster,  39 
Barber,  Thomas  W.,  murdered,  69.  88 
Barbour,  Alfred  W.,  301 
Barnes,  Wm.,  letters  from  B.,  211,  190 
Barrow,    Mr.,    killed    Turner's    Massacre, 

362 


Baylor,   Col.   Robt.    W.,   307,   308,  309 

Beckham,  Fontaine,  killed  at  H.  F..  305; 
312 

Bell,  James  M.,  colored,  248 

Belshazzar,    326 

Benjamin,  Jacob,  at  Pottawatomie,  110; 
20,  135,  159,  170,  172,  182 

Bernard,  J.  M.,  store  robbed  by  B.,   137 

Bickerton,  Capt.  Thomas  W.,  155,  158,  173 

Biggs,  Dr.,  317 

Bishop,  Adam,  262 

Blair,  Charles,  makes  1,000  spears  for  B.. 
223,  224 

Blair,  Montgomery,  370 

Blake,  Maj.  George  A.  H.,  U.  S.  Army. 
237 

Black  Jack,  battle  of,  110,  135,  141,  144, 
149,  157,  223,  403,  405 

Black  Warrior,  60 

Blakesley,  Levi,  44,   46 

Blunt,  John,    114 

Blood,  James,  156 

Boerly,  Thomas,  killed  at  H.  F.,  302;  312 

Bolivar    Heights,    301,    303,   304,   328,   339 

Bondi,  August,  with  Brown  in  Kansas, 
136,  159,  160,  168,  170,  171,  172,  182 

Booth,  Edwin,  412 

Border  Ruffians,  81,  197,   199 

Boetler,  Hon.  Alexander  R.,  B.  not  se 
verely  wounded  at  H.  F.,  414;  387 

Botts,  Capt.,  302,  304 

Botts,  Lawson,  366,  369,   371,  372 

Brockett,  W.   B.,  Lieut.,   143,  277 

Brooks,   Paul  R.,   91,  211 

Brown,  Anne,  daughter  of  B.  (see  Ad 
ams),  286 

Brown,  Dianthe  (Lusk),  B.'s  first  wife,  28 

Brown,  Frederick,  son  of  B.,  killed  at 
Osawatomie,  170;  72,  136,  161,  165,  169, 
171,  182 

Brown,  Frederick,  B.'s  Bro.,  47 

Brown,  G.  W.,  editor,  147,  211,  276 

Brown,  Jason,  son  of  B.,  45,  72,  116,  125. 
144,  146,  159,  179,  182,  207,  405 

Brown,  John  (the  name  appears  so  fre 
quently  that  a  complete  index  would  re 
sult  in  an  epitome  of  the  book;  there 


440 


INDEX 


fore,  only  pages  containing  the  more 
important  incidents  are  herein  referred 
to),  character  not  prejudged,  9;  his 
principal  biographers,  15;  picturesque 
figure  an  historical  myth,  26;  birth,  not 
a  Mayflower  descendant,  27;  successful 
as  a  tanner,  28;  contractor,  speculates 
in  town-sites  and  farm  lands,  failure, 
fraudulent  practices,  29;  in  jail  at  Ak 
ron,  O.,  30;  sportsman,  breeds  race 
horses,  obtains  money  under  false  pre 
tense,  31;  letter  concerning,  32;  pro 
ceedings  in  bankruptcy,  letters  concern 
ing,  33,  34;  negotiates  for  1,000  acres 
of  land  in  Va.,  35,  36;  shepherd  in  O., 
36;  Perkins  &  Brown  Wool  Merchants, 
Springfield,  Mass.,  business  methods 
lax,  complaints,  37;  ships  wool  to  Lon 
don,  Eng.,  heavy  losses,  in  liquidation, 
sued  for  large  sums,  wine  making  for 
commercial  purposes,  38;  obtains  land 
at  North  Elba,  N.  Y.,  extensive  litiga 
tion,  bad  record,  39;  penniless,  thoughts 
of  Kansas,  40;  religious  belief  prob 
lematical,  41,  skeptical?  42;  indifferent 
concerning  the  Sabbath,  a  non-resistant, 
43;  summary  of  anti-slavery  activities 
given,  44,  52;  intended  to  become  a 
southern  planter,  52,  letter  concerning, 
did  he  intend  to  own  slaves?  53;  a 
dilemma  for  his  biographers,  54;  to 
Kansas,  collects  money  at  Syracuse,  N. 
Y.,  Akron  and  Cleveland,  O.,  75,  76;  at 
Osawatomie,  in  distress,  76;  at  Free 
State  election  Oct.  9,  78;  not  bellicose,  , 
79;  as  he  impressed  Mr.  Redpath,  80;^ 
as  he  impressed  Mr.  Villard,  80,  81;  as 
he  impressed  his  son  Salmon,  81;  "his 
object  in  going  to  Kansas,"  82;  intend 
ed  to  settle,  his  claim  "jumped,"  83; 
Captain  of  the  Liberty  Guards,  86; 
Shannon  Treaty  satisfactory,  89;  myth 
ical  speech,  90;  not  heard  by  Redpath, 
92;  first  and  last  appearance  at  a  public 
meeting,  93;  chairman  district  conven 
tion,  94;  disbands  Liberty  Guards  and 
plans  to  leave  neighborhood,  extreme 
poverty,  94;  an  ominous  letter,  desires 
recrudescence  of  pro-slavery  aggressions, 
97,  98;  robberty  and  murder,  99,  114; 
exchanges  stolen  horses,  109;  self,  un 
married  sons  and  Henry  Thompson  plan 
robbery  and  murder,  99;  to  go  to  Louis 
iana,  111;  his  motives,  121;  secrecy  a 
characteristic,  124;  grinding  of  sabers  a 


myth,  125;  motives  not  altruistic,  129; 
personality,  130;  not  a  "misplaced  cru 
sader,"  131;  motives  selfish,  135;  mid 
night  flight,  136;  robbery,  137;  his  se 
cret  camp,  139;  encouraged  by  Red- 
path,  sought  for  by  Capt.  Pate,  joins 
forces  with  Capt.  Shore,  140;  captures 
Pate  at  Black  Jack,  bands  dispersed  by 
Col.  Sumner,  141 ;  John  E-  Cook  a 
guest,  144;  original  company  disbanded, 
146;  whereabouts  unknown  during  fifty 
days,  147;  stealing  horses,  149,  150; 
profited  by  his  operations,  151;  forced 
to  leave  Kansas,  152,  153;  returns  from 
Nebraska,  154;  not  to  fight,  155,  156;  at 
Lawrence,  158;  to  engage  in  robbery  on 
a  large  scale,  159;  captain  of  industry, 
160;  Osawatomie  a  cattle  raid,  161;  re 
fused  to  join  Lane  for  the  defense  of 
Lawrence,  162;  his  "report"  of  Osa 
watomie,  165,  167,  168;  band  not  a  mil 
itary  company,  169;  in  hiding,  170;  end 
of  get-rich-quick  adventure,  171;  aban 
doned  son's  body,  172;  the  Loki  of 
Osawatomie,  173;  well  received  at 
Lawrence,  174;  declined  command  of  a 
company,  171;  left  Lawrence  to  its  fate, 
176;  secures  congratulatory  letters  from 
Gov.  Robinson  by  dissimulation,  177, 
178;  leaves  Kansas  to  work  the  East 
for  large  sums  of  money,  files  claim 
for  losses,  181,  184;  stores  arms  at  Ta 
bor,  184;  en  route  east  collects  money, 
185;  meets  Mr.  Sanborn  and  unfolds 
scheme  to  raise  $30,000,  cash,  185;  in 
"green  pastures,"  186;  discredits  Free 
State  leaders,  187;  asks  National  Com. 
for  $5,000  cash,  speech,  188;  disap 
pointment,  190;  asks  Mass.  Legislature 
for  $100,000,  speech,  191,  195;  would 
have  New  York  appropriate  $100,000 
for  him,  196,  197;  eulogized,  198,  199; 
advertises  for  contributions,  200,  201; 
contributions,  value  $30,000;  works 
friends  for  $1,000,  202,  203;  offers 
Kansas  leadership  to  Gov.  Reeder,  204; 
shamming,  205,  206;  contempt  for  the 
gullible,  207;  works  Mrs.  Stearns,  207, 
210;  suggestive  name  for  his  make-be 
lieve  troopers,  211;  autobiography  writ 
ten  for  a  special  purpose,  212;  destina 
tion  conditional,  214;  report  to  Stearns, 
215;  failure  of  pretensions,  216;  vocab 
ulary  intact,  217;  hopes  for  "disturb 
ance"  nourished  by  Lane,  219;  brig- 


INDEX 


441 


adier-general,  220;  in  Kansas  but  not 
to  assist  Lane,  221;  draft  for  $7,000, 
cancelled,  to  return  East,  222;  orders 
1,000  spears,  223;  meets  Hugh  Forbes, 
224;  plans  conquest  of  Southern  States, 
225,  226;  a  disunionist,  227;  plans  to 
seduce  soldiery  of  Union,  Duty  of  the 
Soldier,  228;  important  use  for  spears, 
230;  a  law  unto  himself,  231;  wants 
money  with  no  questions  asked,  233; 
stranded  at  Tabor,  war  college  at  Ash- 
tabula,  O.,  234;  matriculates  tyros  in 
Kansas,  236;  opens  war  college  at 
Springdale,  Iowa,  238;  drops  Forbes 
from  pay-roll,  239;  war  council  at  Ger- 
rit  Smith's  home,  244;  a  war  commit 
tee,  245;  not  the  "Lord's  champion," 
247;  constitutional  convention,  248; 
adopts  constitution  for  provisional  gov 
ernment,  commander-in-chief  of  Pro 
visional  Army,  249;  collapse  of  ex 
chequer,  253;  menace  to  rear  of  com 
munications,  254;  gets  control  of  or 
dinance  stores,  255;  campaign  post 
poned,  258;  in  Kansas,  alias  Shubel 
Morgan,  orders  a  "Doz.  Whistles,"  259; 
roll  of  make-believe  company,  his  real 
men  arrive,  262;  worked  Territory  in 
pairs,  263;  suffered  from  exposure,  en 
couraged  horse  stealing,  265;  drafted 
Sugar  Mound  Treaty,  267;  plans  com 
plete  for  Missouri  raid  except  as  to  date 
of  execution,  268;  the  raid,  269,  272; 
sends  slaves  taken  to  Osawatomie,  273; 
no  published  accounting  or  distribution 
of  stolen  property,  recruited  finances 
near  Lawrence,  274;  conduct  complained 
of  by  Moneka  clergyman,  276;  details 
Stevens  and  Tidd  to  "replevin"  pair  of 
horses,  278;  successful  trip  with  slaves 
from  Kansas  to  Canada,  278,  282;  "Bat 
tle  of  the  Spurs,"  279;  arrest  not  de 
sired  by  Dept.  of  Justice,  282;  never 
killed  anybody,  284;  revolution  financed, 
285;  Hd.  Qrs.  near  Harper's  Ferry, 
286;  panic  on  bourse,  287;  army  mo 
bilized,  289;  muster  roll,  294;  forward 
movement,  296;  occupies  H.  F.,  297; 
declaration  of  intentions,  298;  armed 
with  sword  of  Frederick  and  Washing 
ton,  299;  stops  train  B.  &  O.  Ry.,  500; 
proclamation,  this  is  the  last  train  that 
shall  pass,  301;  the  struggle,  302,  312; 
negroes  fail  to  do  their  part,  303;  re 
fuses  to  surrender,  309;  his  position 


carried  by  assault,  310;  wounded  while 
bravely  fighting,  311,  387;  casualties, 
312;  interviews,  312,  320;  military 
stores  on  hand,  lodged  in  jail,  321; 
found  Sanborn  deficient,  326;  his  in 
telligence  discredited  by  biographers, 
assumptions  of  not  justified,  328;  not 
trifling  nor  baiting  death  for  trifling 
purpose,  329;  intended  to  arm  slaves 
and  defend  position,  330;  expected  "ne 
groes  to  rise  and  swell  force  to  irre 
sistible  proportions,"  332;  plans  ap 
proved  unanimously,  333,  350;  distrib 
uted  500  spears  among  negroes,  333; 
did  not  intend  to  retreat  to  fastness, 
believed  he  would  write  bloodiest  chap 
ter  in  history,  334;  intended  to  equip 
an  army  at  H.  F.  and  invade  South, 
disposition  of  his  forces  at  H.  F.  con 
sistent  with  theory  of  insurrection  of 
slaves,  336;  defied  no  canons,  was  not 
executing  a  raid,  campaign  serious,  he 
roic  and  desperate,  337;  dispositions  at 
H.  F.  not  violations  of  military  prin- 
,  338;  to  effect  conquest  of  South 
ern  States  and  establish  provisional  gov 
ernment,  believed  slaves  would  assas 
sinate  masters  and  families  and  declare 
freedom,  341;  hedged  against  treason, 
342;  believed  insurrection  in  progress, 
blow  to  be  most  crushing  he  could  de 
liver,  343;  would  shake  slave  system 
to  foundation,  assassination  means  to 
end,  344;  would  improve  upon  Turner's 
methods,  345;  seizure  of  H.  F.,  strat 
agem,  347;  colored  military  organiza 
tions  to  support,  348;  project  foreshad 
owed  by  Anderson,  350;  General  Or 
ders  No.  1,  351;  collapse  of  scheme  co 
incident  with  failure  of  assassinations, 
355;  if  he  and  captains  had  led  as 
Turner  led,  weak  link  in  chain  of  fore 
cast,  356;  overconfident  of  success;  ship 
of  state  wrecked  upon  charted  rock, 
vain  to  underestimate  man  or  conspir 
acy,  not  a  pioneer  in  the  insurrection 
business,  357;  placed  upon  trial,  un 
seemly  haste,  365;  jurisdiction  of  Fed 
eral  courts  not  seriously  considered  — 
after  "higher  and  wickeder  game,"  365; 
defiant  speech,  366;  trial  a  formality, 
367;  rejects  plea  of  insanity,  369;  di 
rections  to  counsel,  371;  denounces  his 
counsel,  372 ;  verdict  guilty  —  received 
in  respectful  silence,  374;  speech  to  the 


442 


INDEX 


Court  —  first  paragraph  discreditable, 
375;  sentence  pronounced,  377;  retracts 
statements  made  in  speech  to  Court  — 
letter  to  Andrew  Hunter  concerning, 
379;  speech  of  Oct.  25th  characteristic 
of  courage  —  that  of  Nov.  2nd,  of 
craftiness,  as  brave  as  crafty,  380;  dis 
courages  attempts  at  rescue  —  had  had 
surfeit  of  tragedies,  383;  prevarication 
and  craftiness  characteristic  of  prison 
correspondence,  387-390;  statement, 
391;  military  pageant — Soldier  of  the 
Cross,  394;  fame  due  to  things  done  to 
him,  and  to  things  said  about  him  —  ex 
amples,  395,  399;  honored  by  Kansas, 
399,  400;  martyrdom  a  fiction,  400,  401; 
assault  upon  slavery  means  to  end,  first 
contemplated  in  1857,  grafting  upon  anti- 
slavery  sentiment,  1855,  1859,  402,  403; 
rapacity  distinguishing  characteristic  — 
deportment,  coarse,  brutal,  vulgar,  or 
saintly  as  suited  purposes,  404;  deceived 
by  Pate,  405;  commercial  and  political 
plunger,  405,  406;  will  live  in  history  as 
an  adventurer,  407;  ref.  16,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  21,  22,  23,  24;  letters  to  Mad.  E.  B., 
389;  Col.  Higginson,  381;  Dr.  Hum 
phrey,  388;  Andrew  Hunter,  379;  Rev. 
Theo.  Parker,  229;  234;  Mr.  Sanborn, 
218,  238,  246,  268;  Mr.  Stearns,  215; 
Mrs.  Stearns,  390;  to  wife  et  al,  77,  79, 
84,  85,  86,  89,  95,  97,  107,  141,  165, 
268,  269,  382,  385,  388 

Brown,  John  Jr.,  letters,  73;  Capt.  Pot- 
tawatomie  Rifles,  98,  101;  statement  to 
Sanborn,  108;  knew  about  B.'s  plans, 
109;  dismissed  from  Pottawatomie 
Rifles.  125;  quits  Kansas,  179;  20,  30, 
44,  45,  72,  94,  136,  144,  146,  182,  207, 
243.  248,  323,  384,  405 

Brown,  Mary  Ann  (Day),  B.'s  second 
wife,  28;  381,  390,  392,  393 

Brown,  Oliver,  stole  horses  in  Nebraska, 
150;  Capt.  Prov.  Army,  295;  killed  at 
H.  F.,  312;  copy  of  his  commission, 
352;  76.  102,  136.  149,  183,  295,  337 

Brown,  Mrs.   Oliver,   286 

Brown,  Owen,  B.'s  father,  28 

Brown.  Owen,  escaped  from  Pottawat 
omie  on  "fast  Kentucky  horse,"  109;  a 
"vile  murderer,"  127;  treasurer,  Prov. 
Gov.,  250;  Capt.  Prov  Army,  295;  es 
caped  from  H.  P.,  312;  30,  72,  136,  146, 
149,  182,  237,  262.  296,  302,  305,  336 


Brown,    Peter,    Windsor,    Conn.,    B.'s   an 
cestor,  27 

Brown,   Reece,    P.,   murdered,  69 
Brown,    Salmon,    letter    not    warlike,    81; 

father   intended  to  kill  seven  men,  111; 

letter,   119;   wounded,    143;   21,   72,   102, 

136,  149,  151,  182,  190,  265,  349 
Brown,  Sarah,  daughter  of  B.,  quoted,  169 
Brown,  S.  B.,  159 

Brown,   Terrance,  prisoner  at  H.    F.,   303 
Brown,    Watson,    son   of   B.;    Capt.    Prov. 

Army,    295;    killed    at    H.    F.,    312;    85, 

263,  289,    296,  303,  304,    336 
Browns,    The,    not    fighting    for    freedom, 

153 
Browne,    Peter,    of  the    "Mayflower,"    not 

B.'s   ancestor,  27;    192 
Brua,  Joseph  A.,    prisoner  at   II.   F.,   304, 

306 
Buchanan,     Hon.     James,     President.     60, 

279,  307 

"Buckskin,"    158,   159 

Buford,   Maj.   Jefferson,  quoted,    155;    106 
Burgess,  John  W.,  Middle  Period,  quoted, 

66;  56 
Byrne,  Terence,  306,  prisoner  at  H.   F. 

CABOT,  Dr.  Samuel,   186 
Cadet  Corps,  Va.   Mil.    Institute,   392 
Calhoun,  Hon.  John  C.,  43,  56,  57 
Callender,  W.  H.  D.,  Cashier,  201 
Campbell,  James  W.,   Sheriff,  393,  394 
Carpenter,  A.  O.,  at  Black  Jack,  136;  137, 

146 

Carruth,  James  H.,  quoted,  127 
Cass,  Hon.  Lewis,  58 
Castile,  A.,  114 
Century  Magazine,  312 
Chambers,   Geo.   W.,   304 
Chadwick,    Rear   Admiral   F.    E.,   255.   334 
Chamberlain,  Amos  P.,  29,  30 
Charleston  Mercury,  70 
Chicago  Tribune,  46 
Chilton,  Samuel,  counsel  for  B.,  369;  372, 

373,  374,  375 

Clark,  James  Freeman,   128 
Clay,  Henry,  59 
Cline,   "Capt."   J.   B.,    160,    161.    166,    167. 

168,    169 
Cochrane,    B.    L-,    at    Pottawatomie,     183; 

20,   110 

Colby,  Deputy  Marshal,  279 
Colcock,  Hon.  Wm.  F.,  59 
Coleman,   Franklin,   killed   Dow,   87 
Collamer,  Hon.  Jacob,  Mason  Com.,   365 


INDEX 


443 


Collis,  Mr.,  wounded  at   Osawatoniie,   167 

Committee,  Mass.  State  Kans.,  185,  187, 
188,  195,  200,  203,  221,  256 

Committee,  National,  Kans.,  181,  184,  187, 
188,  189,  190,  196,  203,  221,  265 

Committee,   Vigilance,    116,    221 

Committee,  B.'s  War,  245,  252,  254.  256, 
325 

Conant,  John,  202 

Congressional  Globe,  59 

Convention  at  Chatham,  Canada,  Call,  248 

Conway,  Martin  F.,  187,  204,  211 

Cook,  John  R.,  with  B.  at  Pottawatomie, 
20,  110;  talked  too  much,  287;  Capt. 
Prov.  Army,  295;  hanged  at  Charles- 
town,  305;  139,  144,  214,  235,  236,  253, 
258,  286,  288,  292,  296,  298,  302,  321, 
328,  331,  332,  333,  342,  393,  401 

Cooke,  John  W.,  40,  44 

Cooke,  L,ieut.  Col.  Philip  St.  George,  U. 
S.  Army,  59 

Copeland,  J.  A.  Jr.,  colored;  private  Prov. 
Army,  295;  hanged  at  Charlestown,  305; 
298,  337 

Coppoc,  Barclay,  private,  Prov.  Army, 
295;  escaped  from  H.  F.,  292;  295,  296 

Coppoc,  Edwin,  first  lieutenant,  Prov. 
Army,  295;  hanged  at  Charlestown,  305; 
298,  306,  311 

Corcoran,  W.  W.,  58 

Cracklin,  Capt.  Joseph,   152,   154,   175 

Crawford,  Geo.  A.,  276 

Crawford,  Brig.   Genl.  S.  W.,   339 

Crittenden,  Hon.  John  C.,  60 

Cruise,  David,  killed  in  Mo.  raid,  270; 
272 

Cuba,  Pearl  of  the  Antilles,  60 

Currie,  L-  F.,  quoted,  331 

DANGERFIELD,  J.  E-,  at  H.  F.,  306 
Daniels,  Jim,  slave  liberated  by  B.  in  Mo. 

raid,  271 
Davis,  Mr.,  138 
Davis,    Hon.    Jefferson,    of    Miss.    Mason 

Com.,  60,  365 

Davis,  William    Watson,   Ph.D.,    10 
Day,  Charles,  28 

Day,  Mary  Anne,  B.'s  second  wife,  28 
Day,  Orson,  93,  97 
Davenport,  Braxton,  366 
Dayton,  Capt.  Oscar  V.,  92.  101 
De  Bow's  Review,  70 
Deitzler,  Geo.  W.,  147,  211 
Denver,  James  Wilson,  acting-governor  of 

Kansas  Ter.,  260 


Denver,  Treaty,   260,  267 

Des  Moines  Register,  281 

Dixon,    Hon.   Archibald,    of  Kentucky,   61 

Doolittle,  Hon.  James  R.,  of  Wis.,  Mason 

Com.,  236,  365 

Dorsey,  Mr.,   wounded  at  H.  F.,  312 
Douglas,  Hon.   Stephen  A.,  58 
Douglas,    Frederick,    239,    240,    243,    248, 

336,    349 

Dow,  Charles,  murdered,  87 
Doyle,   Drury,   murdered  by   B.,    103 
Doyle,  John,  murdered  by  B.,  99,  100,  102, 

103 

Doyle,  Mrs.   Mahala,  statement,   103 
Doyle,  William,  murdered  by  B.,   103 

EDWARDS,  Sam,  slave  at  Southampton,  360 
Eighteenth    Conn.   Infty.,    27 
Ellsworth,  Alfred  M.,  colored,  M.  C,  250 
Elmore,  Rush,  Judge  276 
Emancipation  Proclamation,  63 
Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  186,  199.  379.  380, 
397 

FAQUIER  CAVALRY,  392 

Fastness,   "hill-top,"   myth,    328,    330,   332, 

335,   338,  339,  340 
Fastness,    "inaccessible,"    myth,    323,    339, 

340 

Faulkner,  Hon.  Chas.  J.,  312,  366 
Fay,  John  W.,  160 
Fitch,   Hon.   G.   N.   of  Ind.    Mason    Com., 

365 
Floyd,  Hon.  John  B.,    Secy,  of  War,  288, 

289 
Forbes,    Col.    Hugh,    Soldier    of    Fortune, 

224;  not  a  drill  master,  226;  his  letters 

to    B.    suppressed,    242;    225,    227,    228, 

229,   231,   232,  234,   235,   238,   239,   240, 

241,   254,    256,   285,   341,   342,   347,   356, 

358,   400,    401,   406 
Frazee,  Lieut.  Noah,   160 
Frederick  The  Great,  299,  300,  332,  388 
Frothingham,    Octavius    B.,    quoted,    353, 

355 
Fugitive  Slave   Law,  48 

GABRIEL,  "General,"  slave,  insurrection  of 

Sept.,  1800,  358 
Gait  House,  H.  F.,  304 
Garibaldi,  224,  225 

Garnett,   Rev.   Henry   H.,   colored,  248 
Garrett,  John  W.,  Prest.  B.  &  O.  R.  Rd. 

Co.    301 


444 


INDEX 


Garrett,    Thomas,    Underground    Railroad, 

52 
Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  quoted,  362;  45, 

186,   187 
Garrison,     David,    killed    at    Osawatomie, 

166 

Gaudeloupe  Hidalgo,  Treaty  of,  57 
Gaylord,  Daniel  C.,  29,  40 
Geary,   Genl.   John   W.,    Gov.   K.    T.,    69, 

70,  174,  176,  184 

Gileadites,  U.  S.  league  of,  48,  50 
Gill,  Geo.  B.,  Sec.  Treas.  Prov.  Gov.,  250; 

letter     not     heretofore    published,     130; 

259,    262-266   inc.,    269,    270,    271,    278, 

292,  342,  348,  404,  406 
Gilpatrick,   R.,   114 
Glenn,  John  P.,   160 
Gloucester,  Dr.  J.   N.,  colored,   247 
Goliath-American,   80 
Godel,  John,  159 
Golden  Rule,  199,  344 
Golding,  R.,  chairman,  114 
Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  398 
Gray,  Mr.,  Turner's  Confessor,  362 
Greeley,  Horace,  224,  232 
Grinnell,  Josiah  B.,  282 
Green,  Israel,  Lieut.  U.  S.  Marine  Corps, 

308,  309,  310,  320,  321 
Green,     Shields,     colored,     private     Prov. 

Army,  295;  hanged  at  Charlestown,  305, 

311 
Green,    Thomas   G.,   counsel    for   B.,    366, 

369,  371,  372 
Griswold,  Hiram,  counsel  for  B.,  369,  370, 

372,  373 

Grover,  Capt.  Joel,  156,   158 
Grover,     Mr.,     entertains     B.     near     Law 
rence,  274 
Gue,   David  J.,  author  of  letter  to  Floyd, 

289 

"H"  Co.  7th  South  Carolina,  340 

Hairgrove,  Wm.,  262 

Hale,  Hon.  John  P.,  U.  S.  Senator,  N. 
H.,  255 

Hamilton,  Chas.  A.,  massacre  of  Free 
State  men,  260 

Hamilton,    Thomas    S.,    testimony,    137 

Hammond,  C.  G.,  Supt.  Mich.  Southern 
Ry.,  282 

Hammond,  Mr.,  wounded  at  H.  F.,  312 

Hamtrack  Guards,  302 

Hand,  T.  H.,  152 

Harding,  Chas.  B.,  counsel  for  prosecu 
tion  of  B.,  373 


Harris,  James,  testimony,  104 

Harris,  Wm.  B.,  159 

Harvey,  Maj.  James  A.,    157,    173 

Haskell,  Genl.  W.  A.,  174 

Hauser,  Samuel,  160 

Hawse,  Alexander  G.,  163,  170 

Hazlett,    Albert,  Capt.    Prov.   Army,    295; 

hanged  at  Charlestown,   305;   262,   264, 

265,  270,  292,  298,   336,   393 
Hayward,   Shepherd,  colored,  killed  at  H. 

F.,  300,  301,  335 
Heywood   (Hayward),  316 
Herald   of  Freedom,  91,  93,   275 
Hicklan,    Harvey    B.,    home   plundered  by 

B.,  270;   statement,  271,  272 
Higgins,  Patrick,  300,  335 
Higgins,    Hon.    William,    quoted,    164 
Higginson,      Col.       Thomas      Wentworth, 

member  of  B.'s  War  Com.,  254;  51,  52, 

185,  217,  244,  257,  325,  381,  397 
Hinton,    Richard   J.,    author,    17,    26,    130, 

228,  235,  264,  342,  384 
Hinton  Papers,  130,  348 
History  of  Iowa,  Gue,   289 
Holliday,  C.  K.,  211 
Holmes,    "Capt."    J.    H.,    160,    161,    162, 

170,  171,  172,  179,  213,  214,  235 
Holt,  James  H.,   H.   F.,  305 
Homyr,  T.,  262 

Hooper,  Mr.,  wounded  at  H.  F.,  312 
Howard,  Hon.   W.   A.,  chairman,  100;  re' 

port  quoted,   103,  104,  105,   137,   138 
Howe,  Dr.  Saml.  G.,  member  of  B.'s  War 

Com.,  254;  186,  240,  242,  245,  255,  257. 

325,  347,  353,  355,  384 
Hoyt,  Major  David  S.,  murdered,  62 
Hoyt,   Geo.   H.,   counsel   for  B.,   and  spy, 

368;  370,  372,  383,  385 
Humphrey,    Rev.    Dr.   Luther,   388 
Hunter,  Andrew,  special  counsel  for  Va., 

312;    quoted,    330,    367;    365,    368,    371, 

373,   374,  375,  393,  416 
Hunter,  Harry,  at  H.  F.,  304 
Kurd,   H.  B.,  Secy.  Nat.  Kan.  Com.,  188, 

266 

Hurlbut,  Mr.,    78 
Hugo,  Victor,  quoted,  398 
Hyatt,  Thaddeus,  245,  353 

INGALLS,    Hon.    John  James,   quoted,    397; 

399 
Irwin,  Mr.,  304 

JACKSON,  Prof.  Thomas  J.,  339,  392 
Jackson,  Col.  Zadock,   70 


INDEX 


445 


Jackson,  Patrick  Tracy,   186 

Jamison,  Quartermaster  Genl.,  220 

Jefferson  Guards,  301,  303 

Jennison,    Col.    Chas.    H.,    264,    269,    281, 

293,  384 

Johnson,  William  Savage,  Ph.D.,   10 
Johnston,  Col.  Joseph  E.,  69,   175,  176 
Jones,  John  T.    (Ottawa),   101,   194 

KAGI,  John  H.,   Secy,  of  War,  249,  352; 
Capt.    Prov.    Army,    295,   298;    "bravest 
of  the  brave,"  329;  killed  at  H.  F.,  305; 
235,   236,  259,   262,   263,  264,  269,   277, 
278,  281,   284,  285,   287,  288,  297,  337, 
342,  349,  401 
Kaiser,  Charles,  139,  160 
Kansas  Conflict,  quoted,  277 
Kansas  Crusade,  quoted,   65,  71 
Kansas  Hist.  Coll.,  117 
Kansas  Hist  Soc.,   130,  189,  209 
Kansas  House  of  Representatives,  resolu 
tion   concerning   statue    of   B.,    400 
Kellogg,  George,  Agt.,  33,  35 
Kendall,  Archibald,  214 
Kennedy,  Dr.  B.,  deceased,  286 
Kennedy    Farm,    B.'s    headquarters,    286; 
abandoned,  331;  290,  291,  296,  305,  321, 
327 
Kidd,    Captain,    his    treasure    chest,    341; 

230,  407 

King,  Rev.  H.  D,,  42,  280 
Kitzmiller,  A.  M.,  at  H.   F.,  301,  304 
Knipe,  Col.  Joseph  F.,  46th  Pa.,  339 

LAFAYETTE    ARTILLERY,     Richmond,    Va., 

362 
Lane,    Genl.   James    H.,    90,    91,    92,    154, 

155,    158,    162,   163,    173,   211,   219,   220, 

264 

Lane,  M.  D.,  160 
Larue,  John,   home  plundered  by  B..  270, 

272 

Lawrence,  Amos  A.,  quoted,  186;  202,  218 
Lawrence   Republican,   Kansas,   276 
Learnard,   Col.   O.    E-,    156,   211 
Leather     and     Manufacturers     Bank     of 

New  York,  39 
Leavenworth  Times,  279 
Leavitt,  Rev.  Joshua,  224 
Leary,  L.  S.,  colored,  private  Prov.  Army, 

295;   mortally  wounded  at   H.   F.,   305; 

298,  337 
Le   Barnes,  J.   W.,  activities  in   behalf  of 

B.,  368,  383,  385 
Lee,   Lieut.   Col.   Robert    E-,   U.   S.   Army. 


famous  in  world's  history,  392;  de 
clined  command  of  Cuban  expedition, 
60;  in  command  of  U.  S.  troops  at  H. 
F.,  308,  309,  312;  at  Charlestown,  Va., 
392 

Leeman,  William  H.,  characteristic  letter, 
288;  Capt.  Prov.  Army,  295;  killed  at 
H.  F.,  304;  236,  292,  293,  302,  303, 
304,  305 

Lenhart,  Charles,  20,  110,  139 
Liberty  Guards,  20,  21,  98,  116,  120,  121 
Lincoln,  Hon.  Abraham,  380,  398 
Lincoln     Sailors     and     Soldiers     National 
Monument    Association,     statue    of    B., 
400 

Little,  J.  H.,  killed  at  Ft.  Scott,  269 
Little    Hornet    (Holmes),    214,    215,    222, 

235 

Longreen,  J.  W.,  colored,  248 
Lopez,   Narcisso,  expedition  against  Cuba, 

garroted,  60 
Loring,    Major,    command    of   infantry    in 

B.'s  escort,  394 
Loudoun  Valley,  Va.,  336 
Loudoun    Heights,  not  inaccessible,   339 
Lusk,  Miss  Dianthe,   B.'s  first  wife,  28 

McCABE,  Mr.,  wounded  at  H.  F.,  312 

McDow,  W.  C,  114 

McGee,     Clyde,     panegyric    on     B.,     398; 

criticism,  399 
McLaren,  E.  C.,  86 
McMaster,   56 
McKim,    Mrs.,    with    Mrs.    B.    at    H.    F., 

392 
McKim,  J.  M.,  392 

MANSFIELD,    Major    General     Joseph    K., 

killed  at  Antietam,  339 
Manual  of  the   Patriotic  Volunteer,   strat 
agem,  341 

Martin,  Hugh,  home  plundered,   270 
Marcy,  Hon.  Wm.   L-,   Secy,  of  State,  60 
Maryland    Heights,    Md.,    not    inacessible, 

338,  339 
Mason,    Hon.   J.    M.,   U.    S.   Senator,  Va... 

chairman,  312,  313,  314,  356,  365 
Mason   Report,  42,   82,  83,   188,   200,   224, 
236,    242,   249,   255,   256,   288,   300,   309, 
312,   321,    330,   331,    342,   352,   365,   369. 
378,  394,  404,  417 
Mason,  Dr.,  374 

Massachusetts  Arms  Co.,  203,  317 
Massachusetts  Emigrant  Aid  Co.,  64,  203 
Massasoit   House,    Springfield,   Mass.,    202 


446 


INDEX 


Massachusetts  Legislature,  Committee  ad 
dressed  by  B.,  192-195;  106,  181,  184, 
191,  405 

Maxon,  Win.,  lodges  the  tyros,  238 

Mass.  Society  of  Mayflower  Descendants, 
27 

Mayflower,  the,  27,   191,   192,  431 

Medary,  Gov.  Samuel,  276,  279 

Mendenhall,   Richard,  quoted,    161;    92 

Meriam,  Francis  J.,  private,  Prov.  Army, 
295;  gives  B.  $600,  290;  escapes  from 
H.  P.,  305:  296,  342 

Mickel,  John,   262 

Mills,   Dr.    Lucius,   B.'s  nephew,    150,    182 

Mills,  Owen,  32 

Mills,  Lieut.  Col.  S.  S.,  321 

Miller,  John,  testimony,    138 

Miller,  William,    160 

Missouri  Compromise,  55,  61 

Moffet,  Charles  W.,  a  tyro,  236;  235 

Monroe,  S.,  alias  used  by  B.,  285 

Montgomery,  James,  259,  260,  262,  266, 
267,  269,  276,  405 

Morgan,  Shubel,  alias  used  by  B.,  257, 
261,  262,  276 

Moore,  E.,  348 

Moore,    Eli,   quoted,    117 

Morris,  Academy,   42 

Morse,   John    F.,    Jr.,    quoted,    17;    18,    27 

Morton,  Edward,  246,  355 

Murphy,  Mr.,  wounded  at  H.  P.,  312 

NAPOLEON,  237,  238,  407 

Negro    Race    in    America,    Williams,    346, 

358,  361 

Neighbors,  The,  Thayer  to  B.,  211 
Newby,      Dangerfield,      colored,      private, 

Prov.  Army,  295;  killed  at  H.  F.,  304; 

337 
New   England   Woolen   Co.,    defrauded  by 

B.,  33;  31,  405 
North  American  Review,  374 
New  York  Courier  and  Inquirer,  61 
New  York  Herald,  71,  316,  320 
New    York    Legislature,    181,    196,    405 
New  York  Tribune,  65,  70,  138,   147,  200. 

224 

Northampton  Woolen  Mills  Co.,  37,   38 
Norton,   Charles  Eliot,  quoted,    16 

OBERLIN  COLLEGE,  35,  39,  45 

"Old   Brown's  Farewell,"  404 

Oliver,  Hon.   M.  N.,  M.  C.  from  Mo.,  100 

Onthank,  Nathan  B.,  353 

Oregon  Boundary  Question,   56 


Organized   Emigration,   64,   65 

Osawatomie,  Battle  of,  Reid's  official  re 
port,  164,  his  estimate  of,  169;  157,  165, 
168 

Osawatomie  State  Park,  battle  field,  399 

Ostend  Manifesto,  61 

Oviatt,    Heman,    30,    36 

PARKER,  Judge  Richard,  presides  at  B.'s 
trial,  367,  372,  374,  377 

Parker,  Rev.  Theodore,  knew  what  B.'s 
purposes  were  at  H.  F.,  353;  quoted. 
353;  member  of  B.'s  war  committee, 
257;  encomium,  397;  187,  206,  207,  208, 
229,  243,  325 

Parsons,  Luke  F.,  in  Osawatomie  cattle 
raid,  159;  tyro,  236;  156,  168,  169,  235, 
342 

Partridge,  Miss  Mary,  384 

Partridge,  William,  in  Osawatomie  cattle 
raid,  159;  262 

Partridge,  George  W.,  killed  at  Osawat 
omie,  167;  169 

Pate,  Capt.  Henry  Clay,  pursues  B.,  140; 
surrenders  to  B.  at  Black  Jack,  143;  de 
ceived  B.,  405;  135.  139,  141,  145,  223, 
403 

Peace  Society,  Boston,  addressed  by  Ger- 
rit  Smith,  257;  275 

Perkins,  Simon,  Jr.,  opinion  of  B.,  37;  36 

Perkins  and  Brown,  irregular  methods  of, 
37;  losses,  liquidation  and  litigation,  38, 
39 

Peter  the   Apostle,  a  militant,  389;   293 

Petersburg  Dragoons,  362 

Phelps,  N.  B.,  in  Osawatomie  cattle  raid, 
159 

Phelps,  Conductor  of  B.  &  O.  train,  300. 
301,  330,  342 

Phillips,    Wendell,    encomium,    396;    186 

Phillips,  William  A.,  83,  147,  211,  213 

"Pickles"  in  B.'s  Mo.  raid,  264 

Pierce,  J.  J.,  colored,  348 

Pinkerton,  Allen,  282 

Pleasant  Valley,   Md.,  336 

Pomeroy,  Hon.  Samuel  C.,  89 

Pottawatomie,  The,  19,  20,  22,  23,  111, 
113,  115,  117,  118,  119,  120,  121,  122, 
125,  126,  129,  133,  135,  139,  140,  147, 
152,  159,  171,  182,  183,  190,  198,  236. 
271,  343,  344 

Pottawatomie  Rifles,  organized  to  release 
li.  from  command  of  Liberty  Guards, 
98;  B.  not  member  of,  132;  John  B., 


INDEX 


447 


Jr.,  deposed  from  command,  125;  20, 
21,  101,  107,  126 

Porter,  Henry,  slave,   Southampton,  360 

Powers,   Mr.,  killed  at  Osawatomie,  167 

Poyes,  Peter,  slave,  enlisted  600  slaves, 
359 

Prairie  City  Rifles,   140,  160 

Preston,  William  J.,  Deputy  U.  S.  Mar 
shal,  144 

Price,  C.  H.,  President  of  meeting  at  Osa 
watomie,  114 

Provisional  Army,  Gen.  Order  No.  1,  351; 
casualties  of  at  H.  F.,  312;  234,  286, 
343,  352 

Provisional  Constitution  and  Ordinances, 
Appendix;  written  by  B.,  243;  copies  at 
H.  F.,  342;  248,  249,  250 

Provisional  Government,  254;  jurisdiction 
of  to  be  established  over  Southern 
States,  227,  329,  341;  130,  227,  234,  249, 
251,  289,  290,  330,  347,  401 

QUICK,     William,     in     Osawatomie     cattle 

raid,   160 
Quinn,   Luke,  U.   S.   Marine  Corps,  killed 

at  H.  F.,  312;  416 
Quitman,  Gen.  John  A.,  expedition  against 

Cuba,  60 

REALF,  Richard,  Secy,  of  State,  Prov. 
Govt.,  250;  235,  236,  249,  254,  287,  342 

Recollections  of  seventy  years,  Sanborn, 
82,  396 

Redpath,  James,  B.'s  first  biographer,  15; 
criticism  by  Charles  Eliot  Norton,  16; 
meets  Brown,  138;  B.'s  intentions  at  II. 
F.,  323;  knew  how  B.  intended  to  assail 
the  slave  power,  342;  quoted,  92,  93, 
110,  139,  192,  332,  357,  375,  395;  crit 
icism,  82,  122,  195,  335 

Reece,  Mr.,  killed,  Southampton  Mas 
sacre,  362 

Reeder,  Andrew  H.,  territorial  governor 
of  Kansas,  67,  204 

Reid,  Genl.  John  W.,  report  battle  of 
Osawatomie,  164;  "driving  out  a  flock 
of  quail,"  170;  163,  168,  169,  174 

Reynolds,  R.,  in  Osawatomie  cattle  raid, 
160 

Reynolds,  G.  J.,  colored,  negro  military 
organization,  348 

Revere  House,   Boston,   257,    258 

Rhodes,  James  Ford,  60,  61 

Rice,  Benjamin,  269 

Richmond  Enquirer,   362 


Richardson,    Mr.,    wounded  at   H.   F.,   312 

Richardson,  Richard,  colored,  236 

Ritchie,  Col.  John,  at  "Battle  of  the 
Spurs,"  279 

Robinson,  Charles,  "no  greater  hero,"  55; 
challenged  the  logic  of  the  revolver 
and  bowie-knife,  quoted,  67;  Free  State 
governor,  68;  speech,  Wakarusa  war, 
91;  six  cheers  for,  92;  justifies  B.,  115; 
invites  him  to  call,  176;  writes  con 
gratulations  to  B.,  also  recommendation, 
177;  discredited  in  the  East  by  B.,  187; 
congratulations  to  B.  guarded,  200; 
Revolution  in  Kansas,  225;  Denver 
Treaty,  260;  10,  46,  63,  66,  69,  90,  204, 
211,  213,  222 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Sara  T.  D.,  memory  of. 
7;  wife  to  Charles  Robinson,  10 

Roosevelt,  Hon.  Theodore,  dedicates  Osa 
watomie  State  Park,  399 

Ross,    "Betsy,"   290 

Root,  Dr.  J.  P.,  184 

Roving  Editor,   15 

Rupert,  private,  marine,  wounded  at  H. 
F.,  312 

Russell,  Judge  Thomas,  186,  205,  208, 
368,  369 

Russell,  Major  W.  W.,  Paymaster  Ma 
rine  Corps,  in  the  assault  at  H.  F.,  416 


,    John,    in    Osawatomie    cattle 
raid,  159 

Sanborn,  Franklin  Benjamin,  Author,  Life 
and  Letters  of  John  Brown,  15;  crit 
icism  by  John  F.  Morse,  Jr.,  17;  sup 
pressed  B.'s  letter  of  June  12,  1839, 
concerning  his  intentions  to  defraud  the 
New  England  Woolen  Co.,  34;  abridge 
ment  of  B.'s  letter  Apr.  27,  1840,  from 
Ripley,  Va.  not  satisfactory,  53;  as 
sumptions  concerning  B.'s  anti-slavery 
activities  not  justified  by  his  published 
letters,  82;  exposition  of  Pottawatomie 
incident  disingenuous,  122;  Secy.  Mass. 
State  Kan.  Com.,  185;  promotes  meas 
ure  to  secure  appropriation  of  $100,000 
for  B.,  address  before  Com.,  191;  pil 
grimage  to  Easton,  Pa.  with  B.,  204; 
a  disunionist,  letter  to  Higginson,  217, 
218;  member  of  B.'s  War  Committee, 
245;  sends  B.  $50.00,  263;  active  to 
effect  B.'s  escape  from  prison,  385;  en 
comium,  396;  quoted,  34,  37,  154,  155 
185,  224,  225,  247,  250,  254,  256,  257, 
258,  325-326,  346;  criticism,  53,  109, 


448 


INDEX 


123,  154,  247,  325,  326;  references  of 
minor  importance  omitted 

Saunders  Fort,   155,  156 

San  Domingo,  26,  346,  353 

Sandy   Hook,   Md.,  286,  308,  336 

Schouler,  61,  251 

Scott,  Capt.,   Va.   cavalry,  394 

Scott,  General  Winfield,   U.   S.  Army,  60 

Sebastian,   St.,  17 

Siebert,  W.   H.,  quoted,  330 

Seward,  Hon.   William  H.,  U.  S.  Senator 

from  N.  Y.,  54,  63,  239,  255 

Shannon  Treaty,   106 

Shannon,  Wilson,  Ter.  Gov.  of  Kan.,  86, 
87,  88,  89,  91,  176 

Sharpsburg,  Md.,  336 

Shepherdstown  Troop,  302 

Sheridan,  Mrs.,  235 

Sherman,  Henry,  Bro.  of  William,  to  have 
been  murdered  at  Pottawatomie,  99, 
102,  109,  159 

Sherman,  William,  murdered  by  Brown, 
99,  103 

Shermans,   Henry  and  William,  112 

Sherrod,  Mr.,  killed  in   Kansas,   157,   319 

Shombre,  Capt.  Samuel,  killed  at  Ft.  Ti 
tus,  156;  158 

Shoppert,  A.  G.,  killed  Leeman,  304 

Shore,  Capt.  S.  T.,  joins  B.'s  party  at 
Black  Jack,  140;  101,  137,  142,  143,  145, 
160,  163 

Shriver,  Col.,  at  H.   F.,  308 

Sill,  William,  colored,  248 

Sinn,    Captain,   interviews  B.,    307 

Smith,  Gerrit,  gives  120,000  acres  of  land 
to  negroes,  38;  conclave  at  his  home, 
244;  would  fight  the  U.  S.,  245;  mem 
ber  of  War  Com.,  254;  orator  for  peace 
society  of  Boston,  and  presides  as 
chairman  of  B.'s  War  Com.,  257;  knew 
what  B.'s  purposes  at  H.  F.  were,  354; 
quoted,  224,  245,  353;  contributions,  75, 
215,  218,  245,  263,  255,  287;  46,  75, 
108,  181,  203,  218,  232,  248,  287,  316, 
344,  355 

Smith,  I.  and  Sons,  alias  of  B.,  285 

Smith,   Rev.   Stephen,  colored,  248 

Smith,  W.  P.,  master  of  transportation 
B.  &  O.  R.  Rd.,  301 

Snyder,  Elias,  262 

Snyder,  John  H.,  262 

Snyder,  Simon,  262 

Soldier  of  the  Cross,  393 

Soldier  of  Fortune,  326 

Southampton  Massacre,  362 


Southampton  Regiment,  362 

South  Carolina,  insurrection,  358 

South  Carolina  Courier,   70 

Spooner,  Lysander,  would  kidnap  Gov. 
Wise,  384 

Spring,  L.  W.,  quoted,  101 

Squatter  Sovereignty,  49,  50,  61,  63,  64 

Standish,   Miles,   191,   192 

Stark,   "Mollie,"  290 

Starry,  Dr.  John  D.,  301 

Statuary  Hall,  Washington,  D.  C,  399, 
400 

St.  Bernard,  village,  138 

Stearns,  George  Luther,  entertains  B., 
187;  gives  B.  $7,000;  seeks  to  have  N. 
Y.  Leg.  appropriate  $100,000  for  B.; 
member  of  B.'s  War  Com.,  254;  recalls 
check  for  $7,000,  221;  letters,  196,  204; 
186,  203,  208,  209,  211,  212,  218,  233, 
244,  257,  266,  325,  352,  384,  431 

Stearns,  Mrs.  George  Luther,  statement, 
207,  390,  404,  405 

Stearns,  Henry  L.,  212,  431 

Stephens,   Hon.  Alexander  H.,  quoted,  59 

Stevens,  Aaron  D.,  alias  Charles  Whip- 
pie,  captures  80  horses,  173;  private  of 
Vols.  in  Mexico;  private  1st  Dragoons; 
assaults  an  officer;  sentenced  to  death; 
sentence  commuted;  Col.  2nd  Regt. 
Free-State  Army,  236,  237;  in  charge  of 
war  college,  238;  with  B,  in  Kansas, 
262;  commands  division  in  Mo.  raid, 
269;  killed  Cruise,  quoted,  270;  with 
Tidd  steals  span  of  horses,  278;  not  an 
ideal  Christian  character,  293;  Capt. 
Prov.  Army,  295,  298;  "bravest  of  the 
brave,"  329;  wounded  at  H.  F.,  304; 
hanged  at  Charlestown,  305;  "hard 
headed  American,"  329;  military  leader, 
342;  226,  272,  289,  299,  312,  315,  365, 
401 

Stevenson,  Samuel,   262 

Stewart,  Geo.  H.,  Maj.  Genl.,  302 

Stewart,   James,   384 

Stratton,  H.,    155 

Strider,  Samuel,  summoned  B.  to  sur 
render,  307 

Stringfellow,  Genl.  B.  F.,  66,  174 

Stribbling,  Dr.,  370 

Stuart,  Lieut.  J.  E.  B.,  volunteer  aid  to 
Lee  at  H.  F.,  308;  309,  310,  312,  314 

Stultz,  Capt.,  157 

Sugar  Mound  Treaty,  267,  269 


INDEX 


449 


Sumner,    Col.    E.    V.,   141,    144,    145,    239, 

279 
Sussex  Regiment,   362 

TAFT,  Hon.  William  Howard,  55 

Taliaferro,  Maj.  Genl.  W.  B.,  in  com 
mand  at  Charlestown,  Va.,  391 

Tappan,  Arthur,  donates  land  to  Oberlin 
College,  45 

Tator,  Cyrus,  in  Osawatomie  cattle  raid, 
160 

Taylor,  Stewart,  private,  Prov.  Army, 
295;  killed  at  H.  F.,  312;  303,  336 

Teesdale,  John,  editor,  Des  Moines  Regis 
ter,  281 

Thayer,  EH,  hero,  55;  organized  Mass. 
Emigrant  Aid  Company,  64;  quoted, 
66;  purchases  200  revolvers  for  B., 
204;  letter  to  B.,  "The  Neighbors," 
210;  63,  65,  205,  276 

Thompson,  Dauphin,  first  lieutenant  Prov. 
Army,  295;  killed  at  H.  F.,  312;  289, 
292 

Thompson,  Henry,  B.'s  son-in-law,  41; 
member  of  the  "little  company  of  six," 
102,  107;  plans  dependent  upon  B.'s 
until  "school  is  out,"  99,  116;  wounded 
at  Black  Jack,  143;  stealing  horses,  149; 
a  Kansas  sufferer,  182;  76,  78,  94,  111, 
118,  119,  121,  124,  136,  146,  153,  171 

Thompson,  Ruth  Brown,  41 

Thompson,  William,  steals  horses  in  Ne 
braska,  150;  Capt.  Prov.  Army,  295; 
killed  at  H.  F.,  304;  153,  289,  294,  297, 
302,  303,  337,  372 

Thoreau,  Henry  D.,  quoted,  198,  396;   186 

Tidd,  Charles  P.,  tyro,  236;  in  the  Mo. 
raid,  270;  steals  span  of  horses,  278; 
captain  Prov.  Army,  295;  escaped  from 
H.  F.,  305;  220,  221,  259,  262,  266,  289, 
297,  298 

Tilden,  Judge  Daniel  R.,  368,  369,  372 

Titus,  Col.  H.  T.,  wounded  at  Ft.  Titus, 
158;  156,  157,  158 

Titus,  Fort,  battle  of,  156 

Todd,  Rev.  John,  refuses  to  pray  for  B., 
280,  281 

Toombs,  Hon.  Robert,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Georgia,  58 

Topeka  Daily  Capital,  9 

Toussaint  I/Overture,  249,  357 

Townsley,  James,  confession  concerning 
the  Pottawatomie  murders,  101,  103;  at 
Black  Jack,  136;  98,  99,  126 

Tracy,  John  T.,  Ry.  Supt.,  282 


Travis,    Hark,    slave,    Turner's    massacre, 

360 
Travis,  Joseph,  killed,  Turner's  massacre, 

361,  362 

Tucker,  Captain,  157 
Tubman,  Mrs.  Harriet,  248 
Turner,  Geo.  W.,  killed  at  H.  F.,  305,  312 
Turner,    Mrs.,    killed,    Turner's   massacre, 

362 
Turner,   Nat,   slave,  insurrection  of   1831, 

360-362;  356,  357,  358,  404 
Tyndall,  Hector,  392 

UNDERGROUND    RAILROAD,    safety-valve    of 

slavery,  346;  51,  330 
Updegraff,   Dr.   William  W.,    wounded  at 

Osawatomie,    164,    168,    169 
United  States  Gazette,  359 
Unseld,    John    C.,    testimony    concerning 

B.'s  intentions  at  H.  F.,   330;  386,  320 

VALLANDIGHAM,  Hon.  Clement  I,.,  M.  C. 
from  Ohio,  quoted,  357,  402;  312,  313, 
314,  315,  316,  399,  416 

Vandaman,    S.   V.,   114 

Varney,    Moses,    revealed   B.'s   plans,    289 

Vaughn,  Mr,,  killed,  Turner's  insurrec 
tion,  362 

Vesey,  Denmark,  slave,  insurrection  in 
South  Carolina,  359 

Virginia,  two  slave  insurrections,  358 

Villard,  Oswald  Garrison  (since  refer 
ences  to  Mr.  Villard's  book  occur  so 
frequently  only  the  more  important  of 
them  have  been  indexed),  B.'s  latest 
biographer,  15;  pledges  fidelity  to. his 
subject,  18;  criticism  concerning,  18-25 
inc.;  B.  not  Mayflower  descendant,  27; 
eulogium  concerning  B.  and  his  motive 
for  going  to  Kansas,  80-81;  criticism 
of,  81-85;  imposed  upon  by  Salmon  B. 
and  Henry  Thompson,  118;  seeks  justi 
fication  for  B.'s  crime  at  Pottawatomie, 
120;  suppressed  B.'s  letter  of  April  7, 
1856,  123;  criticism  concerning,  123; 
contradicts  authenticated  history  con 
cerning  an  important  fact,  124;  crit 
icism  concerning,  124-125;  assumes  that 
B.'s  motives  for  robbery  and  murder 
were  unselfish,  criticism,  127;  summary 
of  conclusions  concerning  Pottawatomie, 
127-129;  criticism,  129-234;  exposition 
of  B.'s  life  "in  the  bush"  disingenuous, 
147-148;  criticism,  148^150 :  testimony 
conflicting  as  to  whether  B.  was  in  the 


450 


INDEX 


fighting  around  Lawrence  in  Aug., 
1866;  criticism,  156-157 ;  concerning 
B.'s  Osawatomie  cattle  raid,  160-161; 
concerning  the  battle  at  Osawatomie, 
164,  168;  criticism,  169;  disingenuous 
concerning  death  of  Frederick  B.,  170- 
171;  criticism,  171;  disingenuous  con 
cerning  B.'s  actions  after  Osawatomie, 
criticism,  172;  mystery  of  B.'s  delay  at 
Tabor,  criticism,  217;  concerning  Hugh 
Forbes,  225;  exposition  of  Constitution 
and  Ordinances,  theory  of  B.'s  inten 
tions  concerning  H.  F.,  251-252;  crit 
icism,  252-253;  logic  of  exposition,  271; 
no  constructive  work  to  B.'s  credit, 
278;  B.'s  battle-worn  Kansas  cap, 
296;  criticism,  296-297;  Harper's  Fer 
ry  references,  299  to  309;  B.'s 
wounds  not  serious,  311;  personal 
conceptions  of  B.'s  plans  at  H.  F.,  and 
criticism  of  B.  because  he  failed  to  ex 
ecute  them,  327-328;  criticism,  327-340; 
concerning  B.'s  speech  which  ^thrilled 
the  world,"  377;  criticism,  278-380; 
when  B.  first  conceived  his  greatest  or 
principal  object  in  life  not  an  idle  ques 
tion,  402;  criticism,  402-403;  quoted, 
33,  35,  36,  37,  46,  54,  76,  80,  90*,  100, 
106,  146,  149,  150,  152,  159,  160,  162, 
163,  175-176,  179,  185,  187,  198,  219, 
224,  228,  235,  236,  259,  260,  273,  278, 
329,  332,  345,  365;  criticism,  46,  47,  90- 
91,  118,  153,  178;  references,  29,  30, 
39,  44,  99,  200,  207,  218,  227,  263,  267, 
270,  271,  281,  283,  284,  287,  288,  289, 
290,  291,  292,  295,  301,  320,  346,  348, 
349,  357,  363,  364,  368,  370,  372,  381, 
384,  387,  392,  393,  394,  398 
Von  Hoist,  58,  59,  61,  62,  106,  301 

WADSWORTH,  Tertius,  31 

Wager  House,  H.  F.,  302 

Walker,  Col.  Samuel,  154,  156,  157,  158 

Waller,    Mrs.,    killed,    Turner's    Massacre, 

362 
Walsh,  Hon.  Hugh  S.,  acting-governor  of 

Kansas   Ter.,  267 
War  College,  235,  342 
"Ward,   Artemus,"   quoted,    283 
Ware,    Eugene   F.,    "Ironquill,"    341 
Washington,  Col.  Lewis  T.,  298,  299,  300, 

302,    310,   312,   318 
Washington,  George,  237,  299 
Watertown  Reformer,  N.  Y.,  127 
Wattles,  Augustus,  83,  176,  262,  272,  273, 

274,  404 


Webster,  Hon.  Daniel,  58,  59 

Weiner,  Theodore,  20,  102,  103,  109,  110, 
124,  136,  146 

Wells,  Mrs.,  armorer  at  H.  F.,  306 

Wells,  Joseph,  31 

Wheelan,  Daniel,  prisoner  at  H.  F.,  297, 
298,  329 

Whipple,  Charles,  alias  of  Stevens,  237 

Whitaker,  Prof.  William  Asbury,    10 

Whitehead,  Mrs.,  killed,  Turner's  insur 
rection,  362 

White,  Horace,  Asst.  Secy.  Nat.  Kan. 
Com.,  189,  190 

White,  Rev.  Martin,  167,  170,  171 

Wriitfield,  Brig.  Genl.  J.  W.,  174 

Whitman,  E.  B.,  182,  184,  191,  219,  220, 
221,  259,  265 

Whittier,  J.  G.,  95 

Wild,  Jonathan,  407 

Wilder,  D.  W.,  correspondence  with  au 
thor,  411 

Wilkinson,  Hon.  Allen,  murdered  by  B., 
99,  102 

Wilkinson,   Mrs.   Allen,   testimony,   104 

Will,  slave,  Turner's  insurrection,  361 

Williams,  Mr.,  killed,  Turner's  insurrec 
tion,  362 

Williams,  Captain  H.  H.,  Pottawatomit- 
Rifles,  114,  125 

Williams,  J.,  killed,  Turner's  insurrection, 
362 

Williams,  Nelson,  slave,  Turner's  insur 
rection,  360 

Williams,  William,  prisoner,  H.  F.,  296, 
298 

Wilmot,  Proviso,  57 

Wilson,  Hon.  Henry,  U.  S.  Senator  from 
Mass.,  239,  254,  255,  256 

Wilson,  Joseph  E.,  in  the  assaula  on  en 
gine  house  at  H.  F.,  9 

Wimsett,  Farm,  269 

Wise,  Hon.  Henry  A.,  Gov.  of  Va.,  302, 
308,  312,  319,  320,  330,  367,  370,  378, 
380,  384,  391,  392,  416 

Wise,  O.  Jennings,   309 

Wood,  A.  P.,  279 

Wood,  Captain  Thomas  J.,  U.  S.  Army. 
173 

Wood,  Fernando  of  New  York,  380 

Wood,  Samuel  N.,  147,  211 

Woodward,  B.  W.,  211 

Woolet,   Mr.,  wounded  at  H.   F.,  312 

Wright,  Judge  J.   W.,  260 

YOUNG,  Mr.,  wounded  at  H.  F.,  31 


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